Chapter D: Hartley (3)

The success of Admiral Rodney's fleet against our allies has a little elated our enemies for the present, and probably they will not now think of proposing it. If the approaching campaign, for which great preparations are making here, should end disadvantageously to them, they will be more treatable, for their debts and taxes are daily becoming more burthensome, while their commerce, the source of their wealth, diminishes, and though they have flattered themselves with obtaining assistance from Russia and other powers, it does not appear they are likely to succeed; on the contrary, they are in danger of losing the neutrality of Holland.

Their conduct with regard to the exchange of prisoners has been very unjust. After long suspense and affected delays for the purpose of wearing out our poor people, they have finally refused to deliver us a man in exchange for those set at liberty by our cruisers on parole. A letter, which I enclose from Captain Mitchell, will show the treatment of the late flags of truce from Boston. There is no gaining anything from these barbarians by advances of civility or humanity.

Enclosed I send for Congress the justification of this Court against the accusation published in the late English memorials.

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO JOSEPH REED, PRESIDENT OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

Passy. March 19th, 1780.

Sir,

I have just received the pamphlet you did me the honor to send me by M. Gerard, and have read it with pleasure. Not only as the clear state of facts it does you honor, but as it proves the falsehood of a man, who also showed no regard to truth in what he said of me, "_that I approved of the propositions he carried over_." The truth is this. His brother, Mr. Pultney, came here with those propositions; and after stipulating, that if I did not approve of them, I should not speak of them to any person, he communicated them to me. I told him frankly, on his desiring to know my sentiments, that I DID NOT _approve of them, and that I was sure they_ WOULD NOT _be accepted in America_. But, I said, there are two other Commissioners here; I will, if you please, show your propositions to them, and you will hear their opinions. I will also show them to the ministry here, without whose knowledge and concurrence we can take no step in such affairs. No, said he, as you do not approve of them, it can answer no purpose to show them to anybody else; the reasons that weigh with you will also weigh with them; therefore I now pray that no mention may be made of my having been here, or my business. To this I agreed, and therefore nothing could be more astonishing to me, than to see in an American newspaper, that direct lie, in a letter from Mr Johnstone, joined with two other falsehoods relating to the time of the treaty, and to the opinion of Spain!

In proof of the above I enclose a certificate of a friend of Mr Pultney's, the only person present at our interview;[21] and I do it the rather at this time, because I am informed that another calumniator (the same who formerly in his private letters to particular members accused you, with Messrs Jay, Duane, Langdon, and Harrison, of betraying the secrets of Congress in a correspondence with the ministry) has made this transition with Mr Pultney an article of accusation against me, as having approved the same propositions. He proposes, I understand, to settle in your government. I caution you to beware of him; for in sowing suspicions and jealousies, in creating misunderstandings and quarrels among friends, in malice, subtility, and indefatigable industry, he has I think no equal.

I am glad to see that you continue to preside in our new State, as it shows that your public conduct is approved by the people. You have had a difficult time, which required abundance of prudence, and you have been equal to the occasion. The disputes about the Constitution seem to have subsided. It is much admired here, and all over Europe, and will draw over many families of fortune to settle under it, as soon as there is a peace. The defects that may on seven years' trial be found in it can be amended, when the time comes for considering them.

With great and sincere esteem and respect I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN

[21]

TO B. FRANKLIN

Dear Sir,

I send you adjoined the certificate you desire, and am perfectly
convinced, from conversations I have since had with Mr Pultney, that
no body was authorised to hold the language, which has been imputed to
him on that subject, and as I have a high opinion of his candor and
worth I know it must be painful to him to be brought into question in
matters of fact with persons he esteems. I could wish that this matter
may receive no further publicity, than what is necessary for your
justification.

I am, &c.

W. ALEXANDER.

* * * * *

Paris, March 19th, 1780.

I do hereby certify whom it may concern, that I was with Mr Pultney
and Dr Franklin at Paris, when in a conversation between them, on the
subject of certain propositions for a reconciliation with America,
offered by Mr Pultney, Dr Franklin said, he did not approve of them,
nor did he think they would be approved in America, but that he would
communicate them to his colleagues and the French ministry. This Mr
Pultney opposed, saying that it would answer no good end, as he was
persuaded, that what weighed with Dr Franklin would weigh also with
them, and therefore desired, that no mention might be made of his
having offered such propositions, or even of his having been here on
such business, but that the whole might be buried in oblivion,
agreeable to what had been stipulated by Mr Pultney, and agreed to by
Dr Franklin, before the propositions were produced, which Dr Franklin
accordingly promised.

W. ALEXANDER

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Translation.

