Chapter M: De Lafayette to B. Franklin

Versailles, Thursday morning, June 20th, 1782.

"My dear Sir,

"Agreeably to your desire, I have waited upon the Count de Vergennes, and said to him what I had in command from your Excellency. He intends taking the King's orders this morning, and expects he will be able to propose to Mr Grenville a meeting for tomorrow, when he will have time to explain himself respecting France and her allies, that he may make an official communication both to the King and the allied Ministers. What Count de Vergennes can make out of this conversation will be communicated by him to your Excellency, in case you are able to come. In the other case I shall wait upon you tomorrow evening with every information I can collect. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.

LAFAYETTE."

In the evening the Marquis called upon me, and acquainted me, that Mr Grenville had been with Count de Vergennes, but could not inform me what had passed.

_Saturday, the 22d._ Messrs Oswald and Whiteford came and breakfasted with me. Mr Oswald had received no letters or instructions. I told him I would write to Lord Shelburne respecting him, and call on him on Monday morning to breakfast, and show him what I proposed to write, that it might receive such alterations as he should judge proper.

_Sunday, the 23d._ In the afternoon Mr Jay arrived, to my great satisfaction. I proposed going with him the next morning to Versailles, and presenting him to M. de Vergennes. He informed me, that the Spanish Ministers had been much struck with the news from England, respecting the resolutions of Parliament to discontinue the war in America, &c. and that they had since been extremely civil to him, and he understood intended to send instructions to their Ambassador at this Court, to make the long talked of treaty with him here.

_Monday, the 24th._ Wrote a note of excuse to Mr Oswald, promising to see him on Wednesday, and went with Mr Jay to Versailles. Count de Vergennes acquainted us that he had given to Mr Grenville the answer to his propositions, who had immediately despatched it to his Court. He read it to us, and I shall endeavor to obtain a copy of it. Count de Vergennes informing us, that a frigate was about to be despatched for America, by which we might write, and that the courier who was to carry down the despatches would set out on Wednesday morning, we concluded to omit coming to Court on Tuesday, in order to prepare our letters. Count de Vergennes appeared to have some doubts about the sincerity of the British Court, and the _bon foi_ of Mr Grenville, but said the return of Mr Grenville's courier might give light. I wrote the following letters to Mr Secretary Livingston, and Mr Morris.[36]

[36] See the letter to Mr Livingston, p. 368, the letter to Mr Morris
is missing.

_Wednesday, the 26th._ I sent away my letters, and went to see Mr Oswald. I showed him the draft of a letter to be addressed to him instead of Lord Shelburne, respecting the commission, or public character he might hereafter be vested with; this draft was founded on Lord Shelburne's memorandums, which Mr Oswald had shown to me, and this letter was intended to be communicated by him to Lord Shelburne. Mr Oswald liked the mode, but rather chose that no mention should be made of his having shown me Lord Shelburne's memorandums, though he thought they were given to him for that purpose. So I struck that part out, and new modelled the letter, which I sent him the next day, as follows.

* * * * *

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Passy, June 27th, 1782.

"Sir,

"The opinion I have of your candor, probity, and good understanding, and good will to both countries, made me hope you would have been vested with the character of Plenipotentiary to treat with those from America. When Mr Grenville produced his first commission, which was only to treat with France, I did imagine that the other to treat with us was reserved for you, and kept only till the Enabling Bill should be passed. Mr Grenville has since received a second commission, which, as he informs me, has additional words, empowering him to treat with the Ministers of any other _Prince_ or _State_ whom it may concern, and he seems to understand that those general words comprehend the United States of America. There may be no doubt that they may comprehend Spain and Holland, but as there exist various public acts, by which the government of Britain denies us to be States, and none in which they acknowledge us to be such, it seems hardly clear that we could be intended at the time the commission was given, the _Enabling Act_ not being then passed. So that though I can have no objection to Mr Grenville, nor right to make it if I had any, yet as your long residence in America has given you a knowledge of that country, its people, circumstances, commerce, &c. which, added to your experience in business, may be useful to both sides in facilitating and expediting the negotiation, I cannot but hope that it is still intended to vest you with the character abovementioned, respecting the treaty with America, either separately or in conjunction with Mr Grenville, as to the wisdom of your Ministers may seem best. Be it as it may, I beg you would accept this line as a testimony of the sincere esteem and respect with which, &c.

