Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

In the course of this affair, we have been perfectly satisfied with the French Ministry. They have proved candid and moderate. Mr Jay will write about Spain. Very little is to be said of her, and by her very little is to be done. It appears Holland is going on well, and I believe Mr Adams is satisfied, except upon the affair of money, which is the difficult point, and goes on very slowly.

By all I can see, I judge that if America insists on a share in the fisheries, she will obtain it by the general treaty; this point is too near my heart to permit me not to mention it.

The news of Count de Grasse's defeat has been very much felt in France, and the whole nation was made truly unhappy by this disagreeable event. The general cry of the people was such, that I do not believe any French Admiral will, in any case take upon himself to surrender his own ship. The people at large have perhaps been too severe, and government have not pronounced, as there is to be a court martial. But I was happy to see a patriotic spirit diffused through every individual. The States of several Provinces, the great cities, and a number of different associations of men, have offered ships of the line to a greater number than have been lost. In the meanwhile, government are using the greatest activity, and this has given a spur to the national exertions. But independent of the stroke in itself, I have been sighing upon the ruin of the plans I had proposed towards a useful co-operation upon the coasts of America. My schemes have been made almost impracticable, and my voyage (the case of negotiations excepted) has not been so serviceable to the public, as I had good reasons to expect.

The Spaniards are going at last to besiege Gibraltar. Count d'Artois, the King of France's brother, and the Duc de Bourbon, a Prince of the blood, are just setting out to serve there as volunteers. They intend to begin in the first days of September; so that we may expect one way or other to get rid of that encumbrance, and let the siege succeed or miscarry, we may expect hereafter to make use of the combined forces of the House of Bourbon.

We are waiting for intelligence from the East Indies, where it appears we have got a superiority, and are entitled to expect good news from that quarter. The enemy had some despatches by land, but either our operations are of a later date, or they only have published a part of their intelligence.

_Paris, June 29th._ Dr Franklin and Mr Jay will acquaint you with Count de Vergennes's answer to Mr Grenville, and also with what Mr Grenville has said respecting the enabling act. This act and also the answer to Count de Vergennes, are every day expected in Paris, and the way in which both will be expressed may give us a pretty just idea upon the present intentions of the British Ministry. The only thing that remains for me to inform you of, is, that under the pretence of curiosity, admiration, or private affairs, England will probably send emissaries to America, who cannot hope to insinuate themselves under any other but a friendly appearance.

With the greatest regard, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.

You should not, my Dear Sir, have been thus long without hearing from me, had I not persuaded myself, that I should see you before a letter could reach you. I still entertain this hope from a passage in Dr Franklin's letter, but have been in this often disappointed; I will not indulge it longer, so far as to let it arrest my pen.

The Count de Segur delivered me your letters of April. I thank you sincerely for having made him the bearer of them, since you know the eagerness with which I embrace your friends, even without taking into consideration, that merit which makes them so. The Count leaves town for the army today, so that I shall not have the full benefit of your introduction to him till next winter, when I flatter myself you will join our circle. The Prince de Broglio told me last night, that he had a letter from you to me. I expect to see him here this morning.

I cannot help remarking the just estimate you made of the British Ministry. Late events have fully justified it. They are made up of heterogeneous particles, and, as might naturally be expected, they begin to fly off from each other. You have nothing to apprehend from your adopted country. We are immovably fixed in our determination to adhere to our allies, in spite of every endeavor to change our sentiments. I am sorry that I have not leisure to enlarge. My horses wait to carry me to the banks of the Hudson, while I write; let me however inform you of the misfortune that has happened to Chevalier de Latouche; his frigate being pursued by the enemy was run on shore in the Delaware, and is lost. The gentlemen, his passengers, are however happily saved, together with the money and papers. Everything else is lost, and what is most to be lamented, he himself must have fallen into the hands of the enemy. The flag that went to inquire his fate is not yet returned.

The fleet of the Marquis de Vaudreuil has also sustained a loss in the sinking of the Magnifique, in the harbor of Boston. Congress have endeavored to repair this, by presenting the America to his Majesty.

The troops from Virginia have joined those on the Hudson. Our army is in noble order at present; you will be charmed to see our countrymen well dressed, since you used to admire them even in their rags.

I send you the papers for a month back; they contain all our public news, and some particulars worthy your attention.

I am, my Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Philadelphia, November 2d, 1782.

Dear Sir,

The confusion occasioned by the misfortune of the Eagle, and the delay that the gentlemen who saved their baggage experienced in getting here, prevented my receiving your favor of the 25th and 29th of July till the last of September, although I had acknowledged the receipt of the letters, by the same conveyance, much earlier.

