Chapter III: Front Matter (3)

In every American concern, Sir, my motives are so pure, my sentiments so candid, my attachments so warm and so long experienced, that from me nothing, I hope, will appear intruding or improper. Upon many points lately debated, my opinions, if worth a remark, are well and generally known. But I must frankly add, that the effect which some late transactions have upon European minds cannot but make me uneasy. In the difficulties, which a patriotic and deserving army have met with, Europeans have been misled to conceive a want of public gratitude. In the opinions that have from every quarter been stated, Europeans have also mistaken partial notions for a want of disposition to the Federal Union; and, without that Union, Sir, the United States cannot preserve that dignity, that vigor, that power, which insures the glory and the happiness of a great, liberal, and independent nation. Nay, it would be ill fate to us, who have worked, fought, and bled in this cause, to see the United States a prey to the snares of European politics. But I am only mentioning the opinions of men on this side of the water, and in my heart, I hope everything will be adjusted to the satisfaction of that part of the citizens, who have served in the army, and that other part in the civil line, who, during the war, have sympathised with their troops. I, above every other earthly wish, most fervently pray, that the enemies of liberty, or such as are jealous of America, may not have the pleasure to see us deviate from the principles of the Federal Union. And upon a recollection of my introductory apology, I hope the observations I humbly offer will be as kindly received, as they are respectfully and affectionately presented.

When it is thought my presence here can be dispensed with, or in case the situation of affairs should persuade me it were more useful in America, I will not delay to join a wished for and beloved land. Any orders or commands whatever, which Congress may be pleased to give me, I shall most cheerfully obey; and as every moment in my life is devoted to the love and respect of the United States, so will it ever be my happiness to serve them.

With every sentiment of an affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, December 26th, 1783.

Sir,

Having received no commands from Congress by the last packet, I must, however, trespass upon their time to give them a few hints respecting American commerce. I have of course directed them to Mr Morris; and although Dr Franklin (the other Ministers being in England) will give you political intelligence, I cannot help adding, that by a refined piece of cunning, the King of England has got Mr Fox out of the Ministry. After having entangled him by a success in the House of Commons, he found means to stop him short in the House of Lords; in consequence of which Mr Fox has been dismissed. Mr Pitt, and the last of the Temples called in, and the new administration, (Lord North being also out) necessitates the calling of a new Parliament.

The affairs between Russia and the Ottoman Empire are still negotiating, and although in my opinion a war cannot be much deferred in that quarter, there is no probability of its taking place so soon as next summer. The Emperor is in Italy, upon which some say he has also got an eye, and there he will meet with the King of Sweden. There is no change in the French Ministry, since M. de Calonne has succeeded to M. de Omillon, and Baron de Breteuil to M. Amelot, both of whom are more sensible than their predecessors.

Unless I have some commands from Congress to execute in Europe, I shall in the Spring embark for America, and present them with the personal homage of one, whose happiness is to feel himself forever a zealous member in the service of the United States.

With the utmost regard, and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Mount Vernon, November 25th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Although I hope in a few days to have the pleasure of seeing you, I must beg leave to mention a matter, which has not a little hurt my feelings. You probably know that on my way, passing through New York, and particularly on my visit to Albany, it was intimated my presence at the Indian treaty would be of some use to the public. At Fort Schuyler I was desired to speak to the Indians, which I did, and the Commissioners had the papers filled up with their other transactions. But copies were taken, which was thought then a matter of no consequence. The enclosed letter from Mr St John, and the gazette that accompanied it, will show you that from the most obliging and humble motives in the world, he attempted to translate and print such incorrect parts of the relation as he had been able to come at. Had his kind intentions only given him an instant to reflect, he might have seen the impropriety of that measure, but in the meanwhile, it looks as if it had my consent; and such deviation is it from the manner in which our servants of the United States ever did business, that out of respect for Congress, for the Commissioners, and myself, I could not rest easy until the matter should be fully explained. Enclosed in my letter to the French Consul, which, after you have taken out such extracts as you think proper, I beg you will seal up and send by the bearer. Indeed, my Dear Sir, upon your friendship I depend to have this little circumstance officially laid before Congress, and should these letters be worth their reading, it will be, I hope, a satisfactory explanation of the affair.