Versailles, May 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The Baron de Goltz has warmly entreated me to recommend to you the Baron d'Arendt, a Prussian officer in the service of the United States. I the more readily acquiesce in satisfying his demand, as you will certainly take a pleasure in obliging this Minister, as far as in your power.

The Baron d'Arendt will himself explain the different matters, in which he thinks he wants your aid with Congress.

I have the honor of being, with great sincerity, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE JUDGES OF THE ADMIRALTY AT CHERBOURG.

Passy, May 16th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

I have received the _procés verbaux_, and other papers you did me the honor to send me, agreeable to the 11th article of the regulation of the 27th of September, 1778. These pieces relate to the taking of the ship Flora, whereof was Captain Henry Roodenberg, bound from Rotterdam to Dublin, and arrived at Cherbourg, in France, being taken the 7th day of April, by Captain Dowlin, commander of the American privateer the Black Prince.

It appears to me from the above mentioned papers, that the said ship Flora is not a good prize, the same belonging to the subjects of a neutral nation; but that the cargo is really the property of the subjects of the King of England, though attempted to be masked as neutral. I do therefore request, that after the cargo shall be landed, you would cause the said ship Flora to be immediately restored to her captain, and that you would oblige the captors to pay him his full freight according to his bills of lading, and also to make good all the damages he may have sustained by plunder or otherwise; and I further request, that as the cargo is perishable, you would cause it to be sold immediately, and retain the produce deposited in your hands, to the end, that if any of the freighters, being subjects of their High Mightinesses the States-Generals, will declare upon oath, that certain parts of the said cargo were _bona fide_ shipped on their own account and risk, and not on the account and risk of any British or Irish subjects, the value of such parts may be restored; or, that if the freighters, or any of them, should think fit to appeal from this judgment to the Congress, the produce so deposited may be disposed of according to their final determination.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, May 22d, 1780.

Sir,

The Baron d'Arendt, Colonel in the armies of the United States, having expressed to me a desire of returning to the service in America, though not entirely cured of his wound, which occasioned his voyage to Europe, I endeavored to dissuade him from the undertaking. But he having procured a letter to me from M. de Vergennes, of which I send your Excellency a copy herewith, I have been induced to advance him twentyfive louis d'ors towards enabling him to proceed. To justify his long absence, he intends laying before Congress some letters from William Lee, which he thinks will be sufficient for that purpose.

With great respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO AN AGENT OF AMERICAN CRUISERS.

Passy, May 30th, 1780.

Sir,

In my last, of the 27th instant, I omitted one thing I had intended, viz. to desire you would give absolute orders to your cruisers not to bring in any more Dutch vessels, though charged with enemy's goods, unless contraband. All the neutral States of Europe seem at present disposed to change what had before been deemed the law of nations, to wit; that an enemy's property may be taken wherever found; and to establish a rule that free ships shall make free goods. This rule is itself so reasonable, and of a nature to be so beneficial to mankind, that I cannot but wish it may become general. And I make no doubt but that the Congress will agree to it, in as full an extent as France and Spain. In the meantime, and until I have received their orders on the subject, it is my intention to condemn no more English goods found in Dutch vessels, unless contraband; of which I thought it right to give you this previous notice, that you may avoid the trouble and expense likely to arise from such captures, and from the detention of them for a decision. With great regard, and best wishes for the success of your enterprise,

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, May 31st, 1780.

Sir,

I wrote to your Excellency the 4th of March past, to go by this ship, the Alliance, then expected to sail immediately. But the men refusing to go till paid their shares of prize money, and sundry difficulties arising with regard to the sale and division, she has been detained thus long to my great mortification, and I am yet uncertain when I shall be able to get her out. The trouble and vexation which these maritime affairs give me is inconceivable. I have often expressed to Congress my wish to be relieved from them, and that some person better acquainted with them, and better situated, might be appointed to manage them; much money as well as time would, I am sure, be saved by such an appointment.

The Alliance is to carry some of the cannon long since ordered and as much of the powder, arms and clothing, (furnished by government here) as she, together with a frigate, the Ariel, we have borrowed, can take. I hope they may between them take the whole, with what has been provided by Mr Ross. This gentleman has, by what I can learn served the Congress well in the quality and prices of the goods he has purchased. I wish it had been in my power to discharge his balance here, for which he has importuned me rather too much. We furnished him with about twenty thousand pounds sterling to discharge his first accounts, which he was to replace as soon as he received remittance from the Committee of Commerce. This has not been done, and he now demands another nearly equal sum, urging as before, that the credit of the States as well as his own will be hurt by my refusal.