Your letter contained so much important matter, that it was laid before Congress, for knowing it would be advantageous to you and place your assiduity and attention to their interests in its strongest point of light. I choose to consider most of yours as public letters; this last was particularly acceptable, as neither Dr Franklin nor Mr Jay had been so explicit, as we had reason to expect. Our system of politics has been so much the same for a long time, tending only to one point, a determination to support the war till we can make peace in conjunction with our allies, that the whole history of our Cabinet amounts to nothing more than a reiteration of the same sentiments in different language; and so plain is our political path, so steadily do we walk in it, that I can add nothing to what I have already written you on that subject.

The events of the campaign are as uninteresting; the inactivity and caution of the enemy have given us leisure to form the finest army this country ever saw, while they conspire to render that army useless for the present. The troops are gone into winter quarters; ours at Fishkill, West Point, and its vicinity; the French as far east as Hartford.

This day we are informed from New York, that fourteen sail of the line, one of forty guns, and seven frigates, sailed from thence on the 26th. We cannot learn that they had troops on board or under convoy.

The Magnifique is lost, I believe without hope of recovery. She will, however, be well replaced by the America, which all accounts concur in calling a fine ship. But unless your fleet is very considerably strengthened in those seas, another campaign may slip away as uselessly as the last; for I see no reason to suppose, while Lord Shelburne is at the head of Administration, that the negotiations for peace will wear a serious aspect. I believe with you, that his royal master is set upon risking everything, rather than acknowledge our independence, and as he possesses the art of seduction in a very eminent degree, it will require more firmness to resist his solicitations, than is generally found among courtiers. I am very much pleased to hear that the siege of Gibraltar is at last undertaken, with some prospects of success. This I sincerely wish. England has found in that single fortress a more powerful ally than any other she could make in Europe. It has for the most part employed the navy of Spain, and cost them five ships of the line.

You need feel no anxiety on the score of an apology for your absence; everybody here attributes it to its true cause, and considers it as a new proof of your attachment to the interests of America.

The papers I send with this will serve to confirm this assertion. I thank you for the acquaintance of the Prince de Broglio and the Count de Segur; they handed me your letters the day I was unfortunately obliged to leave town. They have, however, promised to be here this winter, and to give me an opportunity of consoling myself for your absence by the attention they will enable me to show to those you love. Your brother-in-law is gone I find to the siege of Gibraltar. I beg you to write particularly to remind him of his American friends. He shall hear from me by the first opportunity; in the meanwhile, tell him he will not do justice to our expectations if he neglects to promote the great object, which we discussed together a little before he left this country, foreseeing then that he would ere long be called to Spain. I ought not to conclude this without informing you, that the chair of state is transferred to Mr Boudinot, Mr Hanson's term having expired.

I am, my Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE CONGRESS.

Brest, December 3d, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I have the honor to beg the attention of Congress upon a subject, which, though it appears personal, may bring about events of public utility.

On a past voyage I have had the happiness to return with such means as proved useful to the United States, and when I embarked last, I had a leave of absence till such a time as I would think proper.

What has been done respecting former demands of money, has been communicated to Congress. As to the late ones, I leave it to the Ministers of Congress to give an account of those transactions.

I have the heartfelt happiness to think, that I did not leave Versailles until I had, to the utmost, exerted every means in my power; and I wish they had been an aid to promote every view of Congress and every interest of the United States.

The Ministers of Congress in Europe have in former letters acquainted them with the request they made, that I should defer my departure to America. They thought I might serve her in the political field, and I yielded to their opinion.

Now, Sir, that I am going to embark, I have done it by their advice. Upon the voyage, the mode and the time of it, I have taken their opinion, and it has been, that I was acting consistent with the interests of America, and the instructions of General Washington. But I could not submit to think, that any member of Congress, might, from public report, imagine that I enlarge so far their permission, as to follow pursuits, that would not particularly promote the views of America; and as they do not choose being intruded upon with minute details of military plans, let it suffice to say, that I beg leave to refer them to the opinion of General Washington.

With a heart bound to America by every sentiment of a grateful, an everlasting, and, I may add, a patriotic love,

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I was honored by yours of the 14th of October last. It contains much useful information, and upon the whole exhibits a pleasing picture of our affairs in Europe. Here the scene is more chequered with good and evil; the last I think predominates. The want of money has excited very serious discontents in the army. They have formed committees. A very respectable one, with General McDougal at their head, is now here. Their demands, though strictly just, are such as Congress have not the means of satisfying. The states upon whom they call, complain of inability. Peace is wished for with more anxiety than it should be; wearied out with the length of the war, the people will reluctantly submit to the burdens they bore at the beginning of it; in short, peace becomes necessary. If the war continues we shall lean heavier upon France than we have done. If peace is made she must add one obligation more to those she has already imposed. She must enable us to pay off our army; or we may find the reward of her exertions and ours suspended longer than we could wish.