In the first days of next month I shall have the pleasure to meet you at Trenton, and at that time will have the opportunity of conversing with you on several subjects. No answer from you ever came to hand.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Versailles, February 8th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

After thirty days passage, I was safely landed at Brest, and am so lately arrived in Paris, that I had better refer you to your Ministerial intelligence. In consequence of Austrian demands upon the Dutch, and the gun these have fired at ---- forty thousand men were sent to the Low Countries by the Emperor, and a second division was in motion the same way, when France gave orders for two armies to be got in readiness, the one, probably, in Flanders, and the other in Alsace. Holland is gathering some troops, the greater number purchased in Germany, and will have at the utmost, thirty thousand men in the field. Count de Maillebois, an old and able French General, has been demanded by them. Russia seems friendly to the Emperor; and although the Stadtholder is a friend to the King of Prussia, while the patriots are wholly attached to France, yet Prussia will, no doubt, side in politics with France, and the Stadtholder will command his own country's troops.

A grand plan is spoken of, whereby the Emperor would endeavor to obtain Bavaria, and in return, give the Low Countries to the Palatine House; a bargain, which betters and increases the Imperial forces. Under these circumstances, negotiations cannot but be very interesting. Although the freedom of Holland, and the protection of the German Princes, are very proper objects for France to support, yet a war with the Emperor must be peculiarly disagreeable to the Court. It will certainly be avoided, if consistent with the liberties of Holland, with faith, and dignity; and, upon the whole, I am strongly of opinion, that no war will take place, at least for this year. The appearance of things, however, is still warlike enough to have made it proper for me to be arrived at the time I did; an idea, I confess, the more necessary for the situation of my mind, as I most heartily lamented the shortness of this visit to America, and the obligation I had been under to give up favorite plans, and break off more agreeable arrangements. The officers of the regiments under marching orders, Colonels excepted, have joined their corps. But I hope matters will be compromised; and such at least is my private opinion; but even they, who know more than I do on the subject, would, perhaps, find it difficult to form a precise one.

The Ministers of Congress will, no doubt, inform you of the situation of their negotiations in Europe. You will have seen M. de Castine's compliance with engagements. He had taken a letter to me, which Mr Morris laid before Congress. Nothing new was granted, and although the suspended decisions about flour and sugars were favorable to them, the French merchants have complained of what has been obtained. In every country, mercantile prejudices wear off by little and little.

I beg, my Dear Sir, you will forgive the hurry in which I write. Be pleased to remember me to all our friends.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, March 19th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have been honored with your letter of January the 19th, and am happy to hear that federal ideas are thriving in America. The more I see, hear, and think in Europe, the more I wish for every measure that can ensure to the United States, dignity, power, and public confidence. Your three Ministers being in Paris, they will, of course, acquaint you with the present state of America, and also of European politics. Great Britain perseveres in her ill-humor. Spain in her ill-understood policy. On my arrival, I repeated what I had written; namely, the idea of getting New Orleans, or at least to advise the Spaniards to make it a free port. The former is impossible. As to the second, I had no positive answer, but I am sure my opinion was not thrown away. However, I confess it is difficult to make converts of a Spanish cabinet. You know them better than I do.

Negotiations in Europe are still going on, and there is every reason to hope this will be terminated without bloodshed. Enclosed you will find a declaration, which has been published officially in some measure, in the Leyden Gazette. Count de Maillebois is now in Holland, where they are raising troops, and where parties run very high. In the meanwhile, the Emperor had another plan in view, of which I wrote to you in my last letters; it was to exchange his dominions in the Low Countries for the Electorate of Bavaria. But, fortunately for all the members of the empire, the Duke of Deux Ponts, nephew and heir to the Elector, has firmly opposed it. A report had been spread, that the Emperor had intended to surprise Maestricht. But although matters are not yet finally settled, I am pretty certain there will not be this year any Dutch war, nor Bavarian war, both of which could not fail to involve France. It is, however, difficult to be decided in an opinion upon a matter, which the ideas of one man may derange.

You speak to me of the introduction of flour in the West Indies. My wishes and my efforts are not unknown to you. But such clamors have been raised by the merchants against what we lately have obtained, that our efforts now, must be directed towards holding it fast. Those people are encouraged by the narrow politics of England, who, say they, have all the trade of America. I have appointed a conference with the Duc de la Vauguyon, who is setting out for Spain, and I will tell him everything I know respecting the Mississippi.

Your Ministers will, probably, write to you respecting the Algerine business. What information I can collect will be presented to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 11th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

This opportunity being very safe, Congress will have been fully informed by their Minister and the bearer, Mr John Adams's son, who is himself very well fit to give them proper intelligence.