Mr Bingham too complains of me for refusing some of his drafts, as very hurtful to his credit, though he owns he had no orders from Congress to authorise those drafts. I never undertook to provide for more than the payment of the interest bills of the first loan. The Congress have drawn on me very considerably for other purposes, which has sometimes greatly embarrassed me, but I have duly accepted and found means to pay their drafts; so that their credit in Europe has been well supported. But if every agent of Congress in different parts of the world is permitted to run in debt, and draw upon me at pleasure to support his credit, under the idea of its being necessary to do so for the honor of Congress, the difficulty upon me will be too great, and I may in fine be obliged to protest the interest bills. I therefore beg that a stop may be put to such irregular proceedings.

Had the loans proposed to be made in Europe succeeded, these practices might not have been so inconvenient, but the number of agents from separate States running all over Europe, and asking to borrow money, has given such an idea of our distress and poverty as makes every body afraid to trust us. I am much pleased to find that Congress has at length resolved to borrow of our own people, by making then future bills bear interest. This interest duly paid in hard money, to such as require hard money, will fix the value of the principal, and even make the payment of the interest in hard money for the most part unnecessary, provided always that the quantity of principal be not excessive.

A great clamor has lately been made here by some merchants, who say they have large sums in their hands of paper money in America, and that they are ruined by some resolution of Congress, which reduces its value to one part in forty. As I have had no letter explaining this matter, I have only been able to say, that it is probably misunderstood, and that I am confident the Congress have not done, nor will do, anything unjust towards strangers, who have given us credit. I have indeed been almost ready to complain, that I hear so little and so seldom from Congress, or from the Committee of Correspondence, but I know the difficulty of communication, and the frequent interruption it meets in this time of war. I have not yet received a line this year, and the letters written by the Confederacy, as I suppose some must have been written by her, have not yet come to hand.

I mentioned, in a former letter, my having communicated to Mr Johnson of Nantes, the order of Congress appointing him to examine the account, and his acceptance of that appointment. Nothing, however, has yet been done in pursuance of it; for Mr Deane having written that he might be expected here by the middle of March, and as his presence would be very useful in explaining the mercantile transactions, I have waited his arrival to request Mr Johnson's coming to Paris, that his detention here from his affairs at Nantes might be as short as possible. Mr Deane is not yet come; but as we have heard of the arrival of the Fendant in Martinique, in which ship he took his passage, we imagine he may be here in some of the first ships from that island.

The medal for M. de Fleury is done and delivered to his order, he being absent; I shall get the others prepared as soon as possible by the same hand, if I cannot find a cheaper equally good, which I am now inquiring after. Two thousand livres appear to me a great sum for the work.

With my last I sent a copy of my memorial to the Court of Denmark. I have since received an answer from the Minister of that Court for Foreign Affairs, a copy of which I enclose. It referred me to the Danish Minister here, with whom I have had a conference on the subject. He was full of professions of the good will of his Court to the United States, and would excuse the delivery of our prizes to the English, as done in conformity to treaties, which it was necessary to observe. He had not the treaty to show me, and I have not been able to find such a treaty on inquiry. After my memorial, our people left at Bergen were treated with the greatest kindness by an order from Court, their expenses during the winter that they had been detained there all paid, necessaries furnished to them for their voyage to Dunkirk, and a passage thither found for them all at the King's expense. I have not dropped the application for a restitution, but shall continue to push it, not without some hopes of success. I wish, however, to receive instructions relating to it, and I think a letter from Congress to that Court might forward the business; for I believe they are sensible they have done wrong, and are apprehensive of the inconveniences that may follow. With this I send the protests taken at Bergen against the proceeding.

The Alliance, in her last cruise, met with and sent to America a Dutch ship, supposed to have on board an English cargo. The owners have made application to me. I have assured them, that they might depend on the justice of our courts, and that if they could prove their property there, it would be restored. M. Dumas has written to me about it. I enclose his letter, and wish despatch may be given to the business, as well to prevent the inconveniences of a misunderstanding with Holland, as for the sake of justice.

A ship of that nation has been brought in here by the Black Prince, having an English cargo. I consulted with Messrs Adams and Dana, who informed me that it was an established rule with us in such cases to confiscate the cargo, but to release the ship, paying her freight, &c. This I have accordingly ordered in the case of this ship, and hope it may be satisfactory. But it is a critical time with respect to such cases, for whatever may formerly have been the law of nations, all the neutral powers at the instance of Russia seem at present disposed to change it, and to enforce the rule that _free ships shall make free goods_, except in the case of contraband. Denmark, Sweden, and Holland, have already acceded to the proposition, and Portugal is expected to follow. France and Spain, in their answers, have also expressed their approbation of it. I have, therefore, instructed our privateers to bring in no more neutral ships, as such prizes occasion much litigation, and create ill blood.