Charleston is at length evacuated; the enemy made a convention with General Greene and were suffered to depart in peace. In one of the papers I send you, you will see the general orders at going off.

The embarkation of your army, before the war in this country had closed, gave me some pain. Their stay might have answered useful political purposes, had they been at hand to operate against New York, which they will not otherwise quit.

Congress saw this in its true light, but were too delicate to mention it; I enclose their resolutions on being apprized of it. You speak of operations in America. I agree with you, that they are devoutly to be wished, both by France and by us; but if they are to depend upon operations in the West Indies, it is ten to one but they fail. The machine is too complex. If it is to be worked in any part by Spanish springs, the chance against it is still greater, for whatever the latter may be in Europe, in the West Indies they lose their elasticity.

The great cause between Connecticut and Pennsylvania has been decided in favor of the latter. It is a singular event. There are few instances of independent States submitting their cause to a Court of Justice. The day will come, when all disputes in the great republic of Europe will be tried in the same way; and America be quoted to exemplify the wisdom of the measure.

Adieu my Dear Sir, continue to love this country, for though she owes you much, she will repay you all with interest, when in ages to come she records you with her patriots and heroes.

I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, with the sincerest esteem and regard, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, AT MADRID.

Cadiz, January 20th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 14th has this day come to hand. The occasion of it I lament, but it becomes my duty to answer it.

From an early period, I had the happiness to rank among the foremost in the American revolution. In the affection and confidence of the people, I am proud to say, I have a great share. Congress honors me so far as to direct, that I am to be consulted by their European Ministers, which circumstances I do not mention out of vanity, but only to show, that in giving my opinion, I am called upon by dictates of honor and duty, which it becomes me to obey.

The measure being right, it is beneath me to wait for a private opportunity. Public concerns have a great weight with me, but nothing upon earth can intimidate me into selfish considerations. To my opinion you are entitled, and I offer it with the freedom of a heart that ever shall be independent.

To France you owe a great deal; to others you owe nothing. As a Frenchman, whose heart is glowing with patriotism, I enjoy the part France has acted, and the connexion she has made. As an American, I acknowledge the obligation, and in that I think true dignity consists; but dignity forbade our sending abroad political forlorn hopes, and I ever objected to the condescension; the more so, as a French treaty had secured their allies to you; and because America is more likely to receive advances, than to need throwing herself at other people's feet.

The particulars of the negotiation with Spain I do not dwell upon. In my opinion they were wrong, but I may be mistaken. Certain it is, that an exchange of Ministers ought to have been, and now an exchange of powers must be, upon equal footing. What England has done is nothing, either as to the right or the mode. The right consisted in the people's will, the mode depends upon a consciousness of American dignity. But if Spain has hitherto declined to acknowledge what the elder branch of the Bourbons thought honorable to declare, yet will it be too strange, that England ranks before her in the date and the benefits of the acknowledgment.

There are more powers than you know of, who are making advances to America; some of them I have personally received; but you easily guess that no treaty would be so pleasing as the one with Spain. The three natural enemies of Britain should be strongly united. The French alliance is everlasting, but such a treaty between the friends of France is a new tie of confidence and affection. The Spaniards are slow in their motions, but strong in their attachments. From a regard to them, but still more out of regard to France, we must have more patience with them than with any other nation in Europe.

But peace is likely to be made, and how then can the man, who advised against your going at all, propose your remaining at a Court where you are not decently treated? Congress, I hope, and through them the whole nation, do not intend their dignity to be trifled with, and, for my part, I have no inclination to betray the confidence of the American people. I expect peace, and I expect Spain to act by you with propriety; but should they hesitate to treat you as a public servant of the United States, then, however disagreeable the task, Mr Carmichael had better go to Paris where France may stand a mediator, and through that generous common friend, we may come to the wished for connexion with the Court of Spain.

With a high regard and sincere affection, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Cadiz, February 5th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

On the 7th of December, I had the honor to write to you from Brest, and my letters down to that date have contained accounts of our political affairs. Since which time, I have been taken up in preparations of a plan that would have turned out to the advantage of America; indeed, it exceeded my first expectations, and to my great surprise, the King of Spain had not only consented his forces should co-operate with us, but on the consideration of obtaining a necessary diversion, he had been induced by Count d'Estaing to approve my being detached into Canada with a French force. Nay, had the war continued, I think that, if not for love, at least on political motives, they would have consented to offer pecuniary assistance.

