Chapter M: Holker to M. De La Luzerne (1)

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of transmitting to you the annexed letter, and copy of a late law of the State of Maryland, which I have this moment received from Mr William Smith, a merchant at Baltimore. As it is of a nature to alarm us in relation to all the operations, which have been concerted in the Islands, or contemplated with respect to other places during the course of the ensuing summer; as, moreover, the vessels and store-ships, which I expect from Martinique, to supply the place of those which were destined by the Count d'Estaing for the Chesapeake Bay, and which the officers of the King have thought it their duty to sacrifice and sell to the State of Carolina, with a view to contribute, as far as lay in their power, to the security and defence of that place; as, I say, these store-ships might arrive immediately, and I might be obliged to send them back in ballast, if the corn and wheat, which I have purchased in Maryland, should be seized, and as, thereby, all my transactions and engagements would not only become uncertain, but might terminate in a manner disgraceful to me, and in the failure of the naval operations of the King in America, I cannot forbear to claim, in the most urgent manner, the influence of your character with the Congress of the United States upon this occasion, while I observe to you, that if the law of Maryland is put in execution in relation to the provisions, which I have collected at a great expense and with every possible precaution, I shall, for the future, be unable to take a single step in the service of the King, and shall be obliged to pay large sums to indemnify those with whom I have made engagements.

Your Excellency is aware of the innumerable difficulties, which I have experienced since I have been engaged in this country, in the naval service of the King. They seem to multiply every moment, and have become so great that I am compelled to declare to you, that I cannot guaranty or be answerable for the success of the least operation, unless you shall be able most speedily to persuade Congress to take with each and every State in the Union, decisive and effectual measures to cause respect to be shown to my transactions, carried on in the name and on the account of his Majesty; while I repeat my offers to oblige my agents and correspondents to conform to such suitable formalities, as your Excellency shall think proper to prescribe for the general tranquillity and satisfaction.

I am, Sir, &c.

HOLKER.

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WILLIAM SMITH TO M. HOLKER.

Baltimore, January 7th, 1780.

Sir,

By express I send enclosed a copy of a letter I received yesterday from the Governor and Council of this State, in answer to my application for permission to load the brig Hawk with flour for Cape Francois, on account of his Most Christian Majesty. You will perceive by this letter, that I am not permitted to proceed in loading this vessel as you direct, nor will any permission for that purpose be granted until the army is supplied.

That the army ought to be supplied, I doubt not you will think right; but that the wheat and flour collected in this port should be taken for that purpose, when I presume a sufficient quantity may be had much more convenient to the army and less prejudicial to your interest, you will, probably, conclude is not so convenient, and might, if duly considered, have been avoided. I am well informed that the public purchasers in Harford county have now on hand upwards of three thousand barrels, which, for a wagon at this season of the year, are at least three days nearer camp than this place. Besides, very considerable magazines must be provided on the eastern shore of this State; and it seems to me, that the distresses of our army have arisen more from the want of carriages to convey a sufficient quantity of flour to camp, than from any other cause.

Be that as it may, I find that the Commissioners for this county are determined to lay their hands on all your wheat and flour, and have already seized some of your wheat, and I doubt not but the whole on the eastern and western shores will be taken as soon as they conveniently can do it. Therefore, I thought it my duty to despatch this information to you by express, that you may take such measures in the premises as you judge best. You will see by the enclosed letter, that no relief is to be expected from our Governor and Council. Perhaps an application to Congress may procure a resolve directing your magazines to be spared, by lending some for the present emergency. But that ought to be taken when most convenient for the army, and least prejudicial to you.

You will please to favor me with a line by return of the bearer, directing whatever steps you may think will be most conducive to the interest of his Most Christian Majesty.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM SMITH.

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THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MARYLAND TO WILLIAM SMITH.

In Council, Annapolis, January 6th, 1780.

Sir,

We received your favor of the 3d instant by express. As the grand object of the "Acts for the immediate supply of the army, &c." is to procure an immediate and full supply of provisions for _our_ army, it was necessary that the Commissioners should be vested with extraordinary powers, that those powers should be accurately defined, and that the mode to be pursued by them should be plainly delineated; which is done. We do not think that flour or wheat purchased for the Marine of France, privileged or exempted from seizure, and we are certain it was not the intention of the Legislature that those articles should be, because such exemption would, in a great degree, if not wholly, frustrate the design of the law.