The appearances of a war are more and more remote. Politicians do, however, look towards the Ottoman Empire. The Emperor is restless. The Empress of Russia is ambitious; the King of Prussia is old; a King of the Romans is to be elected; an arrangement for Bavaria, a reason or a pretence, an interest or a whim might set fire to combustible matters; but it is not expected for the present.

As it seems to me that favors granted to American importations are one of the best services that can be rendered to American trade, I wish it had been possible to obtain a total abolition of duties upon whale oil. But in this moment government are taken up with a scheme to revive that fishery in France. It was therefore necessary to follow a round about course, and Mr Adams is charged with some private proposals, which may be advantageous.

In a few days I intend visiting Nismes, Montpellier, and Rochelle, which are manufacturing and trading towns. I hope my little journey may not be quite useless; after which I shall go to Berlin and Silesia, to Vienna and Bohemia, where the King of Prussia, and the Emperor, at several periods of the summer, have grand manoeuvres executed by their troops. Should I in those visits find the least opportunity to gratify my zeal for the United States, I should think myself more happy than I can expect, and as much so as your patriotic heart can feel.

With the most sincere regard and affection, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Vienna, September 6th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed is a Memorial in behalf of M. d'Argaynarats, which has been recommended to me by persons of the most respectable character. It seems M. d'Argaynarat's situation is very particular, and the distress of himself and family very urgent. As in the number of petitions that may be received, it is not possible for Congress to be acquainted with the family affairs of individuals, I hope it is not improper for me to lay before them this particular case; and while it is officially presented by others, not to withhold my certificate of the accounts which respectable characters have given me about M. d'Argaynarat's present distresses.

With the highest and most affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 11th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I have not for a long time had the honor to address you, either in public or private letters. This has been owing to a tour I made through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets, which, to my great concern, I found to have taken place during my absence.

In the course of a journey to Prussia, Silesia, the Austrian dominions, and back again to Berlin, I could not but have many opportunities to improve myself by the inspection of famous fields of battle, the conversation of the greatest Generals, and the sight of excellent troops; those of Prussia particularly exceeding my expectations. I had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of nations, who can bear a despotic government, and to pay a new tribute of respect and attachment to the constitutional principles we had the happiness to establish. Wherever I went, America was of course a topic in the conversation. Her efforts during the contest are universally admired; and in the transactions, which have so gloriously taken place, there is a large field of enthusiasm for the soldier, of wonder and applause for the politician; and to the philosopher, and the philanthropist, they are a matter of unspeakable delight, and I could say of admiration. Those sentiments I had the pleasure to find generally diffused. But to my great sorrow, (and I will the more candidly tell it in this letter, as it can hurt none more than it hurts myself,) I did not find that every remark equally turned to the advantage of my pride, and of that satisfaction I feel in the admiration of the world for the United States.

In countries so far distant, under constitutions so foreign to republican notions, the affairs of America cannot be thoroughly understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are greatly exaggerated by her enemies. It would require almost a volume to relate how many mistaken ideas I had the opportunity to set to rights. And it has been painful for me to hear, it is now disagreeable to mention, the bad effect which the want of federal union, and of effective arrangements for the finances and commerce of a general establishment of militia have had on the minds of European nations. It is foolishly thought by some, that democratical constitutions will not, cannot, last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King, or at least a nobility, are indispensable for the prosperity of a nation. But I would not attend to those absurdities, as they are answered by the smallest particle of unprejudiced common sense, and will, I trust, be forever destroyed by the example of America. But it was impossible for me to feel so much unconcerned, when those points were insisted upon, for which I could not but acknowledge within myself there was some ground; although it was so unfairly broached upon by the enemies of the United States. It is an object with the European governments to check and discourage the spirit of emigration, which, I hope, will increase among the Germans, with a more perfect knowledge of the situation of America. And while I was enjoying the admiration and respect of those parts of the world for the character of the United States; while I was obliged to hear some remarks, which, although they were exaggerated, did not seem to me quite destitute of a foundation, I heartily addressed my prayers to heaven, that by her known wisdom, patriotism, and liberality of principles, as well as firmness of conduct, America may preserve the consequence she has so well acquired, and continue to command the admiration of the world.