The Alliance, Captain Landais, took two Swedes in coming hither, who demand of us for damages, one, upward of sixty thousand livres, and the other near five hundred pounds sterling; and I cannot well see how the demand is to be settled. In the newspapers that I send, the Congress will see authentic pieces expressing the sense of the European powers on the subject of neutral navigation. I hope to receive the sense of Congress for my future government, and for the satisfaction of the neutral nations now entering into the confederacy, which is considered here as a great stroke against England.

In truth, that country seems to have no friends on this side of the water; no other nation wishes it success in its present war, but rather desires to see it effectually humbled; no one, not even their old friends the Dutch, will afford them any assistance. Such is the mischievous effect of pride, insolence, and injustice on the affairs of nations, as well as on those of private persons!

The English party in Holland is daily diminishing, and the States are arming vigorously to maintain the freedom of their navigation. The consequence may possibly be a war with England, or a serious disposition in that mad nation to save what they can by a timely peace.

Our cartel for the exchange of American prisoners has been some time at a stand. When our little squadron brought near five hundred into Holland, England would not at first exchange Americans for them there, expecting to take them in their passage to France. But at length an agreement was made between the English and French ambassadors, and I was persuaded to give them up, on a promise of having an equal number of English delivered to my order at Morlaix. So those were exchanged for Frenchmen. But the English now refuse to take any English in exchange for Americans, that have not been taken by American cruisers. They also refuse to send me any Americans in exchange for their prisoners released, and sent home by the two flags of truce from Boston. Thus they give up all pretensions to equity and honor, and govern themselves by caprice, passion, and transient views of present interest.

Be pleased to present my duty to Congress, and believe me to be with great respect, your Excellency's, &c.

B. FRANKLIN

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS

Passy, June 1st, 1780

Sir,

Commodore Jones, who by his bravery and conduct has done great honor to the American flag, desires to have that also of presenting a line to the hands of your Excellency. I cheerfully comply with his request, in recommending, him to the notice of Congress, and to your Excellency's protection, though his actions are a more effectual recommendation, and render any from me unnecessary. It gives me, however, an opportunity of showing my readiness to do justice to merit, and of professing the esteem and respect with which I am

Your Excellency's, &c.

B. FRANKLIN

* * * * *

TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy June 5th, 1780

Dear Sir,

The gentleman whose name you wished to know, in one of your late letters, is _M. Westhuysen, Echevin et Conseiller de la Ville de Harlem_. I shall probably send an order to that place for some of the types, of which you have sent me the prices, _before I leave Europe_. I think them very good and not dear.

A Dutch ship belonging to Messrs Little, Dale, & Co. of Rotterdam, being brought into France as having an English cargo on board, I have followed your opinion with regard to the condemnation of the cargo, which I think the more right, as the English have in the West Indies confiscated several of our cargoes found in Dutch ships. But to show respect to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, I have written to the owners of our privateers, a letter of which I enclose a copy, together with a copy of the judgment, for your use, if you hear of any complaint. I approve much of the principles of the confederacy of the neutral powers, and am not only for respecting the ships as the house of a friend, though containing the goods of an enemy, but I even wish for the sake of humanity, that the law of nations may be further improved, by determining, that even in time of war, all those kinds of people who are employed in procuring subsistence for the species, or in exchanging the necessaries or conveniences of life, which are for the common benefit of mankind, such as husbandmen on their lands, fishermen in their barques, and traders in unarmed vessels, shall be permitted to prosecute their several innocent and useful employments without interruption or molestation, and nothing taken from them, even when wanted by an enemy, but on paying a fair price for the same.

I think you have done well to print the letter of Clinton, for though I have myself had suspicions whether some parts of it were really written by him, yet I have no doubt of the facts stated, and think the piece valuable, as giving a true account of the state of British and American affairs in that quarter. On the whole, it has the appearance of a letter written by a general, who did not approve of the expedition he was sent upon, who had no opinion of the judgment of those who drew up his instructions, who had observed, that the preceding commanders, Gage, Burgoyne, Keppel, and the Howes, had all been censured by the Ministers for having unsuccessfully attempted to execute injudicious instructions with unequal force, and he therefore wrote such a letter, not merely to give the information contained in it, but to be produced in his vindication, when he might be recalled, and his want of success charged upon him as a crime; though, in truth, owing to the folly of the Ministers, who had ordered him on impracticable projects, and persisted in them, notwithstanding his faithful informations, without furnishing the necessary number of troops he had demanded. In this view much of the letter may be accounted for, without supposing it fictitious; and therefore if not genuine, it is ingeniously written. But you will easily conceive, that if the state of public facts it contains were known in America to be false, such a publication there would have been absurd, and of no possible use to the cause of the country.