We deem it our duty to afford the Commissioners every aid in our power to facilitate the execution of the law, and, therefore, cannot at this time grant permission to export flour or wheat purchased by the agents of France; because we should thereby restrain that extensive operation of the act, by which alone we can obtain an immediate supply adequate to our pressing wants. We are sensible, that it is of importance that the Marine of France should be furnished with flour, and it is with the utmost regret that we have refused permission, and nothing could have induced us to do it, but the alarming and distressful situation of our army; and when we have assurances that their wants are relieved, we shall with pleasure grant license as heretofore.

The numerous evils, that would result from procrastinating the supplies when contrasted with the inconveniencies alluded to by you, will, we trust, evince the propriety of our conduct and justify our refusal.

We are, with respect, Sir, &c.

J. T. CHASE, _President of the Council_.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has just received from M. Holker a letter, of which a copy is annexed, in relation to a law, passed by the State of Maryland, to authorise the Commissioners therein named to seize the grain, corn, and rice, which may be found stored in the hands of individuals in that State, and to carry them away. It is to be presumed, that if the General Assembly of Maryland had been informed of the measures taken, at a great expense, to procure supplies for the fleets of his Majesty and for his garrisons in the French Islands, and of the pressing wants which they suffer, they would have excepted from this law the provisions found in the hands of Mr Smith.

The undersigned is about to take suitable measures for inducing the government to refrain from seizing the said provisions, and to replace them in case that they are already seized. He earnestly entreats Congress to be pleased, on its part, to recommend to the Councils and Assemblies of the Thirteen States to refrain, in circumstances of this nature, and in all other cases, from all measures which may cause any uncertainty in the operations of the King's Navy Agents, endanger the success of the plans of the campaign, and expose to want and to the greatest inconveniences the garrisons of the French Islands, the governors of which are previously informed of the measures taken to procure supplies for them in the United States, and in concert with Congress and the respective governments of the States.

The present juncture being of a very pressing nature, the undersigned entreats Congress to be pleased to come to a decision on this subject as quickly as possible. He, moreover, proposes to the Council of Maryland to subject the agents and Commissioners, charged with making purchases on account of his Majesty, to all the legal forms best adapted to prevent every kind of abuse on their part; and he is desirous that the States, in which purchases of this nature may be made, should be pleased to take similar measures.

LUZERNE.

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TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 23d, 1780.

Sir,

Advices recently received from Europe make mention of the efforts, which the English have made in Germany to procure recruits and new levies, and of the difficulty they have experienced even on the part of those Courts with whom they had before treated. The greatest part of the German Princes, who have sold soldiers to the Court of London, now blush at these sales, which have excited their subjects against them, and which besides have drained their States. They are reluctant to give troops to a power, that is making war against France, with whom they have always preserved amicable ties, and I am assured, that it is even doubtful whether the English will be able to procure a few recruits to complete the corps they have in America.

I am informed, that these circumstances have determined the British government to make every effort to obtain men in America, whom they cannot procure in Europe, and that Mr Clinton has received orders to spare no pains to effect the exchange or deliverance of the troops of the Convention of Saratoga, and of other prisoners, who are in the hands of the Americans. It is added, that the want of the Court of London for soldiers is so pressing, that General Clinton has been authorised to surmount all the difficulties, which may arise in the negotiation of this exchange, and that he is even permitted in case of absolute necessity to treat with Congress, or their Ministers, on terms of perfect equality, and as with an independent power. He has also equally full liberty to agree upon the number of private soldiers, who may be given in exchange for an officer of any rank whatsoever; and they order him simply to remember in treating of this matter, that an English soldier transported to America is of an infinite price to England, and they exhort him to employ all his efforts to bring about an exchange whatever may be the conditions.

I hasten to communicate these interesting ideas to Congress, and I have learned, that they were confirmed by the event, and that Major General Phillips had in effect drawn on a negotiation, the progress of which had been entirely confided to your Excellency. They prayed me at the same time to send you a communication of these objects, which the Congress think ought greatly to influence the measures, which it will be in your power to take, when you know that the English Commissioners have orders to pass over all difficulties, and to grant all the demands, which may be made, rather than to lose the occasion of reinforcing the army they have upon this continent.

I join to this some extracts, the contents of which have appeared to me of a nature to interest your Excellency. You will see besides, Sir, by the despatch of the British Minister, with what affectation he seeks to make the Thirteen States to be considered as subjected to the English domination, and you will judge of what importance it is to you to treat with the Court of London upon the footing of perfect equality, and how useful an act of this nature may be to the negotiations of Congress in Europe, when they can add to all the facts, of which the Court of Madrid makes mention in its memoir, a cartel regulated on the footing of perfect parity, and which would prejudge beforehand the question of your independence. I congratulate myself, that this negotiation is in your hands, and I am well persuaded, that nothing will pass derogatory to the part, which my Court has taken in acknowledging the independence and the perfect sovereignty of the United States.