B. FRANKLIN."

_Friday, June 28th._ M. de Rayneval called upon me, and acquainted me that the Ministers had received intelligence from England, that besides the orders given to General Carleton to propose terms of reunion to America, artful emissaries were sent over, to go through the country and stir up the people to call on the Congress to accept those terms, they being similar to those settling with Ireland; that it would, therefore, be well for Mr Jay and me to write and caution Congress against these practices. He said Count de Vergennes wished also to know what I had written respecting the negotiation, as it would be well for us to hold pretty near the same language. I told him that I did not apprehend the least danger, that such emissaries would meet with any success, or that the Congress would make any treaty with General Carleton. That I would, however, write as he desired; and Mr Jay coming in, promised the same. He said the courier would go tomorrow. I accordingly wrote the following letter to Mr Secretary Livingston.[37]

[37] See above, p. 373.

M. de Rayneval, who is Secretary to the Council of State, called again in the evening. I gave him copies of the three preceding letters to peruse and show to Count de Vergennes, to convince him that we held no underhand dealings here. I own I had, at the same time, another view in it, which was, that they should see I had been ordered to demand further aids, and had forborne to make the demands, with my reasons, hoping that if they could possibly help us to more money, they might be induced to do it.

I had never made any visit to Count d'Aranda, the Spanish Ambassador, for reasons before mentioned. M. de Rayneval told Mr Jay and me this morning, that it would be well for us to wait on him, and he had authority to assure us, we should be well received. We accordingly concluded to wait on his Excellency the next morning.

_Saturday, June 29th._ We went together to the Spanish Ambassador's, who received us with great civility and politeness. He spoke with Mr Jay on the subject of the treaty they were to make together, and mentioned in general, as a principle, that the two powers should consider each other's conveniency, and accommodate and compensate each other as well as they could. That an exact compensation might, perhaps, not be possible, but should be approached as nearly as the nature of things would admit. Thus, says he, if there is a certain thing which would be convenient to each of us, but more convenient to one than to the other, it should be given to the one to whom it would be most convenient, and compensation made by giving another thing to the other, for the same reason. I suppose he had in view something relating to boundaries or territories, because, he added, we will sit down together with maps in our hands, and, by that means, shall see our way more clearly. I learnt from him, that the expedition against Providence had sailed, but no advice was yet received of its success. On our going out, he took pains himself to open the folding doors for us, which is a high compliment here; and told us he would return our visit, (_rendre son devoir_) and then fix a day with us for dining with him. I dined with Mr Jay and a company of Americans at his lodgings.

_Sunday, July 1st._ Mr Grenville called on me.[38]

[38] Dr Franklin's Journal closes here. His ill slate of health seems
to have been the cause of his discontinuing it. The narrative of the
negotiation is kept up, however, in the letters of Dr Franklin, Mr
Jay, Mr Adams, and Mr Laurens.

* * * * *

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

Passy, July 2d, 1782.

Sir,

I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me from Lyons the 24th past.

I wonder a little at Mr ---- not acquainting you whether your name was in the commission or not. I begin to suspect, from various circumstances, that the British Ministry, elated perhaps too much by the success of Admiral Rodney, are not in earnest to treat immediately, but rather with delay. They seem to hope that further successes may enable them to treat more advantageously; or, as some suppose, that certain propositions to be made to Congress by General Carleton, may render a treaty here with us unnecessary. A little bad news, which it is possible they may yet receive from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right; and then we may enter seriously upon the treaty; otherwise I conjecture it may not take place till after another campaign. Mr Jay is arrived here. Mr Grenville and Mr Oswald continue here. Mr Oswald has yet received no commission; and that of Mr Grenville does not very clearly comprehend us according to British ideas; therefore it requires explication. When I know more, you shall have further information.

Not having an immediate answer to what I wrote you, concerning the absolution of Lord Cornwallis's parole, and Major Ross coming over hither from him to press it, I gave him the discharge you desired. Enclosed I send you a copy. I hear it has proved satisfactory to him; I hope it will be so to you.

Believe me to be, with great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

ROBERT B. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 5th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I have the honor to transmit to you a letter from the United States in Congress to his Most Christian Majesty, together with a copy for your perusal, I also enclose a resolution of Congress on the subject of Mr Lee's demands, which you will see carried into effect.

Nothing of moment has occurred since I last wrote you. It is very long since we have heard from Europe. We wait for your despatches with some degree of impatience. I hope they will be sufficiently particular to answer our expectations.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

NOTE FROM M. DE LAFAYETTE TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, July 9th, 1782.

I have the honor to inform you, my dear Sir, that Mr Grenville's express is arrived this morning, by way of Ostend. The gentleman is gone to Versailles. I fancy he will wait upon you, and I will be much obliged to you to let me know what your opinion is. I am going to Saint Germain, but if any intelligence comes to hand, I will communicate it as soon as possible.