The conditions of the peace I do not dwell upon. I hope they are such as will be agreeable in America. They have no doubt been sent from France, and the part that respects the United States will have been immediately forwarded for their ratification. I do not hope to send you the first tidings of a general peace. Yet I have prevailed upon a small vessel to alter her course, and my own servant is going with the despatches, to prevent either neglect or other accidental delays.

On the moment of my arrival at Cadiz, I began a close correspondence with Mr Carmichael. It at first respected money matters, but soon took a still more important turn. Having been officially asked my advice upon his future conduct, I gave it in a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy. Whatever light my opinion may appear in at Madrid, or elsewhere, I think it is consistent with the dignity of the United States. Now, Sir, while enjoying the hope of being in a few weeks on the American shore, I have a letter from Mr Carmichael, wherein he requests my assistance at Madrid. How far it may serve him I do not know; but since I am thought useful, I shall yield to my zeal for the service of America, I readily give up personal gratifications. On my arrival at Madrid, I shall have the honor to give you my opinion of our situation there. Among the Spaniards we have but few well wishers, and as they, at the bottom, hate cordially the French, our alliance, though a political, is not a sentimental consideration with them. But I wish a settlement of boundaries may remove the more immediate prospects of dispute. It is, I believe, very important to America; the more so, as she became a national ally to France, a national enemy to Britain. But the Spaniards will be forever extravagant in their territorial notions, and very jealous of the increase of American wealth and power. But it is good policy for us to be upon friendly terms with them, and I wish on my return to Paris, that I may carry for Mr Jay some hopes of better success in his Spanish negotiation.

I have just heard that both Floridas were given to Spain. This accounts for Lord Shelburne's condescension in fixing our Southern limits. The people of Florida will, I hope, remove into Georgia. But the Spaniards will insist upon a pretended right to an extent of country all along the left shore of the Mississippi. Not that they mean to occupy it, but because they are afraid of neighbors that have a spirit of liberty. I am sorry those people have the Floridas. But as we cannot help it, we must endeavor to frustrate Lord Shelburne's views, which I presume are bent upon a dispute between Spain and the United States. A day will come, I hope, when Europeans will have little to do on the northern continent; and God grant it may ever be for the happiness of mankind and the propagation of liberty.

On the perusal of my letter to Mr Carmichael, I beg you will remember it is calculated to undergo the inspection of both cabinets at Versailles and Madrid; and to be a proof against the unfriendly connexions of a Spanish Ministry. Be pleased to tell Mr Morris, that I remember his want of money extends further than occasions of war. At the time of my leaving France, I had been made to hope, but do not know for the present what has taken place. On my arrival at Madrid, I will be very attentive to that point, but shall take care to preserve the dignity of the United States, of which I have a proper and exalted sense.

In my determination to go to Madrid, I have consulted with Mr Harrison, a gentleman whose residence at this place enables him to know a great deal about the Spaniards. He has to this moment acted as a consul in this place; so far at least, as to serve his countrymen, and spend his own money; for he has no public character, and what he has done he undertook at Mr Jay's request. There ought, I think, to be a consul at this place, and if the appointment is deferred, several inconveniences will be laid upon the American trade. There is no gentleman, exclusive of what his voluntary services deserve, who could better fill the place than Mr Harrison, and was I to take the freedom to advise, I would warmly recommend him for the appointment.

So far as we know of the Spanish preliminaries, they give up their claim upon having Gibraltar, but keep Mahon, and have the two Floridas. The islands of Providence are returned to England. We hourly expect a French courier. Tobago excepted, they gave up their conquests in the West Indies, and have St Lucia again. Before the vessel is gone I hope to be more particular. As to the American preliminaries, they have long ago been sent to Philadelphia.

While I am writing a French courier is arrived. Enclosed you will find an extract of the preliminaries, such as they are, sent to me. May I beg you will please to communicate my letter to General Washington, though it is a public one, I may ask the favor from you, as I would otherwise have sent him a copy of it.

With the highest regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ I have just received a note from the French Ambassador at Madrid, whereby I find that my letter had a good effect.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Cadiz, February 5th, 1783.

Sir,

Whatever despatch I make in sending a vessel, I do not flatter myself to apprize Congress with the news of a general peace; yet such are my feelings on the occasion, that I cannot defer presenting them with my congratulations. Upon their knowledge of my heart, I depend more than upon expressions, which are so far inadequate to my sentiments. Our early times I recollect with a most pleasing sense of pride; our present ones make me easy and happy. To futurity I look forward in the most delightful prospects.