I have written to M. Neufville concerning the bills you mention: I have no orders or advice about them, know nothing of them, and therefore cannot prudently meddle with them; especially as the funds in my power are not more than sufficient to answer the Congress bills for interest and other inevitable demands. He desired to know whether I would engage to reimburse him, if he should accept and pay them; but as I know not the amount of them, I cannot enter into any such engagement; for though, if they are genuine Congress bills, I am persuaded all possible care will be taken by Congress to provide for their punctual payment, yet there are so many accidents, by which remittances are delayed or intercepted in the time of war, that I dare not hazard for these new bills the possibility of being rendered unable to pay the others.

With great esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Versailles, June 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I did not until this day receive the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 24th of this month.

You request, in consequence of an application made to you by Mr Adams, that the orders given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne relative to a resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last should be revoked, or at least suspended, as that Plenipotentiary is able to prove, that those orders are founded on false reports.

Mr Adams on the 22d sent me a long dissertation on the subject in question, but it contains only abstract reasonings, hypothesis, and calculations, which have no real foundation, or which at least do not apply to the subjects of the King, and in fine principles, than which nothing can be less analogous to the alliance subsisting between his Majesty and the United States.

By this, Sir, you can judge that the pretended proofs mentioned by Mr Adams are not of a nature to induce us to change our opinion, and consequently cannot effect a revocation or suspension of the orders given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne. The King is so firmly persuaded, Sir, that your private opinion respecting the effects of that resolution of Congress as far as it concerns strangers, and especially Frenchmen, differs from that of Mr Adams, that he is not apprehensive of laying you under any embarrassments by requesting you to support the representations, which his Minister is ordered to make to Congress. And that you may be enabled to do this with a complete knowledge of the case, his Majesty has commanded me to send you a copy of my letter to Mr Adams, the observations of that Plenipotentiary, and my answer to him.

The King expects that you will lay the whole before Congress, and his Majesty flatters himself that that assembly, inspired with principles different from those which Mr Adams has discovered, will convince his Majesty, that they know how to prize those marks of favor, which the King has constantly shown to the United States.

However, Sir, the King does not undertake to point out to Congress the means which may be employed to indemnify the French, who are holders of the paper money. His Majesty, with respect to that, relies entirely on the justice and wisdom of that assembly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

After the repeated remonstrances, which you have made to Congress on the subject of bills of exchange, the enclosed resolution we are well aware will need an apology. We regret, that you should have so much trouble, and be put to so many expedients in matters of this kind, well knowing how delicate a point it is to solicit further advances, after so many have already been made. Congress, attending to your letters and representations, have taken this step with reluctance; but the present crisis, when not only the preparations for a vigorous campaign call for large expenditures, but the expectation of a co-operating force makes great additions necessary, has induced them to risk the sum mentioned. The bills will not be drawn faster than indispensable exigencies may require, and it is to be hoped, that this mode of commanding cash will not be again resorted to.

We are, Sir, &c.

JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.

* * * * *

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

Congress having appointed the Honorable Henry Laurens to solicit a loan of money in the United Provinces of the Low Countries, in order to facilitate his success the enclosed resolution has been passed. We need say nothing to explain or urge it, except that it is thought a mark of attention and confidence due to those powers named in it, that their interest, if the state of politics inclines them to exert it, will have a good effect; and, that the want of money makes this loan a very capital object to the United States. You will, we are sure, give Mr Laurens every assistance in your power, and solicit the countenance of the Court where you reside to forward his negotiations.

Until Mr Laurens shall arrive, Mr Adams is commissioned and empowered to undertake that business, and, in case of his disability, Mr Dana is in like manner commissioned and empowered.

We are, Sir, your humble servants,

JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.

* * * * *

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

We are to communicate to you, that Congress entertain a favorable sense of the attention and services of Mons. de Chezaulx, His Most Christian Majesty's Consul at the port of Bergen in Norway, in the late affair of the prizes sent in there by the squadron commanded by Captain Jones, and we beg you will present, through the proper channel, the acknowledgment to be made for the polite respect shown to the interests of the citizens of these States.

We are, Sir, your very humble servants,

JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.

* * * * *

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO H. DOHRMAN, MERCHANT, LISBON.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

Mr George Anderson, of Virginia, having informed us of the humane and benevolent attention uniformly given by you to the citizens of these States, who have been so unfortunate as to be captivated at sea and carried into the ports of Portugal, we represented the same to Congress, to whom it gave much pleasure to know, that those men had found a patron and friend disposed to alleviate their distresses.

The enclosed Resolve constitutes you an Agent of Congress, and you will, from time to time, receive powers and instructions from that body through this Committee. At present we need only say in general, that the affairs of the citizens of America, applying for relief in captivity, are committed to your discretion, and your countenance and advice in matters of business are solicited for others.

We wish to learn from you in what manner you would be repaid, trusting that though the war in which this republic is engaged oppresses it with expense, and calls now for all its resources, you will by no means fail in the end of compensation.