I rest respectfully and affectionately yours,
LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Passy, July 9th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

Mr Grenville has been with me in his return from Versailles. He tells me that Lord Rockingham being dead, Lord Shelburne is appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and that Mr Fox has resigned; so that both the secretaryships are vacant. That his communication to Count de Vergennes was only, that no change was thereby made in the dispositions of that Court for peace, &c. and he expects another courier with fuller instructions in a few days. As soon as I hear more I shall acquaint you with it.

I am ever, with great respect and affection, your most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

Passy, July 10th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I received your favor of the 26th past by Mr Young, and am indebted to you for some preceding. I do not know why the good work of peace goes on so slowly on your side. Some have imagined that your Ministers, since Rodney's success, are desirous of trying fortune a little further before they conclude the war; others, that they have not a good understanding with each other. What I have just heard seems to countenance this opinion. It is said Mr Fox has resigned. We are ready here, on the part of America, to enter into treaty with you in concurrence with our allies, and are disposed to be very reasonable; but if your _plenipotentiary_, notwithstanding that character, is upon every proposition obliged to send a courier and wait an answer, we shall not soon see the happy conclusion. It has been suspected, too, that you wait to hear the effect of some overtures, sent by General Carleton for a separate peace in America. A vessel just arrived from Maryland brings us the unanimous resolutions of their Assembly, for continuing the war at all hazards, rather than violate their faith with France. This is a sample of the success to be expected from such a measure, if it has really been taken, which I hardly believe.

There is methinks a point that has been too little considered in treaties, the means of making them durable. An honest peasant, from the mountains of Provence, brought me the other day a manuscript he had written on the subject, and which he could not procure permission to print. It appeared to me to have much good sense in it; and therefore I got some copies to be struck off for him to distribute where he may think fit. I send you one enclosed. This man aims at no profit from his pamphlet or his project, asks for nothing, expects nothing, and does not even desire to be known. He has acquired, he tells me, a fortune of near one hundred and fifty crowns a year, (about eighteen pounds sterling) with which he is content. This you may imagine would not afford the expense of riding to Paris, so he came on foot; such was his zeal for peace, and the hope of forwarding and securing it, by communicating his ideas to great men here. His rustic and poor appearance has prevented his access to them, or his obtaining their attention; but he does not seem yet to be discouraged. I honor much the character of this _véritable philosophe_.

I thank you much for your letters of May the 1st, 13th, and 25th, with your proposed preliminaries. It is a pleasure to me to find our sentiments so concurring on points of importance; it makes discussions as unnecessary as they might between us be inconvenient.

I am, my dear Sir, with great esteem and affection, yours ever.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.

Passy, July 10th, 1782.

Sir,

By the original law of nations, war and extirpation were the punishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery instead of death. A further step was, the exchange of prisoners instead of slavery. Another, to respect more the property of private persons under conquest, and to be content with acquired dominion. Why should not the law of nations go on improving? Ages have intervened between its several steps, but as knowledge of late increases rapidly, why should not those steps be quickened? Why should it not be agreed to as the future law of nations, that in any war hereafter the following descriptions of men should be undisturbed, have the protection of both sides, and be permitted to follow their employments in surety, viz.

1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labor for the subsistence of mankind.

2. Fishermen, for the same reason.

3. Merchants and traders, in unarmed ships, who accommodate different nations by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and conveniences of life.

4. Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns.

It is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should not be molested; they ought to be assisted.

In short, I would have nobody fought with, but those who are paid for fighting. If obliged to take corn from the farmer, friend or enemy, I would pay him for it; the same for the fish or goods of the others.

This once established, that encouragement to war, which arises from a spirit of rapine, would be taken away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.

Passy, July 11th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

In mine of yesterday, which went by Mr Young, I made no mention of yours of May 11th, it not being before me. I have just found it.

You speak of a "proposed dependent State of America, which you thought Mr Oswald would begin with." As yet I have heard nothing of it. I have all along understood (perhaps I have understood more than was intended) that the point of dependence was given up, and that we are to be treated with as a free people. I am not sure that Mr Oswald has explicitly said so, but I know that Mr Grenville has, and that he was to make that declaration previous to the commencement of the treaty. It is now intimated to me from several quarters, that Lord Shelburne's plan is to retain the sovereignty for the King, giving us otherwise an independent Parliament, and a government similar to that of late intended for Ireland. If this be really his project, our negotiation for peace will not go very far. The thing is impracticable and impossible, being inconsistent with the faith we have pledged, to say nothing of the general disposition of our people. Upon the whole I should believe, that though Lord Shelburne might formerly have entertained such an idea, he had probably dropped it before he sent Mr Oswald here; your words above cited do however throw a little doubt in my mind, and have, with the intimations of others, made me less free in communication with his Lordship, whom I much esteem and honor, than I should otherwise have been. I wish, therefore, you would afford me what you can of eclairoissement.