Former letters have acquainted Congress, that, upon my intending to leave France, I had been detained by their Commissioners. To my letter of the 3d of December I beg leave to refer them for a further account of my conduct.

Now the noble contest is ended, and I heartily rejoice at the blessings of peace. Fortynine ships of the line and twenty thousand men are now here, with whom Count d'Estaing was to join the combined forces in the West Indies; and during the summer they were to co-operate with our American army. Nay, it had lately been granted, that, whilst Count d'Estaing acted elsewhere, I should enter the St Lawrence river at the head of a French corps. So far as respects me, I have no regret, but, independent of personal gratifications, it is known that I ever was bent upon the addition of Canada to the United States.

On the happy prospect of peace I had prepared to go to America. Never did an idea please me so much as the hope to rejoice with those to whom I have been a companion in our labors; but however painful the delay, I now must defer my departure. In the discharge of my duty to America no sacrifice shall ever be wanting, and when it had pleased Congress to direct that their Ministers should consult with me, it became my first concern to deserve their confidence.

From my letter to Mr Livingston an opinion may be formed of our situation in Spain; my advice has been called for, and I have given it; my presence is requested, and instead of sailing for America, I am going to Madrid, being so far on my way; and as Mr Jay is in Paris, I think it is better for me to go there. But unless Congress shall honor me with their commands, I shall embark in the course of June, and am eager for the moment when I may again enjoy the sight of the American shores.

Now, Sir, our noble cause has prevailed; our independence is firmly settled, and American virtue enjoys its reward. No exertions, I hope, will now be wanting to strengthen the Federal Union.

May the States be so bound to each other, as forever to defy European politics. Upon that union their consequence, their happiness, will depend. This is the first wish of a heart more truly American than words can express.

With the highest respect I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Translation.

Madrid, February 19th, 1783.

Sir,

Having had the honor to confer with your Excellency on the objects relative to the United States, and being soon to repair to the American Congress, I wish to be fully impressed with the result of our conversations. Instead of the indifference, and even of the divisions, which another nation would be glad to foresee, I am happy to have it in my power to inform the United States of your good dispositions. It is to you, Sir, I am indebted for this advantage, and in order to make it complete, and to make myself certain that I forget nothing, give me leave to submit to your Excellency the account which I intend to lay before Congress.

His Catholic Majesty desires, that a lasting confidence and harmony may subsist between him and the United States, and he is determined on his part to do everything that will be necessary to keep it up. The American _Charge d'Affaires_ is at this moment received as such, and your Excellency is going to treat of the interests of the two nations. As you wish to show Mr Jay every kind of regard, you wait only till the Count d'Aranda shall have notified your dispositions to him, before you present Mr Carmichael to his Majesty.

With respect to the limits, his Catholic Majesty has adopted those that are determined by the preliminaries of the 30th of November, between the United States and the Court of London. The fear of raising an object of dissension, is the only objection the King has to the free navigation of the river Mississippi. The Virginia tobacco, and the naval stores, may furnish matter for reciprocal conventions in the treaty, and by means of the productions of America, arrangements might be made which would be useful to her finances. When I had the honor to speak to you in favor of a diminution of the duties on codfish, you answered, that it would be necessary to give to France a similar advantage, and that by virtue of former treaties, the English might set up pretensions to the same; but that you will do in every respect all that will be in your power to satisfy America.

I would with very great pleasure touch upon every detail, which may enter into a connexion between Spain and the United States, but I am not to be concerned in this happy work. The Ministers of the United States, and the one whom you may send thither are to make it their business, and I content myself with reminding you of the general ideas you have given me. A word from you will satisfy me that I have not omitted anything. The dispositions of his Catholic Majesty, and the candor of your Excellency, will leave no pretexts for misrepresentations. The alliance of the House of Bourbon with the United States is founded on reciprocal interest; it will still acquire greater strength from the confidence which your Excellency wishes to establish.

Such, Sir, are the conclusions, which I have drawn from our conferences, and the account which I intend to give to Congress, without having any mission for that purpose. I am acquainted with the sentiments of Congress, and I am convinced they will set a just value upon your dispositions. In permitting me to acquaint them with these particulars, you will have a claim to my personal gratitude. To the assurance of this I join that of the respect, with which I have the honor, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Translation.

Pardo, February 22d, 1783.

Sir,

I cannot comply better with your desire, than by asking your leave to give you here my answer. You have perfectly well understood whatever I have had the honor to communicate to you, with respect to our dispositions towards the United States. I shall only add, that although it is his Majesty's intentions to abide, for the present, by the limits established by the treaty of the 30th of November, 1782, between the English and the Americans, yet the King intends to inform himself particularly whether it can be in any ways inconvenient or prejudicial to settle that affair amicably with the United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Translation.