What I now have the honor to write, is the result of conversations with the principal characters in the countries I have visited; and particularly the Austrian and Prussian Ministers, the Emperor, Duke of Brunswick, Prince Henry, a man equally great and virtuous, the Prince Royal, and the King of Prussia. With the last I have often dined in the company of the Duke of York, second son to his Britannic Majesty, when American affairs past and present were brought on the carpet, and sometimes in a manner not a little embarrassing for an English Prince. My stay at Vienna was short, but I had a very long conference with the Emperor, in which we spoke much of the American trade, and I found he had imbibed British prejudices. The next day Prince de Kaunitz introduced the same subject to me, and expressed some astonishment, that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor. I answered, advances had been made formerly, and more than were necessary on the part of America, whom there was as much occasion to court, as for her to seek for alliances. But that my attachment to his Imperial Majesty made me wish he would address, on that business, the Ministers of Congress, now at Paris and London, through the medium of his Ambassadors. I added, that the best measure to be taken immediately, was to open the Italian ports to American fish. But I do not think the United States will ever find a very extensive commercial benefit in her treaties with that Court.

In everything that concerns France, my respected friend Mr Jefferson will give you sufficient information. The affair of American commerce wears a better prospect than it has hitherto done; so far at least, that a committee has been appointed to hear what we have to say on the trade between this kingdom and the United States.

The King of Prussia is very unwell, and cannot live many months. His nephew is an honest, firm, military man. From the Emperor's temper a war could be feared. But our system is so pacific, and it will be so difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part which she has no interest to do, that I do not think the tranquillity of Europe will he deranged. Holland is checking Stadtholderian influence, but no further. The King of Naples and his father are quarrelling on account of a Minister, leaning to the House of Bourbon, and devoted to other powers, whom the son wants to keep. I had lately an opportunity to know, that the last revolt in Peru has lost a hundred thousand lives; but from the same account I find that those people are far remote from the ideas which lead to a sensible revolution.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 28th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

Owing to several circumstances, and particularly to a journey I have made through some garrison towns, your favor of June the 16th has reached me very late. That there should remain the least doubt with M. Gardoqui respecting the adoption of the English limits, is a matter of amazement to me. The original letter having been sent I herewith enclose a copy, with a few observations. I think its presentation to M. Gardoqui will the better convince him, as he knows Count de Florida Blanca's respect for his own word of honor. And may I be allowed to add, that the more this letter is known, the better it will impress the public with ideas favorable to the Spaniards, and the Spaniards, with a sense of engagements, which men of honor cannot trifle with.[3]

As to the navigation of the Mississippi, you know better than I what are the strong prejudices of that Court against it. But we both know equally well, that in a little time we must have the navigation one way or other, which I hope Spain may at last understand.

It has been said in some newspapers, that the Floridas should be given up to France. But nothing has come to our knowledge, which gives the least ground for an idea of that kind. As Mr Jefferson sends you a letter relative to commerce, which improves the condition of the treaty with England, whereby she has no claims on the favors enjoyed by the United States, although she is to be treated like the other most favored nations, and as M. Dumas is writing on Dutch affairs, I will only beg leave to inform you, that the appointment of the convention has had already a good effect in Europe, and that great benefit will be derived on this side of the water also, from the commercial and federal measures, which it is my happiness to hear are now under consideration.

Although there may be a diversity of opinions, whether a peace must be purchased at any rate from the Barbary Powers, or a war must be carried on against them until they come to proper terms, there can in no mind be any doubt about the advantages of a third measure, which is a confederacy of six or seven powers, each of them giving a small quota, and the reunion of which would ensure a constant and sufficient cruise against those pirates, and after they are brought to terms, would guard against the breaking of a peace which the powers would mutually guarranty to each other. Portugal, Tuscany, Naples, Venice, and Genoa, are now at war with those regencies. I would like at the same time to have the armament so managed as to use American flour, fish, and naval stores. This plan is not as yet very well digested in my head, but I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety of impowering their Ministers to stipulate for such an arrangement.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ In case Congress have no particular orders for me, (in which case I should be most happy to wait on them, either as a soldier in their armies, or in any other manner) I may perhaps accept the invitation of the Empress of Russia, to be presented to her next spring in her new dominions of Crimea, which excite my curiosity. Should anything turn out that may employ me as a servant of the United States, I hope they know my zeal.

FOOTNOTE:

[3] See these letters to and from Count de Florida Blanca, above, pp. 30, 32.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 7th, 1787.

Dear Sir,

This letter goes in the first packet from Havre, a change advantageous both to passengers and correspondents, and through the hands of Colonel Franks, whose good conduct at Morocco has entitled him to a share of that respect, which has been deservedly paid to the American Embassy. Mr Barclay's refusal of the presents has been a matter of wonder to every African, and I dare say to some Europeans, whose accounts do full justice to him.