This letter going by a courier, will probably get to hand long before the one preceding in date, which went by Mr Young, who travels on foot. I therefore enclose the copy of it, which was taken in the press. You may return it to me when the other arrives.

By the return of the courier, you may oblige me, by communicating what is fairly communicable, of the history of Mr Fox's and Lord J. Cavendish's resignation, with any other changes made or likely to be made.

With sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Passy, July 12th, 1782.

Sir,

I enclose a letter for Lord Shelburne, to go by your courier, with some others, of which I request his care. They may be put into the penny post. I have received a note informing me, that "some opposition given by his Lordship to Mr Fox's decided _plan of unequivocally acknowledging American independence_, was one cause of that gentleman's resignation;" this, from what you have told me, appears improbable. It is further said, "that Mr Grenville thinks Mr Fox's resignation will be fatal to the present negotiation." This perhaps is as groundless as the former. Mr Grenville's next courier will probably clear up matters. I did understand from him, that such an acknowledgment was intended previous to the commencement of the treaty; until it is made, and the treaty formally begun, propositions and discussions seem in consideration to be untimely; nor can I enter into particulars without Mr Jay, who is now ill with the influenza. My letter, therefore, to his Lordship is merely complimentary on his late appointment. I wish a continuance of your health, in that at present sickly city, being with sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

_P. S._ I send you enclosed the late resolutions of the State of Maryland, by which the general disposition of people in America may be guessed, respecting any treaty to be proposed by General Carleton, if intended, which I do not believe.

* * * * *

TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE.

Passy, July 12th, 1782.

My Lord,

Mr Oswald informing me, that he is about to despatch a courier, I embrace the opportunity of congratulating your Lordship on your appointment to the treasury. It is an extension of your power to do good, and in that view, if in no other, it must increase your happiness, which I heartily wish.

Being with great and sincere respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Passy, July 24th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

In answer to your questions, Mr Oswald is doing nothing, having neither powers nor instructions; and being tired of doing nothing, has despatched a courier requesting leave to return. He has, I believe, received no letters, since I saw you, from Lord Shelburne. Mr Grenville's return hither is, I think, doubtful, as he was particularly connected in friendship with Mr Fox, but if he stays, I suppose some other will be sent, for I do not yet see sufficient reason to think they would abandon the negotiation, though, from some appearances, I imagine they are more intent upon dividing us, than upon making a general peace. I have heard nothing further from Mr Laurens, nor received any paper from him respecting Lord Cornwallis. And since that General's letter, written after the battle of Camden, and ordering not only the confiscation of rebels' estates, but the hanging of prisoners, has been made public, I should not wonder if the Congress were to disallow our absolution of his parole, and recall him to America.

With everlasting esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

_London, July 26th, 1782._

My Dear Friend,

You will have heard before you receive this, that Mr Thomas Townshend is appointed Secretary of State for that department to which the American correspondence belongs. He is, and has been for many years, one of my most intimate friends. A more honorable and honest man does not exist. I have been requested, in connexion with him, to undertake one branch of his office relating to America, as instrumental to some necessary arrangements in the course of a negotiation for peace with America. The point which I have been requested to undertake is the case, or rather the diversity of cases, of the American refugees. I understand, that in the progress of this business, I shall be referred to a correspondence with you, as matter may arise. My purpose, therefore, for the present, is only to advertise you of this, in case you should have any preliminary matter to give or receive elucidation upon. I am very ready to undertake any matter, which may be necessary or instrumental towards peace, especially in connexion with my worthy friend Mr Townshend.

You know all my principles upon American pacification, and _sweet reconciliation_. I shall always remain in the same. But the delegation of a single point to me, such as the case of the refugees, does not entitle me to advise upon the great outlines or principles of such pacific negotiations. I shall retain my full reservation in such points as events may justify. My personal motive for saying this to you is obvious. But, in point of justice to those who have at present the direction of public measures in this country, I must request that this caution of mine may be accepted only as personal to myself, and not as inferential upon the conduct of others, where I am not a party. Having taken a zealous part in the principles and negotiations of peace, I wish to stand clear from any collateral constructions, which might affect myself, and at the same time not to impose any collateral or inferential constructions upon others.

God prosper the work of peace and _good will_ (as the means of peace) among men.

I am ever your affectionate friend,
D. HARTLEY.

* * * * *

LORD GRANTHAM TO B. FRANKLIN.

Whitehall, July 26th, 1782.