Madrid, February 22d, 1783.

On receiving the answer of the Count de Florida Blanca, I desired an explanation respecting the addition that relates to the limits. I was answered, that it was a fixed principle to abide by the limits established by the treaty between the English and Americans, that his remarks related only to mere unimportant details, which he wished to receive from the Spanish commandants, which would be amicably regulated, and would by no means oppose the general principle. I asked him, before the Ambassador of France, whether he could give me his word of honor for it. He answered me, he would, and that I might engage it to the United States.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Bordeaux, March 2d, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Upon the news of a general peace, I had the honor to write to you, and took the liberty to address Congress in a letter, of which the enclosed is a duplicate. Those despatches have been sent by the Triomphe, a French vessel, and by her you will also have received a note of the general preliminaries.

The reasons of my going from Cadiz to Madrid being known to you, I shall only inform you, that upon my arrival there, I waited upon the King, and paid a visit to the Count de Florida Blanca. Independent of my letter to Mr Carmichael, of which you have a copy, I had very openly said, that I expected to return with him to Paris. So that after the first compliments, it was easy for me to turn the conversation upon American affairs. I did it with the more advantage, as I had beforehand fully conversed with Mr Carmichael, who gave me his opinion upon every point, and I was happy to find it coincided with mine.

In the course of our conversation, I could see, that American independence gives some umbrage to the Spanish Ministry. They fear the loss of their Colonies, and the success of our revolution appears to be an encouragement to this fear. Upon this subject their King has odd notions, as he has indeed upon everything. The reception of Mr Carmichael they wanted to procrastinate, and yet they knew it must be done. In offering my opinion to Count de Florida Blanca, I did it in a very free manner. I rejected every idea of delay. I gave a description of America, and of each of the States, of which Count de Florida Blanca appeared to know very little. While I abated their fears from our quarter, I endeavored to awaken them upon other accounts. It is useless to mention the particulars of this conversation, which lasted very long, and which he promised to lay before the King. In two days he said he should pay me a visit at Madrid.[2]

Agreeably to the appointment, I waited for Count de Florida Blanca, and there, in presence of the French Ambassador, he told me that the King had determined immediately to receive the Envoy from the United States. Our conversation was also very long, and I owe Count de Montmorin the credit to say, that not only at that time, but in every instance where he could operate on the Count de Florida Blanca in our favor, he threw in all the weight of the influence of France.

It was on Wednesday that I received Count de Florida Blanca's visit. In conformity with the Spanish style, he endeavored to delay our affairs. I took the liberty to say, that on Saturday I must set out, and it was at last fixed that on Friday, Mr Carmichael should deliver his credentials, and on Saturday would be invited to the dinner of the foreign Ministers.

As to more important matters, I conversed upon the affair of limits, and upon the navigation of the Mississippi, to the last of which points I found him very repugnant. I spoke upon the codfish duties. I wanted to have a preference engaged for in writing, upon all bargains respecting tobacco and naval stores; in a word, I did my best, and would have been more particular in point of money, had not the Minister's answer put it out of my power to do it in any other way, than such as was inconsistent with the dignity of the United States.

As Count de Florida Blanca was taking leave, I told him that my memory must be somewhat aided. I proposed writing to him, and getting from him an answer. To this he first objected, but afterwards consented, saying, however, that his word was as good as his writing. And as I had been sometimes a little high toned with him in behalf of America, he added, that Spain was sincere in her desire to form an everlasting friendship, but did not act out of fear. I had before observed, that it was on Spain's account that I wished for a good understanding between her and America.

The reading of my letter, a copy of which I enclose, will better inform you of the points that have been either wholly or partially granted. I endeavored to make the best of our conversations, and to engage him as far as I could. On the other hand, I kept our side clear of any engagement, which it was easy for me to do in my private capacity. I did not even go so far as general professions. But since I had been called there, I desired only to induce him into concessions that might serve the purposes of Mr Jay. My letter was delivered on Thursday. The next day I accompanied Mr Carmichael, who is much and universally beloved and respected in that country. On Saturday, before dinner, I received the answer, which for fear of ambiguities, I had requested to be given at the end of the letter. A sentence of the answer I made him explain before the French Ambassador. Herein are joined those copies, and I keep the original for Mr Jay, whose political aid de camp I have thus been. I have of course referred to him everything, and this negotiation, wherein he has exercised the virtue of patience, will now require his care and his abilities. The Ministers of some powers, Prussia among them, having asked me if Congress would be willing to make an advance towards them, I have answered, that the United States ought in my opinion not to make, but to receive advances.