I shall intrust to your Excellency, that the King is disposed to send over succors to this continent, of arms and ammunition, but as the events of the sea are uncertain, I believe that it will be proper to make no change in the measures, which may have been taken otherwise to procure them. This news not having reached me till yesterday, I have not yet been able to make a communication of it to Congress.

As you may be retained in your quarters by important considerations, I propose to go to render you my duties in the course of the next month, and confer with your Excellency on objects of great importance, and relative to the measures necessary to push the next campaign with vigor, and to put the American army in a condition truly proper to hold the enemy in check upon the continent, whilst his Majesty and the King of Spain shall display in the other parts of the world all their forces to secure advantageous terms of peace to the allies.

I am, with respect, Sir,

LUZERNE.

_P. S._ This letter will be delivered to your Excellency by M. de Galvan, who has been raised to the rank of Major by your goodness; he desires to merit it anew, and prays me to solicit you to put his zeal in activity. I shall be very grateful for what you may be pleased to do for him. He was particularly recommended to me by the Minister of France. He appeared to me to merit a great deal from his zeal, and from his personal attachment to your Excellency.

* * *

PAPERS MENTIONED IN THE ABOVE LETTER.

No. 1.

Translation.

_Extract of a Memorial communicated by the Ambassador of England to
the Court of Madrid, on the 28th of March, 1779._

Let the Colonies expose also their grievances, and the conditions for their security, or for their precaution, in order that the continuance and authority of lawful government may be re-established; and then we shall see if a direct and immediate accommodation can take place. If this same method is preferred in this last case only, let a truce be made in North America, that is to say, a real truce and suspension of arms, during which may be established and secured the liberty and estates of persons of every condition, and let all sort of violence against the respective subjects, or against the estates or effects which they possess, be made to cease. During this truce, the French may treat upon their particular concerns, avoiding thereby the suspicions, to which they would necessarily expose themselves, if they wish to involve in the negotiation their private advantage relatively to the pretended interests of those, whom France with affectation calls her allies; and his Majesty will be able to establish the government of his own dominions, without suffering the humiliation of not receiving, but from the hand of a declared enemy, the conditions which regard this government.

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No. 2.

Translation.

_Ultimatum proposed by the Court of Madrid to the Courts of France
and England, dated 3d of April, 1779._

If these overtures or propositions had arrived here immediately after the King had made his to adjust the plan of reconciliation, several difficulties might have been some time since removed, by the modifications, which might have been negotiated, counting upon good faith and reciprocal confidence, as well as the desire of obtaining a peace; but after having lost more than two months, without reckoning the time that uselessly passed before, and after having observed that during this interval they did not cease to make great preparations of war, it must necessarily be suspected, that the object of England is to let glide away the months, which the campaign might still last, to continue the war with vigor. In this case all the efforts of the King to bring back the belligerent powers to peace would be ineffectual. Nevertheless, his Majesty, wishing to give one more proof of his love of humanity, and to make it appear that he has neglected nothing to stop and prevent the calamities of war, has ordered to propose to the two Courts the following plan, which will be on his part an ultimatum in this affair.

"That there shall be an unlimited suspension of arms with France on the condition, that neither of the belligerent powers can break it without advertising the other a year beforehand.

"That with a view of re-establishing reciprocal security and good faith between the two Crowns, by means of this suspension of hostilities, there shall be a general disarming in the space of one month on the side of Europe, in four months on that of America, and in eight months or a year for those of Africa and of Asia the most remote.

"That they shall determine in a month the place where the Plenipotentiaries of the two Courts shall assemble, to treat of a definitive accommodation of peace, and to regulate the restitutions or compensations relative to the reprisals, which have been made without adjudication of war, and to other grievances or pretensions of one or the other Crown. For this purpose the King will continue his mediation, offering in the first place the city of Madrid to hold a Congress.

"That the King of Great Britain shall grant a like cessation of hostilities to the American Colonies, by the intercession and mediation of his Catholic Majesty, a year beforehand, to the end, that he may apprize the said American Provinces, that they are equally ordered to make a reciprocal disarming at the epochas, and for the spaces of time, which have been specified with regard to France.