Sir,

As the first object of my wishes is to contribute to the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace, I address myself to you without ceremony, upon the conviction that you agree with me in this principle. If I was not convinced that it was also the real system of the Ministers of this country, I should not now be co-operating with them. The step they had already taken, in sending Mr Grenville to Paris, is a proof of their intentions, and as that gentleman does not return to his station there, I trust that the immediate appointment of a person to succeed him, will testify my agreement to the principles upon which he was employed. I therefore beg leave to recommend Mr Fitzherbert to your acquaintance, who has the King's commands to repair to Paris.

As I have not the advantage of being known to you, I can claim no pretence for my application to you, but my public situation, and my desire to merit your confidence upon a subject of so much importance, as a pacification between the parties engaged in a calamitous war.

I have the honor to be, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

GRANTHAM.

* * * * *

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

Shelburne House, July 27th, 1782.

Sir,

I am much obliged by the honor of your letter of the 12th instant. You do me most acceptable justice, in supposing my happiness intimately connected with that of mankind, and I can with truth assure you it will give me great satisfaction, in every situation, to merit the continuance of your good opinion.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere regard and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

SHELBURNE.

* * * * *

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Passy, July 28th, 1782.

Sir,

I have but this moment had an opportunity, by the departure of my company, of perusing the letters you put into my hands this afternoon, and I return them directly without waiting till our interview tomorrow morning, because I would not give a moment's delay to the delivery of those directed to other persons.

The situation of Captain Asgill and his family afflicts me, but I do not see what can be done by any one here to relieve them. It cannot be supposed, that General Washington has the least desire of taking the life of that gentleman. His aim is to obtain the punishment of a deliberate murder, committed on a prisoner in cold blood, by Captain Lippincott. If the English refuse to deliver up or punish this murderer, it is saying, that they choose to preserve him rather than Captain Asgill. It seems to me, therefore, that the application should be made to the English Ministers for positive orders, directing General Carleton to deliver up Lippincott, which orders being obtained, should be despatched immediately by a swift sailing vessel. I do not think any other means can produce the effect desired. The cruel murders of this kind, committed by the English on our people, since the commencement of the war, are innumerable. The Congress and their Generals, to satisfy the people, have often threatened retaliation, but have always hitherto forborne to execute it; and they have been often insultingly told by their enemies, that this forbearance did not proceed from humanity, but fear. General Greene, though he solemnly and publicly promised it in a proclamation, never made any retaliation for the murder of Colonel Haynes, and many others in Carolina, and the people, who now think if he had fulfilled his promise this crime would not have been committed, clamor so loudly, that I doubt General Washington cannot well refuse what appears to them so just and necessary for their common security. I am persuaded that nothing I could say to him on the occasion would have the least effect in changing his determination.

Excuse me, then, if I presume to advise the despatching a courier immediately to London, proposing to the consideration of Ministers the sending such orders to General Carleton directly. They would have an excellent effect in other views. The post goes tomorrow morning at ten o'clock, but as nine days have been spent in bringing the letters here by that conveyance, an express is preferable.

With sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, August 8th, 1782.

Sir,

Yesterday Mr Oswald communicated to Mr Jay and me a paper he had just received from his Court, being a copy of the King's order to the Attorney or Solicitor-General, to prepare a commission to pass the great seal, appointing him to treal with us, &c. and he showed us a letter from Mr Secretary Townshend, which expresses his concern, that the commission itself could not be sent by this courier, the officers who were to expedite it being in the country, which would occasion a delay of eight or ten days; but that its being then sent might be depended on, and it was hoped the treaty might, in the mean time, be proceeded on. Mr Oswald left with me a copy of the paper, which I enclose for your Excellency's consideration, and am, with great respect, Sir, your Excellency's, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Translation.

Versailles, August 8th, 1782.

I have received, Sir, the letter of this day, with which you have honored me, and the copy of the power, which Mr Oswald has communicated to you. The form in which it appears is not that which is usual on similar occasions, but it has not prevented me from forming my opinion in the first instance. I have bestowed the greatest attention on it, and if you will be so good as to favor me with a visit on Saturday morning, I shall confer with you and Mr Jay, if it will be convenient for him to accompany you.

I have the honor to be, most sincerely, Sir, your most humble servant,

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, August 9th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

Having written to Mr Jay, who I presume is with you, I do not think it necessary to repeat what I have mentioned to him. We have not heard from you since March; a very long period, considering the interesting events that have taken place between that time and this. Many vessels have arrived without bringing us a line from you. I am apprehensive that Mr Barclay does not communicate to you the frequent opportunities that offer of writing. I shall write to him upon the subject.

Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby have informed the General, that a negotiation for a general peace is now on foot, and that the King, his master, has agreed to yield the independence of America without making it conditional. I shall enclose a copy of his letter at large, which refers to another object; the exchange of prisoners. This great point once yielded, I see nothing that will obstruct your negotiations, except three points of discussion, which I have before written to you about. I wish it had been possible to obtain the estimates I mention, as they might have been rendered useful to you upon one of them. But the negligence of the Governors, or Legislatures of the several States, have rendered all my endeavors hitherto unsuccessful, notwithstanding repeated promises to give this subject their earliest attention. The restoration of confiscated property has become utterly impossible, and the attempt would throw the country into the utmost confusion.

The fisheries are too important an object for you to lose sight of, and as to the back lands, I do not conceive that England can seriously expect to derive any benefit from them, that will be equivalent to the jealousy that the possession of them would awaken and keep alive between her and this country. I transmit to you a bill for seventyone thousand three hundred and eighty livres, being the amount of one quarter's salary to yourself, and Messrs Jay, Adams, Carmichael, Dana, and Dumas. No provision is made for the private Secretaries or contingencies, not having been furnished with an account of them. I also send bills for the first quarter, commencing in January, so that you will, on the receipt of this, be enabled to pay one half year's salary to our Ministers and their Secretaries.

I just now learn, that Carleton has published his and Digby's letter to the General. The design of this must either be, to see whether the people of this country will catch so eagerly at the proposition for a peace, which yields them their independence, as to be careless about the alliance, or to impress us with an idea, that we are more indebted for our freedom to the generosity of Great Britain, than to tha attention of France to our interests in the general treaty. It is not to be doubted, that the good sense and the gratitude of this country will defeat both these objects.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

_P. S._ If Mr Jay should not be at Paris, I must beg you to open and decipher for him the letter of this month, and the resolution contained therein, marked on the back, below the seal, _August_, and send it to him by the earliest opportunity.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Passy, August 12th, 1782.

Sir,

I have lately been honored with your several letters, No. 10, March 9th; No. 11, May 22d; and No. 12, May 30th.

The paper, containing a state of the commerce in North America, and explaining the necessity and utility of convoys for its protection, I have laid before the Minister, accompanied by a letter, pressing that it be taken into immediate consideration; and I hope it may be attended with success.

The order of Congress, for liquidating the accounts between this Court and the United States, was executed before it arrived. All the accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, ammunition, clothing, &c. furnished by government, were brought in and examined, and a balance received, which made the debt amount to the even sum of eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr Morris. In reading it, you will discover several fresh marks of the King's goodness towards us, amounting to the value of near two millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us at different times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of gratitude and friendship are expected. These, I hope, may be everlasting. The constant good understanding between France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of this Crown towards them, afford us a well grounded hope that our alliance may be as durable and as happy for both nations; there being strong reasons for our union, and no crossing interests between us. I write fully to Mr Morris on money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you my letter, so that I need say the less to you on that subject.

The letter to the King was well received; the accounts of your rejoicings on the news of the dauphin's birth give pleasure here; as do the firm conduct of Congress, in refusing to treat with General Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the assemblies of different States on the same subject. All ranks of this nation appear to be in good humor with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe. I understand from the Swedish Ambassador, that their treaty with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished; our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis.

There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements among the parties concerned in the expedition of the Bon Homme Richard, which have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money. M. de Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as their agent, has long been in a state little short of bankruptcy, and some of the delays have possibly been occasioned by the distress of his affairs. He now informs me, that the money is in the hands of the Minister of the Marine. I shall in a few days present the Memorial you propose, with one relating to the prisoners, and will acquaint you with the answer. Mr Barclay is still in Holland; when he returns he may take into his hands what money can be obtained on that account.

I think your observations respecting the Danish complaints through the Minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no more of them by that channel, and will give your reasons to justify my refusal.

Your approbation of my idea of a medal to perpetuate the memory of York and Saratoga victories gives me great pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed on; whether an obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part of it is to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris affords; and if so, to what expense they are to be limited. This puts me in mind of a monument I got made here and sent to America, by order of Congress, five years since. I have heard of its arrival, and nothing more. It was admired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has been so long neglected; it would, methinks, be well to inquire after it, and get it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The inscription in the engraving is not on the monument; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a while plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the Congress should think proper.

Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England, are sent home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as soon as recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge.

I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the paragraph of your letter which related to him. He is still here, and as there seems not much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is probably more useful where he is. His departure, however, though delayed, is not absolutely laid aside.