You must be governed in your advances on account of these United States more by that economy, which their circumstances make essential, than by the liberality of your own habits, which American subjects in distress will probably but too often stimulate. You ought to know that Doctor Franklin and others, who have advanced monies to Americans under the misfortune of captivity, have transmitted receipts regularly, so that due charges may be made against those who are in public service, and repayment may be had of those who are in condition to make it while in private employ.

You will correspond with our Ministers and Agents in France, Spain, and Holland, whenever you may thereby promote the interests of these United States, for which you have manifested already so much regard.

We are, Sir, your most humble servants,
JAMES LOVELL,
WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.

* * * * *

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, July 17th, 1780.

My Dear Friend,

Enclosed I send you a copy of a conciliatory bill,[22] which was proposed in the House of Commons on the 27th of last month. It was rejected. You and I have had so much intercourse upon the subject of restoring peace between Great Britain and America, that I think there is nothing further left to be said upon the subject. You will perceive by the general tenor of the bill, that it proposes a general power to treat. It chalks out a line of negotiation in very general terms. I remain in the sentiments which I ever have, and which I believe I ever shall entertain, viz. those of seeking peace upon honorable terms. I shall always be ready, and most desirous to join in any measures which may facilitate peace.

I am ever your most affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.

[22] _Draft of a proposed Bill for Conciliation with America._

A Bill to invest the Crown with sufficient Powers to treat,
consult, and finally to agree upon the Means of restoring Peace
with the Provinces of North America.

Whereas many unfortunate subjects of contest have of late years
subsisted between Great Britain and the several Provinces of North
America, hereinafter recited, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the
three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, and Georgia, which have brought on the calamities of
war between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, to the end
therefore that the further effusion of blood may be prevented, and
that peace may be restored, may it please your Majesty that it be
enacted, and be it enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal,
and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority
of the same, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by
letters patent, under the great seal of Great Britain, to authorise
and empower any person or persons, to treat, consult, and finally to
agree with any person or persons properly authorised on the part of
the aforesaid provinces of North America, upon the means of restoring
peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, according to
the powers in this act contained.

And be it further enacted, that in order to facilitate the good
purposes of this act, his Majesty may lawfully enable any such person
or persons, so appointed by his Majesty's letters patent, as
aforesaid, to order and proclaim a cessation of hostilities, on the
part of his Majesty's forces, by sea and land, for any time, and under
any conditions or restrictions.

And be it further enacted, that in order to lay a good foundation for
a cordial reconciliation and lasting peace between Great Britain and
the aforesaid provinces of North America, by restoring an amicable
intercourse between the same as soon as possible his Majesty may
lawfully enable any such person or persons, so appointed by his
Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to enter into and to ratify
from time to time, any article or articles of intercourse and
pacification, which article or articles, so entered into and ratified
from time to time, shall remain in full force and effect for the
certain term of ten years, from the first day of August, one thousand
seven hundred and eighty.

Provided also, and be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
that in order to remove any obstructions, which may arise to the full
and effectual execution of any article or articles of intercourse and
pacification, as before mentioned, that it shall and may be lawful for
his Majesty, by any instrument under his sign manual, countersigned by
one or more of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, to
authorise and empower any such person or persons, so appointed by his
Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to suspend for the term of ten
years from the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and
eighty, the operation and effect of any act or acts of Parliament,
which are now in force, respecting the aforesaid provinces of North
America, or any clause or clauses, proviso or provisos, in any such
act or acts of Parliament contained; inasmuch as they, or any of them,
may obstruct the full effect and execution of any such article or
articles of intercourse and pacification, which may be entered into
and ratified as beforementioned, between Great Britain and the
aforesaid provinces of North America.

And be it further enacted, that in order to establish perpetual
reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid
provinces of North America, it is hereby required, and be it enacted,
that all or any article or articles of intercourse and pacification,
which shall be entered into and ratified, for the certain term of ten
years, as beforementioned, shall from time to time be laid before the
two Houses of Parliament, for their consideration, as the perpetual
basis of reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the
aforesaid provinces of North America; and that any such article or
articles of intercourse and pacification as beforementioned when the
same shall have been confirmed in Parliament, shall remain in full
force and effect forever.

And be it further enacted, that this act shall continue to be in force
until the thirtyfirst day of December, one thousand seven hundred and
eightyone.

* * * * *

TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, July 26th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I wrote to Messrs de Neufville by the last post, in answer to theirs of the 14th. I hope they received my letter. It signified, that I could accept the bills drawn on Mr Laurens. I find by a vote of Congress on the 4th of March, that they then stopped drawing, and I am informed no more bills have been issued since. I could not relish those gentlemen's proposal of mortgaging _all our estates_, for the little money Holland is likely to lend us. But I am obliged to them for their zeal in our cause.