"That the bounds be fixed beyond which neither of the two parties shall pass from the positions and territories, in which it shall be at the time of the ratification of this arrangement.

"That they may send to Madrid one or more Commissioners on the part of the Colonies, and that his Britannic Majesty may also send others on his part under the mediation of the King, if necessary, in order to adjust all those points and others, which respect this suspension of arms, and the effects which it ought to produce, so long as it shall subsist, and that during this interval the Colonies shall be treated as independent in fact. That in case all the belligerent powers, or any others among them, or even the Colonies themselves, demand that the treaties or accommodations, which are concluded, be guarantied by those powers and by Spain, they shall in effect be so guarantied. And the Catholic King now offers his guarantee for the preliminaries."

* * *

No. 3.

Translation.

_Extract from the Exposition of the Motives of the Court of Spain
relative to England._

Among the propositions of the ultimatum of the King of Spain, there is one for which the British Cabinet has affected to have the greatest repugnance, and that is the proposition which imparts, that the Colonies shall be treated as independent _in fact_, during the interval of the truce. It is extraordinary, since it is even ridiculous, that the Court of London after having treated the Colonies during the war as independent, not only _in fact_, but also _of right_, should have any repugnance to treat them as independent only _in fact_, during the truce, or suspension of arms. The Convention of Saratoga, General Burgoyne considered as a lawful prisoner, the exchange and liberation of other Colonial prisoners, the nomination of Commissioners to meet the Americans at their own homes, the act of having asked peace of them, and to treat with them, or with Congress, and a hundred other facts of this nature, authorised by the Court of London, have been genuine signs of an acknowledgment of the independence of the Colonies.

It is the English nation itself, who can best judge and decide, whether all these acts are as compatible with the honor of the British Crown, as would be that of granting to the Colonies, by the interposition of his Catholic Majesty, a suspension of arms to discuss their differences, and to treat them during this interval as independent _in fact_.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you the credentials, by which M. d'Anmours is provisionally appointed his Majesty's Consul in the State of North Carolina. I entreat you to be pleased to cause them to be invested with the sanction of Congress, by having them entered upon the registers, and by taking the trouble to affix your approval, or causing that of Mr Thompson to be affixed, according to the mode heretofore pursued in similar cases.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received express orders from the King, his master, to inform Congress, that the present situation of the affairs of the alliance in Europe announces the necessity of another campaign, which is indispensable to bring England to an acknowledgment of the independence of the Thirteen United States, which is the essential purpose of the present war. That power is making preparations the most proper for continuing the war with vigor, and appears willing to employ, in the course of this year, all the means possible to procure reparation, by some important enterprise, for the losses it has already sustained. Congress cannot doubt, that in this situation of affairs his Most Christian Majesty and the King of Spain have concerted plans to maintain that superiority by sea, which has begun to appear in their favor; and the underwritten has reason to believe, that the United States have nothing to desire of their ally, touching the use he is making of the resources of his realm, and the efficacy of the measures adopted by the Cabinets of Versailles and Madrid.

But while this powerful diversion retains in Europe, and the West Indies, the greater part of the land and sea forces of the common enemy, it is absolutely necessary, that the United States, on their part, should make efforts proportionable to the greatness of the object for which they are contending. The only means of putting an end to the calamities of the war is to push it with new vigor; to take effectual measures immediately for completing the army and putting it in condition to begin an early campaign.

It is also necessary to concert, as far as the distance of places will permit, a plan of common operations; and this is one of the principal points on which the underwritten Minister is ordered to consult with Congress. He is also ordered to assure this Assembly, that the King being informed of the wants of the American army, with respect to arms and ammunition, has commanded his Ministers to make suitable arrangements for supplying them. It is necessary that the underwritten Minister should confer with Congress on the subjects just mentioned. Besides, he has some particular circumstances to communicate relative to the present or probable state of the negotiations; and he desires that this assembly will be pleased to inform him in what manner they will receive the communication, the subject of which, as well as the plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, requires the most profound secrecy. In the meanwhile, he now only assures Congress, that in the whole course of the negotiations carried on last year, the King would not listen to either peace or truce, without an assurance, of some sort, of the independence of the United States.

LUZERNE.