To Mr Jefferson's despatches I refer for useful intelligence. The affairs of Holland do not make a progress towards conciliation. It seems that the King of Prussia will not find himself the better for counteracting in many points, the line of conduct of his deceased uncle. A treaty of commerce is signed between France and Russia. The Empress has set out on her journey towards Crimea. She had permitted my waiting on her, but I am detained by the Assembly of Notables, an event not very common, neither expected, which does honor to the King and his Ministry, and will, I trust, be productive of public good.

I have had the honor to send copies of my old correspondence with the Count de Florida Blanca. The enclosed one will supply any accident that may have befallen the others. We are told, that the unhappy disturbances in New England have subsided. To us they do not appear so dangerous as to Europeans; but sufficiently so to give us a great deal of concern. May all Americans know the blessings of their own constitutions, and from comparison judge, that if they are to correct, it would be madness in them to destroy.

I hope the convention at Philadelphia will answer the essential and urgent purposes of the confederation, commerce, and the establishment of a uniform and republican militia. Each State has within itself the means fully sufficient to set right the opinions of mistaken citizens, and those means seem to me principally founded on the good sense, knowledge, and patriotic liberality of the people. Every wrong measure of theirs would hurt, not only the consequence of the United States, but also the cause of liberty in all parts of the world.

With the most sincere regard and attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 3d, 1787.

My Dear Sir,

Had I been sooner acquainted with Mr Forrest's departure, I would have given you more particular accounts of the latter part of our session, but have only time to enclose the speeches that were made by the heads of the several departments. Not that such etiquette speeches are in any way interesting on the other side of the Atlantic, but because you will in the same book find that of the Archbishop of Toulouse, wherein he gives the King's answer to the several demands of the Bureau. You will see, that if the madness and corruption of the late administration have laid us under a necessity to acknowledge that, after all other means would be exhausted, taxes must be employed to fill up the vacancy, yet we have gained not a little by the convocation of the Assembly. A more equal repartition of taxes, including the clergy, who hitherto had escaped them, and the powerful ones among the noblesse, who were not very exact; Provincial Assemblies on an elective principle, which, by the bye, are big with happy, very happy consequences, that will come to light as we go on; economies to the amount of forty millions at least; the destruction of interior custom houses; a modification of the Gabelle; an annual publication of the account of the finances; the printing of all pensions, gifts, &c.; more proper arrangements within some departments; and a more general instruction, habit of thinking on public affairs, &c. &c. are the good effects of this Assembly, which, although it was not national, since we were not representatives, behaved with great propriety and patriotism.

On the last day of our session, I had the happiness to carry two motions in my Bureau which were, I may almost say, unanimously agreed to; the one in favor of the Protestant citizens of France, the other for an examination of the laws, particularly the criminal ones. Enclosed is the resolve framed by the Bureau, which Count D'Artois, our President, presented to the King, and was graciously received. I was the more pleased with it, as some step of the kind, with respect to the protestants, that had been tried in the Parliament of Paris, had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that even in asking for tolerance, we must measure our expressions. I was more liberally supported, by a learned and virtuous prelate, the bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many compliments to the Roman creed, to appease the priests and devotees.

I cannot express to you, my Dear Sir, what my feelings have been, whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy epocha of federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced at the news of her noble exertions in continuance of those principles, which have placed her so high in the annals of history, and among the nations of the earth.

The archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest, and one of the most honest men, that could be put at the head of administration. He will be the prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man equally enlightened and liberal.

I beg you will present my respectful compliments and those of Madame de Lafayette to Mrs Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr Madison, Doctor Cochran, the Governor, in a word, to all friends.

Please send the enclosed printed speeches, and copied resolves of the Bureau, to Mr Otho, who must be very desirous of getting them.

Most respectfully and affectionately yours,

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 15th, 1787.

Sir,

The present state of politics having been laid before Congress, I shall the less intrude on their time with repetitions, as the late transactions in Holland have nothing pleasing to dwell upon. That the republican party have been disunited in many respects, and blinded in the choice of a General, that our cabinet have been treacherously deceived, are true, but insufficient apologies. The Ottomans, roused by England, will, probably, pay for their folly with one half of their empire. It now lies with England, whether a maritime war is to break out, which must involve the continent, and connect France with the two Imperial Courts. France is sincere in her politics and moderate in her pretensions, as it is the ardent wish of the King, Ministers, and nation, to devote themselves to internal improvements. But the affairs of Holland, those in the east, the giddiness of the King of Prussia's head, and British rancor for the assistance given to America, are causes of war, which, notwithstanding the disposition of this Ministry, may, probably, be blown up in Great Britain.