I received, and thank you for the protest relating to the election of the coadjutor. You seem to be too much affected with the taking of Charleston. It is so far a damage to us, as it will enable the enemy to exchange a great part of the prisoners we had in our hands, otherwise their affairs will not be much advanced by it. They have successively been in possession of the capitals of five provinces, viz. Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York, and Georgia; but were not therefore in possession of the provinces themselves. New York and Georgia still continue their operations as free States; and so I suppose will South Carolina. The cannon will be recovered with the place; if not, our furnaces are constantly at work in making more. The destroying of our ships by the English, is only like shaving our beards, which will grow again. Their loss of provinces is like the loss of a limb, which can never again be united to their body. I was sorry to hear of your indisposition. Take care of yourself. Honey is a good thing for obstructions in the reins. I hope your health is by this time re-established.

I am less committed than you imagine in the affair between Jones and Landais. The latter was not dispossessed by me of his command, but quitted it. He afterwards took it into his head to resume it, which the former's too long stay at Paris gave him an opportunity of effecting. Captain Jones is going in the Ariel frigate to America, where they may settle their affairs as they can.

The captain commandant of Dunkirk, who occasioned the loss of our despatches, is himself taken by the English. I have no doubt of the truth of what Mr White told you about the facility with which the tax was collected.

The same Baron de Wulffen has not pleased me, having left little debts behind him unpaid, though I furnished him with twenty guineas. As he had been with his brother at Venloo, before he saw you, where he might get money, I wonder at his borrowing of you.

This will be delivered to you by his Excellency John Adams, whom I earnestly recommend to your best civilities. He has never been in Holland, and your counsels will be of use to him.

My best wishes attend you, being ever, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, August 9th, 1780.

Sir,

With this your Excellency will receive a copy of my last, dated May 31st, the original of which, with copies of preceding letters, went by the Alliance, Captain Landais, who sailed the beginning of last month, and who I wish may arrive safe in America, being apprehensive that by her long delay in port, from the mutiny of the people, who after she was ready to sail refused to weigh anchor till their wages were paid, she may fall in the way of the English fleet now out, or that her crew, who have ever been infected with disorder and mutiny, may carry her into England. She had, on her first coming out, a conspiracy for that purpose, besides which, her officers and Captain quarrelled with each other, the Captain with Commodore Jones, and there have been so many broils among them, that it was impossible to get the business forward while she staid, and she is at length gone, without taking the quantity of stores she was capable of taking, and was ordered to take.

I suppose the conduct of that Captain will be inquired into by a Court Martial. Captain Jones goes home in the Ariel, a ship we have borrowed of government here, and carries one hundred and fortysix chests of arms, and four hundred barrels of powder. To take the rest of the stores, I have been obliged to freight a ship, which being well armed and well manned will, I hope, get in safe. The clothes for ten thousand men are, I think, all made up; there are also arms for fifteen thousand, new and good, with two thousand barrels of powder. Besides this, there is a great quantity of cloth I have bought, of which you will have the invoices sent by Mr Williams; another large quantity purchased by Mr Ross; all going in the same ship.

The little authority we have here to govern our armed ships, and the inconvenience of distance from the ports, occasion abundance of irregularities in the conduct of both men and officers. I hope, therefore, that no more of those vessels will be sent hither, till our code of laws is perfected respecting ships abroad, and proper persons appointed to manage such affairs in the sea ports. They give me infinite trouble; and though I endeavor to act for the best, it is without satisfaction to myself, being unacquainted with that kind of business. I have often mentioned the appointment of a consul or consuls. The Congress have, perhaps, not yet had time to consider that matter.

Having already sent you, by different conveyances, copies of my proceedings with the Court of Denmark, relative to the three prizes delivered up to the English, and requested the instructions of Congress, I hope soon to receive them. I mentioned a letter from the Congress to that Court, as what I thought might have a good effect. I have since had more reasons to be of that opinion.

The unexpected delay of Mr Deane's arrival has retarded the settlement of the joint accounts of the commission, he having had the chief management of the commercial part, and being therefore best able to explain difficulties. I have just now the pleasure to hear that the Fier Rodrique, with the convoy from Virginia, arrived at Bordeaux all safe except one tobacco ship, that foundered at sea, the men saved, and I have a letter from Mr Deane that he is at Rochelle, proposes to stop a few days at Nantes, and then proceed to Paris, when I shall endeavor to see that business completed with all possible expedition.