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REPORT OF A COMMITTEE ON THE COMMUNICATIONS
OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 28th, 1780.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of the Minister of France, reported the following summary, accompanied with extracts of papers, which he had recently received.[32]

The Minister of France informed the Committee, that he had it in command from his King to impress upon the minds of Congress, that the British Cabinet have an almost insuperable reluctance to admit the idea of the independence of these United States, and will use every possible endeavor to prevent it. That they have filled several of the Courts of Europe with negotiations, in order to excite them to a war against France, or to obtain succors; and are employing the most strenuous endeavors to persuade the several powers, that the United States are disposed to enter into treaties of accommodation. That many persons in Europe are actually employed in bringing such treaties to perfection; and that they have no doubt of their success. That the objects which the British Cabinet hope for from those measures are, to destroy the superiority, which France has now at sea, by diverting her powers and resources from naval to land operations, and by engaging her in a land war, where she must risk very important interests, while England would risk nothing but money; or to break, or weaken the alliance, by destroying the confidence, which the allies ought to have in each other.

That his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of Britain, relative to the disposition of the United States; and it is necessary, that measures be taken for the preventing of other powers from being deceived into a belief of them. That the negotiations of Britain, as far as could yet be learned, had not succeeded. That the dispositions of all the European powers are, as far as can be known, very friendly to France; but some of them may be engaged in secret treaties with Britain, which may oblige them, in some event, to assist her with troops even against their inclinations. That such event may arise, and if it should, it is probable it will produce an armed mediation, the consequences of which would be, that the allies must accept of the terms proposed by the mediator, or continue the war under the disadvantage of having the forces of the mediator united with those of their enemies. That in such event, it is possible the terms proposed will be such as Spain offered, and Britain rejected, in the last proposed mediation.

That, though the powers who may be under such engagements by treaty to Great Britain, from their friendly disposition towards his Most Christian Majesty, may be very unwilling to give assistance to his enemies, yet they may find it indispensably necessary in compliance with their engagements; but it is not improbable that their reluctance, or the distance of their dominions, may delay such assistance, if granted at all, so as to be too late for the next campaign. That should the enemy be in possession of any part of the United States at the close of the next campaign, it will be extremely difficult to bring Great Britain to acknowledge their independence; and if a mediator should be offered, while the enemy is in possession of any part, an impartial mediator could not easily refute the arguments, which might be used for its retaining such possessions. And, probably, a mediator well disposed towards Great Britain might insist on her holding them; and if not agreed to, the hostility of such a mediator would be the necessary consequence. That should Great Britain form such alliances, or procure such aids, as are the objects of her present negotiations, there will be every reason to fear a long and an obstinate war, whereof the final event may be doubtful.

That this view of affairs plainly points out the necessity for the greatest possible vigor in the operations of the next campaign, in order to dispossess the enemy of every part of the United States, and to put them in condition to treat of peace, and accept of a mediation with the greatest advantage; and the preparations for it ought to be as speedy and as effectual as possible. That France and Spain are prepared to make a very powerful diversion, and will exert themselves most strenuously for preserving and improving their naval superiority, and for employing the powers of the enemy in Europe and the West Indies. The Minister declared, as from himself, that he doubted not his Most Christian Majesty will spare some ships to the United States, if it can be done without endangering his superiority at sea; and that an application made to the Minister informally is more eligible than to the King, because it would give his Majesty great pain to refuse the request, though he might be in no condition to grant it. That at all events, supplies should be prepared on a supposition that the ships will be granted; and such supplies should be put into the hands of the Agent for the Marine of France, and considered as the King's property.

He desires to be informed, as far as Congress may deem proper, what force the United States can bring into the field next campaign? On what resources they rely for their maintenance and necessary appointments? And what shall be the general plan of the campaign, on supposition either of having, or not having the aid of ships of war? He gives it as his opinion, that an application for clothing may be made to his Most Christian Majesty with prospect of success; and although measures have been taken for sending arms and warlike stores to America, yet it would be prudent in Congress not to neglect any other means for procuring those supplies, or supplies of clothing.

FOOTNOTE:

[32] These extracts were the same as had been sent to General Washington, and are printed above, in connexion with M. de la Luzerne's letter to him, dated January 23d, 1780.

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ANSWER OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 31st, 1780.

Congress taking into consideration the communications of the French Minister, as reported by the committee on the 28th instant,

Resolved, That the following answer be given to the communications of the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France;

That Congress entertain the most grateful sense of the unremitting attention given to the interests of the United States by their illustrious ally; and consider the communications made to them by his Minister under his Majesty's special command as equally wise and interesting. That the confidence which they repose in his Majesty, in consequence of his so generously interesting himself in the affairs of these United States, and the wisdom and magnanimity of his councils, determine them to give the most perfect information in their power of their resources, their views, and their expectations.