At the same time I was employed in conversation with Count de Florida Blanca, I did not neglect speaking upon the same subject with the other Ministers. M. de Galvez, in whose department the Indies are, appears much averse to the English limit. He has for the present sent orders to the Spanish governors, to abide by those limits, and an official copy of those orders has been promised to me. But M. de Galvez was of opinion, that those limits would not do. I have therefore thought it proper, officially by writing, and before witnesses, so effectually to bind them, that the affair of limits cannot now but be settled on their side. Independent of their hand writing, France, through her Ambassador, is a witness to the engagement; and yet, being in a private capacity, I took care not to engage America to anything.

Never was a man further from a partiality for Spain than I am. But I think I now have left them in a sincere and steady intention to cultivate the friendship of America. The French party at that Court will be for it. They labor under fits of occasional madness. They have an ill conducted pride. It is disagreeable to treat with them, and their own interest does not persuade them out of their prejudices. But though they had rather there were not such a place as North America, they are truly and earnestly desirous to maintain a good harmony and live in friendship and neighborly union with the United States. The Mississippi is the great affair. I think it is the interest of America to be well with Spain, at least for many years; and particularly on account of the French alliance; so that I very much wish success to Mr Jay's negotiations. I have advised Mr Carmichael to continue his conferences, and I think they will be of service.

On my arrival at this city, I hear that Lord Shelburne is out of place, and has been succeeded by Lord North. But I cannot give it as certain. The American flag has already made its appearance before the city of London.

Upon the principles of an unbounded zeal for America, can I be permitted to repeat, that every American patriot must wish that the federal union between the States may continue to receive additional strength? Upon that intimate national union their happiness and their consequence depend.

Hoping that my voluntary excursion to Madrid may have somewhat prepared the way to fulfil the intentions of Congress, I hasten to join Mr Jay, whose abilities will improve the account I shall lay before him.

I have the honor to be, with the most affectionate regard, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

FOOTNOTE:

[2] The Court was then at Pardo.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Philadelphia, May 1st, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I am now to acknowledge your favor of the 5th of February, by the Triomphe, and that of the 2d of March, from Bordeaux. You were the happy messenger of glad tidings on both occasions. Before her arrival we had received no account of the signature of the general preliminaries, or of the cessation of hostilities. You can easily conceive the joyful reception it met with here, where we began to be heartily tired of the war; nor was it less welcome intelligence to the army, than to the other citizens of America.

The second letter, which promises a happy settlement of all differences with Spain, was flattering to those among us who knew the importance of her friendship, both in a commercial and political view. Congress feel themselves under great obligations to you, for the ardor you discovered in accelerating this happy event; and the address with which you placed it in such a train as to make it difficult for the Spanish Minister to go back from his engagements.

By this conveyance I send our Ministers the ratification of the provisional articles. Carleton and Digby have sent out their prisoners, and we are making arrangements to send in ours. Congress having determined on their part to do, not only all that good faith may require, but by this mark of confidence to convince them, that they have no doubt of the sincerity of their professions. Our Ministers will show you the letters that have passed between Carleton and me. Some among us, from finding nothing yet done that leads to the evacuation of New York, have been apprehensive that the British will effect delays on that subject, till the tories are satisfied, which I can venture to tell you in confidence they never will be unless the English shall on their part repair all the cruel losses they have unnecessarily occasioned. I this moment received a letter from the General, informing me, that he had proposed a personal interview with Carleton, in hopes of learning something of his intentions with respect to the evacuation, but I fear he will be deceived in this hope, if I may judge from the debates of the 3d of March, which prove that no orders had then been transmitted.

I cannot leave writing, without expressing how sincerely I agree with you, in your wishes that unanimity may prevail, and the band of union among us be strengthened; there is no thinking man here, who does not at the same time feel the necessity and lament the difficulty of effecting a measure, on which our happiness so greatly depends. Congress have made some general arrangements in their finances, which if adopted by the several States, will render our national debt a national tie, which time and experience may strengthen. Our Ministers will show you those resolutions; I will not therefore unnecessarily burden Colonel Ogden with them. For general information I refer you to him,

And have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Chavaniac, in the Province of}
Auvergne, July 20th, 1783. }

Sir,

Having been for some days in the country, where I am waiting for the arrival of the Triomphe I am honored with your Excellency's favor of the 12th of April, which I hasten to acknowledge. It is for me a great happiness to think, that Congress have been pleased to approve my conduct, and that an early intelligence has proved useful to our American trade. To my great satisfaction I also hear, that my endeavors in Spain have been agreeable to Congress. Upon my arrival in Paris I made Mr Jay acquainted with my proceedings. The concessions I had obtained from the Spanish Court (without any on our part) were also put into his hands. Since which I could have no more to do in the negotiations, wherein I had taken the part of a temporary volunteer.