Mr Adams has given offence to the Court here, by some sentiments and expressions contained in several of his letters written to the Count de Vergennes. I mention this with reluctance, though perhaps it would have been my duty to acquaint you with such a circumstance, even were it not required of me by the Minister himself. He has sent me copies of the correspondence, desiring I would communicate them to Congress; and I send them herewith.[23] Mr Adams did not show me his letters before he sent them. I have, in a former letter to Mr Lovell, mentioned some of the inconveniences that attend the having more than one Minister at the same Court, one of which inconveniences is, that they do not always hold the same language, and that the impressions made by one, and intended for the service of his constituents, may be effaced by the discourse of the other. It is true, that Mr Adams's proper business is elsewhere, but the time not being come for that business, and having nothing else here wherewith to employ himself, he seems to have endeavored supplying what he may suppose my negotiations defective in. He thinks, as he tells me himself, that America has been too free in expressions of gratitude to France; for that she is more obliged to us than we to her; and that we should show spirit in our applications. I apprehend that he mistakes his ground, and that this Court is to be treated with decency and delicacy. The King, a young and virtuous Prince, has, I am persuaded, a pleasure in reflecting on the generous benevolence of the action in assisting an oppressed people, and proposes it as a part of the glory of his reign. I think it right to increase this pleasure by our thankful acknowledgments, and that such an expression of gratitude is not only our duty, but our interest. A different conduct seems to me what is not only improper and unbecoming, but what may be hurtful to us. Mr Adams, on the other hand, who, at the same time means our welfare and interest as much as I, or any man can do, seems to think a little apparent stoutness, and a greater air of independence and boldness in our demands, will procure us more ample assistance. It is for the Congress to judge and regulate their affairs accordingly.

[23] These letters will be found in Mr Adams's Correspondence in the
month of June, 1780.

M. de Vergennes, who appears much offended, told me yesterday that he would enter into no further discussions with Mr Adams, nor answer any more of his letters. He is gone to Holland to try, as he told me, whether something might not be done to render us less dependent on France. He says the ideas of this Court and those of the people in America are so totally different, that it is impossible for any Minister to please both. He ought to know America better than I do, having been there lately, and he may choose to do what he thinks will best please the people of America. But when I consider the expressions of Congress in many of their public acts, and particularly in their letter to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, of the 24th of May last, I cannot but imagine that he mistakes the sentiments of a few for a general opinion. It is my intention, while I stay here, to procure what advantages I can for our country, by endeavoring to please this Court; and I wish I could prevent anything being said by any of our countrymen here, that may have a contrary effect, and increase an opinion lately showing itself in Paris, that we seek a difference, and with a view of reconciling ourselves to England. Some of them have of late been very indiscreet in their conversations.

I have received, eight months after their date, the instructions of Congress relating to a new article for guarantying the fisheries. The expected negotiations for a peace appearing of late more remote, and being too much occupied with other affairs, I have not hitherto proposed that article. But I purpose doing it next week. It appears so reasonable and equitable, that I do not foresee any difficulty. In my next I shall give you an account of what passes on the occasion.

The silver medal ordered for the Chevalier de Fleury, has been delivered to his order here, he being gone to America. The others for Brigadier General Wayne, and Colonel Stewart, I shall send by the next good opportunity.

The two thousand pounds I furnished to Messrs Adams and Jay, agreeable to an order of Congress, for themselves and Secretaries, being nearly expended, and no supplies to them arriving, I have thought it my duty to furnish them with further sums, hoping the supplies promised will soon arrive to reimburse me, and enable me to pay the bills drawn on Mr Laurens in Holland, which I have engaged for, to save the public credit, the holders of those bills threatening otherways to protest them. Messrs de Neufvilles of Amsterdam had accepted some of them. I have promised those gentlemen to provide for the payment before they become due, and to accept such others as shall be presented to me. I hear, and hope it is true, that the drawing of such bills is stopped, and that their number and value is not very great.

The bills drawn in favor of M. de Beaumarchais for the interest of his debt are paid.

The German Prince, who gave me a proposal some months since for furnishing troops to the Congress, has lately desired an answer. I gave no expectation that it was likely you would agree to such a proposal, but being pressed to send it to you, it went with some of my former letters.

M. Fouquet, who was employed by Congress to instruct people in making gunpowder, is arrived here, after a long passage; he has requested me to transmit a memorial to Congress, which I do enclosed.

The great public event in Europe of this year, is the proposal by Russia of an armed neutrality for protecting the liberty of commerce. The proposition is accepted now by most of the maritime powers. As it is likely to become the law of nations, _that free ships should make free goods_, I wish the Congress to consider, whether it may not be proper to give orders to their cruisers not to molest foreign ships, but conform to the spirit of that treaty of neutrality.

The English have been much elated with their success at Charleston. The late news of the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, has a little abated their spirits; and I hope that junction, and the arrival of the French troops and ships in North America, will soon produce news, that may afford us also in our turn some satisfaction.