That to this end, they state as follows; that the United States have expectations, on which they can rely with confidence, of bringing into the field an army of twentyfive thousand effective men, exclusive of commissioned officers. That this army can be reinforced by militia so as to be in force sufficient for any enterprises against the posts occupied by the enemy within the United States. That supplies of provisions for the army in its greatest number can certainly be obtained within the United States; and the Congress, with the co-operation of the several States, can take effectual measures for procuring them in such manner as that no operation will be impeded. That provisions, also, for such of the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, as may be employed in conjunction or co-operation with those of the United States, can be procured under the direction of Congress; and such provisions shall be laid up in magazines, agreeably to such instructions as his Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary shall give; and the magazines shall be put under the direction of the Agent of the Marine of France.

That Congress rely on the contributions of the States by taxes, and on moneys to be raised by internal loans, for the pay of the army. That supplies of clothing, of tents, of arms and warlike stores, must be principally obtained from foreign nations; and the United States must rely chiefly on the assistance of their ally for them; but every other means for procuring them are already taken, and will be prosecuted with the greatest diligence.

That the United States, with the assistance of a competent naval force, would willingly, during the next campaign, carry on the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in all the posts occupied by them within the United States. That without such naval force, little more can be attempted by them than straitening the quarters of the enemy, and covering the interior parts of the country. That their forces must be disposed in such manner as to oppose the enemy with the greatest effect, wheresoever their most considerable operations may be directed.

That at present, the Southern States seem to be their principal object, and their design to establish themselves in one or more of them; but their superiority at sea over the United States enables them to change their objects and operations with great facility, while those of the United States are rendered difficult by the great extent of country they have to defend.

That Congress are happy to find that his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of the British cabinet relative to the dispositions of the United States, or any of them, to enter into treaties of accommodation with Great Britain; and wish his Majesty and all the powers of Europe to be assured, that such suggestions are insidious and without foundation.

That it will appear by the constitutions and other public acts of the several States, that the citizens of the United States possessed of arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and direct their magistrates as they think proper, are united in their determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their governments, and observing their treaties and public engagements with immovable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty, that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.

* * * * *

COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A
COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS AT A SECOND CONFERENCE.

In Congress, February 2d, 1780.

The Committee report, that in a second conference with the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France he communicated to them;

That his Most Christian Majesty, being uninformed of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the United States and his Catholic Majesty, has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an alliance; and in order to make the way thereto more easy, has commanded him to communicate to the Congress certain articles, which his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the interests of his Crown, and on which it is highly necessary that the United States explain themselves with precision, and with such moderation as may consist with their essential rights.

That the articles are,

1st. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.

2dly. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.

3dly. The possession of the Floridas; and

4thly. The lands on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.

That on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid, that the United States extend to the westward no farther than settlements were permitted by the royal proclamation bearing date the ---- day of ---- 1763.

On the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory belonging to them being situated thereon.

On the third, that it is probable that the King of Spain will conquer the Floridas during the course of the present war; and in such event, every cause of dispute relative thereto between Spain and these United States ought to be removed.

On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the Mississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the aforesaid proclamation, are possessions of the Crown of Great Britain, and proper objects against which the arms of Spain may be employed, for the purpose of making a permanent conquest for the Spanish Crown. That such conquest may, probably, be made during the present war. That, therefore, it would be advisable to restrain the Southern States from making any settlements or conquests in those territories. That the Council of Madrid consider the United States as having no claims to those territories, either as not having had possession of them before the present war, or not having any foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain, whose dominion they have abjured.

That his Most Christian Majesty, united to the Catholic King by blood and by the strictest alliances, and united with these States in treaties of alliance, and feeling towards them dispositions of the most perfect friendship, is exceedingly desirous of conciliating between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, the most happy and lasting friendship.

That the United States may repose the utmost confidence in his good will to their interests, and in the justice and liberality of his Catholic Majesty; and that he cannot deem the revolution, which has set up the independence of these United States, as past all danger of unfavorable events, until his Catholic Majesty and the United States shall be established on those terms of confidence and amity, which are the objects of his Most Christian Majesty's very earnest wishes.

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GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 4th, 1780.

Sir,

Major Galvan delivered me the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me on the 23d of January, to which I have paid all the attention the importance of its contents demands. I am much flattered by this commencement of a correspondence, from which I have everything to gain, and equally indebted for the interesting communications it affords.