The second changes in the Ministry of England have occasioned, or have afforded, pretences for various delays in the negotiation for peace. Mr Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He was at length recalled, and Mr Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him, with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and Holland. Mr Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter from the new Secretary of State, that a commission, empowering him to treat with the Commissioners of Congress, will pass the seals, and be sent him in a few days; till he arrives, this Court will not proceed in its own negotiation. I send the _Enabling Act_, as it is called. Mr Jay will acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanish Ambassador, respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I will only mention, that my conjecture of that Court's design to coop us up within the Allegany mountains is now manifested. I hope Congress will insist on the Mississippi as the boundary, and the free navigation of the river from which they could entirely exclude us.

An account of a terrible massacre of the Moravian Indians has been put into my hands. I sent you the papers, that you may see how the fact is represented in Europe. I hope measures will be taken to secure what is left of those unfortunate people.

Mr Laurens is at Nantes, waiting for a passage with his family to America. His state of health is unfortunately very bad. Perhaps the sea air may recover him, and restore him well to his country. I heartily wish it. He has suffered much by his confinement.

Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to the Congress, and assure them of my most faithful services.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Passy, August 12th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received (many of them at the same time) your sundry letters of March the 23d, April 8th and 17th, May 17th, 18th, two of the 23d and 29th. It would be a satisfaction to me, if you would likewise mention from time to time the dates of those you receive from me.

Most of your letters press my obtaining more money for the present year. The late losses suffered in the West Indies, and the unforeseen necessary expenses the reparation there and here must occasion, render it more difficult, and I am told, impossible; though the good disposition of the Court towards us continues perfect. All I can say on the head of money, more than I have said in preceding letters is, that I confide you will be careful not to bankrupt your banker by your drafts; and I will do my utmost that those you draw shall be duly honored.

The plan you intimate for discharging the bills in favor of Beaumarchais, though well imagined, was impracticable. I had accepted them, and he had discounted them, or paid them away, or divided them amongst his creditors. They were, therefore, in different hands, with whom I could not manage the transactions proposed. Besides, I had paid them punctually when they became due, which was before the receipt of your letter on that subject. That he was furnished with his funds by the government here, is a supposition of which no foundation appears; he says it was by a company he had formed; and when he solicited me to give up a cargo in part of payment, he urged, with tears in his eyes, the distress himself and associates were reduced to, by our delay of remittances. I am glad to see that it is intended to appoint a Commissioner to settle all our public accounts in Europe. I hope he will have better success with M. Beaumarchais than I have had. He has often promised solemnly to render an account in two or three days. Years have since elapsed, and he has not yet done it. Indeed, I doubt whether his books have been so well kept as to make it possible.

You direct me, in yours of May 17th, to pay over into the hands of Mr Grand, on your account, such monies belonging to the United States as may be in Europe, distinct from those to be advanced for the current year. I would do it with pleasure if there were any such. There may be, indeed, some in Holland, raised by the new loan, but that is not in my disposition, though I have no doubt that Mr Adams will, on occasion, apply it in support of your credit. As to all the aids given by the crown, all the sums borrowed of it, and all the Dutch loans of ten millions, though the orders to receive have been given to me, the payments from the _Tresor Royal_ have all been made on my orders in favor of Mr Grand, and the money again paid away by him on my drafts for public services and expenses, as you will see by his accounts; so that I never saw or touched a livre of it, except what I received from him in discharge of my salary, and some disbursements. He has even received the whole six millions of the current year, so that I have nothing in any shape to pay over to him. On occasion of my lately desiring to know the state of our funds, that I might judge whether I could undertake to pay what you were directed to pay to Mr William Lee, by vote of Congress, as soon as the state of public finances would admit, Mr Grand wrote me a note, with a short sketch of their then supposed situation, which I enclose. You will probably have from him, as soon as possible, a more perfect account; but this will serve to show, that I could not prudently comply with your wish, of making that payment to Mr Lee, and I have accordingly declined it; the less unwillingly as he is entitled by the vote to interest.

I send herewith the accounts of the supplies we have received in goods, which I promised in my last.

The sum of their value is included in the settlement made with this Court, mentioned in a former letter. Herewith I also send a copy of the contract, which has been long in hand, and but lately completed. The term of the first yearly payment we are to make was readily changed at my request, from the first to the third year after the peace; the other marks of the King's bounty towards us will be seen in the instrument. The interest already due and forgiven amounts to more than a million and a half. What might become due before the peace is uncertain. The charges of exchange, commissions, brokerage, &c. of the Dutch loan, amount to more than five hundred thousand livres, which is also given, so that we have the whole sum net, and are to pay for it but four per cent. This liquidation of our accounts with the Court was completed before the vote of Congress directing it came to hand. Mr Grand examined all the particulars, and I have no doubt of its being approved.