However repeated may have been the marks of confidence, which Congress have conferred upon me, they ever fill my heart with a new satisfaction. What you have mentioned respecting payment of debts, will of course become my first and most interesting object. I have warmly applied to the French Ministry, and will on that point solicit the confidence of the gentlemen in the American Commission. But upon hearing of an opportunity, I could not an instant defer to acknowledge your Excellency's letter. Agreeably to the last despatches, I am waiting for the orders which I hope to receive by the Triomphe. Any commands which Congress may have for me, shall be cheerfully executed, by one of their earliest soldiers, whose happiness it is to think, that at a less smiling moment he had the honor to be adopted by America, and whose blood, exertions, and affections, will in her good times, as they have been in her worst, be entirely at her service.

It appears Russia is determined upon a Turkish war, and should they give it up now, the matter would only be postponed. What part the Emperor is to take, we cannot at present so well determine. Whenever the way is opened to me, I endeavor to do that which may prove agreeable to Congress, and intend to keep them acquainted with political occurrences. It is a pleasing idea for me now to think, that nothing can derange our glorious state of liberty and independence. Nothing, I say, for I hope measures will be taken to consolidate the Federal Union, and by those means to defeat European arts, and insure eternal tranquillity.

With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ Congress have no doubt received accurate accounts respecting the affair of free ports. On my arrival from Spain, I found that Bayonne and Dunkirk had been pitched upon, and I immediately applied for L'Orient and Marseilles. L'Orient is by far the most convenient on the coast, and we now have got it. That being done, I am again applying for Bayonne, which has some advantages, and I wish Congress would send orders to Mr Barclay. In the meanwhile, the more free ports we have the better. This affair of free ports, the subject which Congress have recommended, and the despatches I am directed to expect by the Triomphe, will determine the time when, having no more American business here, I may indulge my ardent desire to return to the beloved shores of America.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Nantes, September 7th, 1783.

Sir,

In consequence of the late arrangements, the French September packet is about to sail, and I beg your Excellency's leave to improve that regular, speedy, and safe opportunity. At the same time, Congress will receive a definitive treaty. But upon this point, since I left Madrid, my services have not been wanting. From our Commissioners, Congress will of course receive better information. This one object I must however mention, which respects American debts. As soon as I knew the wishes of Congress, I did, as I ever shall in such a case, earnestly apply to the French Ministry and the American Commissioners. But I was answered that it could not be done, and did not even consist with the powers of the British Ministry. After which, and at that time of the negotiation, I had no means to improve the hint I had received from your Excellency.

As to mercantile affairs in France, Mr Barclay will acquaint Congress with their present situation. Bayonne and Dunkirk having been pointed out as American free ports, and the opinion of Congress not being known, I took upon myself to represent the harbor of L'Orient as preferable to either of those abovementioned. It has lately been made a free port; and I now wish the affair of Bayonne may be again taken up. Those three ports, with Marseilles, would make a very proper chain, and in the meanwhile, I hope L'Orient will prove agreeable to the American merchants.

There now exist in this kingdom many obstacles to trade, which I hope, by little and little, will be eradicated, and from the great national advantages of this country over England, it will of course result that a French trade, generally speaking, must prove more beneficial to America. Upon many articles of American produce I wish preference may be obtained from this government, and besides commercial benefits in Europe, your Excellency feels that West India arrangements cannot easily be adjusted, with European notions and at the present costs. Upon those objects, Mr Barclay has had, and again will have, conferences with the Ministers. Circumstanced as we now are, he is, and the Commissioners also are of opinion, that my presence in France may be serviceable. As he was pleased to apply to me on the subject, saying he would mention the matter to Congress, and as their orders which I was to expect have not yet reached me, I think it my present duty, and it ever shall be my rule, to do that in which I hope to serve the United States.

Warlike preparations are still going on in the eastward. Immediately after she had signed a commercial treaty with the Turks, it pleased the Empress of Russia to seize upon the Crimea under a frivolous pretence. Her armies are ready to take the field, stores and troops have been collected upon the borders of the Black Sea, and the Turks are making immense, but I think not very formidable, preparations. By our last accounts the Austrians were gathering upon those borders, which lead towards an invasion of Turkish Provinces; and it is thought by many, that for fear of the plague, the two Imperial powers will prefer winter operations. How far matters may be carried, or compromised, cannot yet be well determined. What part France, Prussia, and England will take, is not yet known. The Levant trade cannot but be interested in the affair.