It is a happy circumstance, that the efforts made by the British Court for obtaining troops in Germany are attended with so little success. This will naturally increase their exertions for procuring men in this country, and will, no doubt, make them more solicitous for effecting the exchange or release in some way or other, of their prisoners in our hands. It will be well, if in the negotiations on this subject, we can extract concessions favorable to those, which may take place in Europe, and you may depend the experiment shall be fully tried. But from the aspect of the late propositions on the part of the enemy, I should not entertain any sanguine hopes of the success of this experiment. The reinforcement they would derive from a full compliance with their proposals is not calculated at more than ten or eleven hundred private men; and this seems hardly to be an object of sufficient magnitude to induce them to concede to points of the nature, which your Excellency's information supposes; especially, as you emphatically express it, "after having sought with so much affectation to make the Thirteen States be considered as subjected to the English domination." The offers made through Major General Phillips are far more moderate, than any that have hitherto come from them, and appear, in a great measure, to have been influenced by his personal solicitations, dictated by an extreme anxiety to be released from captivity. But notwithstanding the matter in its present form wears to me the appearance I have mentioned, I shall not neglect any measure, which it may be in my power to take, to improve the intimation your Excellency has given, and entreat you to be assured, that I shall endeavor to make the event confirm the opinion you do me the honor to entertain, that nothing will be done derogatory to the magnanimous part your Court has acted, or the honor or interest of the United States.

The inconsistency of the Court of London, so well delineated by that of Madrid in the extract you had the goodness to annex, would appear extraordinary, if their whole conduct in the course of the war did not exhibit many similar examples. But it is evident, that their refusing to consider these States as independent in fact, during a negotiation, was a mere pretext to cover their unwillingness to concur in the pacific views of His Catholic Majesty; and the Memorial from the British Ambassador shows, that they were artfully aiming to effect a separation of interests between France and these States, the better to prosecute their hostile designs against either or both.

I thank your Excellency for the agreeable intelligence you give me of his Christian Majesty's intentions to send over succors of arms and ammunition. It is a new and valuable proof of his friendship, and will be of essential utility. I agree with you, that there ought to be no relaxation in the measures otherwise intended to be taken to procure the necessary supplies of those articles.

I am sensibly mortified, that the present situation of affairs will by no means suffer me to yield to the desire I have of paying you my respects in Philadelphia; and I shall impatiently look for the opportunity of doing it here, which your Excellency promises me in the course of this month. Besides the important objects of public utility, which I am authorised to hope from it, I shall take pleasure on every occasion of testifying to you those sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

_P. S._ The interest your Excellency is pleased to take in Major Galvan, will be an additional motive with me to avail myself of his talents and zeal, as far as circumstances will possibly permit.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 4th,[33] which only reached me on the 13th.

Sincerely desirous of doing everything in my power, by which the interest of his Christian Majesty, inseparable from that of these States, can in any manner be promoted, and still more in a point so essential as that which makes the subject of your letter, I should not hesitate to furnish the detachment required by Mr Duer, whatever might be my opinion of its necessity, did not the present state of the army absolutely forbid it. I with confidence assure your Excellency, that our force is so reduced by the expiration of the terms for which a considerable part of it was engaged, and will be so much more diminished in the course of a month or two from the same cause, as scarcely to suffice for the exigence of the service, and to afford just cause for uneasiness should the enemy be actuated by a spirit of enterprise, before we receive the reinforcements intended for the next campaign. So circumstanced, my duty to the common cause will not justify me in adding to the insecurity of our situation, by making a detachment, which, though apparently inconsiderable, would be materially felt in our present weakness; and I am persuaded, after the information now given, that your Excellency will wish me not to hazard the measure.

With respect to the necessity of a covering party, I shall not venture to decide; but I should imagine in the present state of things, that the business may be carried on with tolerable security without one. The consequences of the late expedition promise tranquillity for some time to our frontier, and make it at any rate improbable that the savages will be able to penetrate so far at so early a period, and the proposition does not require that the covering party should remain longer than until the last of April. The intelligence I have received corresponds with these ideas. It might be added, that the garrison at Wyoming gives some degree of protection to the part of the country in question. But as it is very important, that no interruption should be given to the workmen, if a covering party should upon the whole be thought requisite, the best mode of furnishing it will be from the neighboring militia. For this purpose on your Excellency's application to Congress, I cannot doubt they will immediately make the necessary arrangements.