Mr Grand, to whom I have communicated your letter of April 17th, will soon write to you fully. We shall observe the general rule you give respecting the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th bills. The attention, care, and pains necessary to prevent, (by exact accounts of those accepted, and an examination of those offered,) impositions which are often attempted by presenting at a distant time, the 2d, 3d, &c. are much greater than I could have imagined. Much has been saved by that attention, of which of late we keep an account; but the hazard of loss by such attempts might be diminished, together with the trouble of examination, by making fewer small bills.

Your conduct, activity, and address as a financier and provider for the exigencies of the State, are much admired and praised here, their good consequences being so evident, particularly with regard to the rising credit of our country and the value of bills. No one but yourself can enjoy your growing reputation more than I do.

Mr Grand has undertaken to pay any balance, that may be found due to Messrs le Couteulx out of the money in his hands. Applying for so small a sum as 5000 livres would be giving trouble for a trifle, as all applications for money must be considered in Council.

Mr Grand having already received the whole six millions, either in money or accepted bills, payable at different periods, I expect he will deliver up to me the bills for that sum, which you have drawn upon me, the rather as they express value received by you. I never heard of any mention here of intended monthly payments, or that the money could not be obtained but by your drafts. I enclose a letter, by which the payment was ordered of the last three millions.

I observe what you mention of the order, that the Ministers' salaries are to be hereafter paid in America. I hereby empower and desire you to receive and remit mine. I do not doubt your doing it regularly and timely; for a Minister without money, I perceive, makes a ridiculous figure here, though secure from arrests. I have taken a quarter's advance of salary from the 4th of last month, supposing it not intended to _muzzle_ immediately _the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn_.

With great esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

_P. S._ Your boys are well, and Mr Ridley and Mr Barclay still in Holland.

* * * * *

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, August 16th, 1782.

My Dear Friend,

Yours I received by Major Young, together with the work of your _véritable philosophe_, which is full of humanity. I was not before that at a loss where I should have looked for my _véritable philosophe_, in the present actual scene of public politics. Your honest, anxious, and unremitted endeavors towards the re-establishment of peace, must endear you to your own country, and to all mankind. Whatever may have been transacted in America, (if it can be possible, that the suspicions which you mention should become true, viz. to tamper with America for a breach of faith, of which some suspicions seem to be thrown out by the Provinces of Maryland and Philadelphia,) I can give the strongest testimonies of the constant honor and good faith of your conduct and correspondencies; and my letters to you will bear me equal testimony, that I have never thrown out any dishonorable suggestions to you. When the proposed Congress of your _véritable philosophe_ shall meet, neither of us need fear its censures, upon the strictest examination of our correspondence. We will claim the poet's character of the sincere statesman,

"Who knew no thought, but what the world might hear."

In times of suspicion, it must be some satisfaction to both of us to know, that no line or word has ever passed between us, but what the governments of Great Britain, France, and America, might freely peruse as the words of good faith, peace, and _sweet reconciliation_.

The resolutions of Maryland and Philadelphia, together with the slow proceedings of our _plenipotentiaries_, and even the doubt suggested, whether they may not be waiting for events in America, give me much concern. Not being informed to a certainty of the state of the negotiation, I have declined any concern with the Ministry upon the subject of the refugees, &c. My assistance cannot be indispensable upon that topic, but I deem it indispensable to myself not to be committed in unknown ground, which, from the points abovementioned, must appear dubious to me. These are the reasons which I gave to the Minister for declining. I must, at the same time, give him the justice of the most absolute and unlimited professions of sincerity for peace. Whatever divisions there may have been, as you say, suspected in the Cabinet, there are some of his colleagues still remaining, in whom I have the greatest confidence for sincerity and good intentions. The public prints of this country have stated what are called _shades_ of difference as to the mode. Those opinions, which are imputed to Mr Fox, are certainly most suitable to my opinions. I am free to confess to you, that my wishes would have been to have taken the most decisive ground relating to independence, &c. immediately from the 27th of March last, viz. the accession of the change of Ministry. But I agree with you in sentiment, viz. to concur with all the good that offers, when we cannot obtain all the good that we might wish. The situation of my sentiments at present is, an unbiassed neutrality of expectation, as events may justify.

I shall be obliged to you for the earliest communications of any public events in America, that may come to Europe with any public resolutions of Congress or the Provinces, &c., and all memorials or negotiations, which may pass between the parties in America. I am very anxious to have the earliest information to form my opinions upon, and to be prepared accordingly. My utmost endeavors will always be exerted to the blessed work of peace.

I am ever, your affectionate