I have the honor to be, with the most respect and attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[33] Missing.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have just received from Martinique, a letter from M. Gerard, who informs me, that at his request the commander of Martinique has procured for the frigate Confederation, belonging to Congress, the same sources and facilities as are enjoyed by his Majesty's own vessels. But there are no materials for masts, and as this vessel has been dismasted, M. Gerard knows no other means of hastening her repairs, than that of sending masts to him from Boston, or any other part of the continent where Congress can procure them.[34]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[34] See further particulars on this subject in the _Correspondence of John Jay_, Vol. VII. pp. 171, et seqq.

* * * * *

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

Translation.

To our Very Dear Great Friends and Allies the President and Members of the Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

We have received your letter of the 22d of November last, which you directed Dr Franklin to deliver. We have seen therein with pain the picture of the distressed state of your finances, and have been so affected, that we have determined to assist you as far as our own wants and the extraordinary and enormous expenses of the present war, in which we are engaged for your defence, will permit. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is enjoined to inform you more particularly of our intentions. And we are persuaded, that the details which he will make will induce you to exert your utmost efforts to second ours, and will more and more convince you how sincerely we interest ourselves in the cause of the United States; and that we employ all the means in our power to make it triumphant. You may rely on our perseverance in the principles, which have hitherto directed our conduct. It has been fully proved, as well as the sincere affection we entertain for the United States in general, and for each in particular. We pray God to have you, very dear great Friends and Allies, in his holy protection.

Written at Versailles, the 10th of March, 1781.

Your good Friend and Ally,

LOUIS.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 5th, 1780.

Sir,

Two days since I had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the 29th of April.

The polite terms in which you mention the attention, which my respectful attachment for you dictated during your stay in camp, add to the obligation I felt for the honor of your visit. I was happy in that opportunity of giving you a new proof of my sentiments, and I entreat you to afford me others as frequently as possible. As the Minister of a Prince, to whom America owes so much, you have every title to my respect; and permit me to add, your personal qualities give you a claim, which my heart cheerfully acknowledges, to all my esteem and all my regard.

I beg you to accept my thanks for your intention to represent the army in so favorable a light, as will recommend it to the approbation of his Most Christian Majesty; an honor as flattering as it will be precious.

It would be a want of gratitude not to be convinced of the intimate concern he takes in our affairs, after the repeated and decided proofs he has given.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

9 o'clock, A. M.

_P. S._ I have this instant received a letter from my much esteemed and amiable friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, dated in Boston harbor, the 29th of last month. In the course of a day or two I shall expect to see him.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The attentions and honors paid to M. de Miralles[35] after his death were a tribute due to his character and merit, and dictated by the sincere esteem, which I always felt for him.

I am much obliged to your Excellency for your intention of sending me a detail of the land and sea forces arrived at Martinique, which I beg leave to inform you was forgotten to be enclosed in your letter.

You will participate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette. No event could have given me greater pleasure, on a personal account, and motives of public utility conspire to make it agreeable. He will shortly have the honor to wait upon your Excellency, and impart matters of the greatest moment to these States. He announces a fresh and striking instance of the friendship of your Court, and which cannot fail to contribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude of this country.

I am always happy to repeat to you the sentiments of respect and inviolable attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[35] M. de Miralles, Agent for the Spanish Government in this country, died in General Washington's camp, and was buried with military honors.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, May 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my last I have had the honor to receive the detail of his Most Christian Majesty's fleet in the West Indies, which your Excellency has had the goodness to send me. I congratulate you very sincerely, Sir, on this very respectable armament, which I found to surpass my expectation, and I would willingly hope that an occasion will be afforded the Count de Guichen to strike some important blow with it, which shall advance the honor and interest of his Majesty, and of course the interest of these United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that the King, in consequence of his affection, and friendship for the United States, and of his desire to put an end by effectual measures to the calamities of the present war, has resolved to send to this continent a reinforcement of troops, intended to act against the common enemy, and of vessels, which will be employed in assisting the operations of the land troops. As soon as Congress has decided on the plan of the campaign, the Marquis de Lafayette will receive all communications on this subject; and will on his part make the overtures, which shall be necessary to the success of the operations. But as despatch and secrecy ought to be the very soul of these operations, and as, moreover, Congress will undoubtedly find it indispensable to arrange them in concert with the Commander in Chief, the Chevalier de la Luzerne requests this Assembly to consider, whether the course most proper to be adopted under these circumstances be not to appoint, without the least delay, a small committee, who shall repair to the army, furnished with instructions, and there fix upon measures, which shall be carried into execution immediately on the arrival of the land forces, under the command of the Count de Rochambeau, Lieutenant General of the armies of the King, and the Chevalier de Ternay, commander of the squadron, at whatever part of the continent they may have had orders to land.