It is natural for a citizen and servant of the United States to consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am happy to find in their indulgence and long experienced confidence, every encouragement to offer my opinion.

A co-operation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, my views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored with the choice of Congress, to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. A successful war, too, might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the United States so circumstanced for the present, as to render a war too expensive for them and too dangerous to their commerce?

Convinced as I am, that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty and love for them, not to indulge my ambition further than a neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling; all which being consistent with treaties gives no ground of complaint. Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does not hinder the French Colonies from being supplied with all their wants. Privateering itself, if under French colors, does no harm; and so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both nations, at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would wish at least it was delayed as long as possible, and postponed, for obvious reasons, to the last campaign.

It is to be confessed, that France might lay some claims on more decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation of affairs in America, I have reasons to believe she would not hurry her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping neutrality.

But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the restoration of the forts, and, perhaps, the navigation of the Mississippi, two points, which I confess I could never submit to the idea of giving up. The one is ours[4] by the laws of nations, the other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add, that either concession would be inconsistent with the character of the United States.

Mr Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken respecting the commerce between this kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been terminated in time for the departure of Count de Mourtier, a gentleman whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and approbation of Congress.

We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at Philadelphia, as an event which, being engrafted in the present dispositions of the people, will, probably, add a lustre and a proper weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and, while it ensures internal happiness and prosperity, will baffle the insidious wishes, and annihilate the absurd reports of her enemies.

The next month is the appointed time for the sessions of all Provincial Assemblies, an establishment, which will be productive of the best consequences.

The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any principles of vanity or self-sufficiency; but to the gratitude so well grounded, and the zeal, which shall ever rank me among the most devoted servants of the United States.

With every sentiment of personal attachment and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

FOOTNOTE:

[4] It must be remembered, that in these letters General Lafayette always speaks of himself as an American.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

As early as September 27th, 1779, John Adams was appointed by Congress Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and commerce with Great Britain, whenever that power should be prepared to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and enter into a treaty. Mr Adams went to Europe on this mission, but as no opportunity occurred for putting it into execution, he received another appointment as Minister to Holland.

Meantime Congress, on the 14th of June, 1781, annulled Mr Adams's first commission for negotiating a treaty, and associated with him four other persons for this purpose, namely, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. To these five commissioners, or to a majority of them, or any one of them alone, in case accident prevented the presence of the others, was assigned the power of making a treaty of peace with such commissioners, as should be appointed for the same object on the part of the English Court. Richard Oswald was the British Commissioner. He went to Paris in the Spring of 1782, and commenced the negotiation with Dr Franklin, who was then the only one of the American Commissioners present. Mr Jay arrived in Paris from Spain on the 23d of June, and united with Dr Franklin in the labors of the mission. As Mr Adams was then employed in completing a treaty with Holland, he did not join his colleagues till near the end of October. The Provisional articles were signed on the 30th of November. Mr Laurens was present at the signature of the treaty, having arrived only two days previous to that event. Mr Jefferson did not engage in the mission.

Adams, Franklin, and Jay remained in Paris after the signature of the preliminary articles, as Commissioners for making a Definitive Treaty. The English government sent David Hartley to Paris for the same purpose. Many propositions passed between the Commissioners of the respective countries, but after ten months' fruitless discussion, the Definitive Treaty was signed in the exact words of the Provisional Articles, on the 3d of September, 1783.

As the Commissioners corresponded singly with the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and the President of Congress, during the whole period of the negotiation, they wrote but few letters in concert. The records of the Commissioners, kept by their Secretary, have also been lost. Nearly all the papers, which have much value, have been found and arranged for the present publication, but there are yet some deficiencies. The history of the negotiation can only be understood by reading carefully, in connexion with these papers and letters, the correspondence of each of the Commissioners during the same period.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

* * * * *

COMMISSION TO TREAT OF PEACE.

The United States of America, in Congress assembled, to all to whom these presents shall come, send greeting.

Whereas, these United States, from a sincere desire of putting an end to the hostilities between his Most Christian Majesty and these United States, on the one part, and his Britannic Majesty on the other, and of terminating the same by a peace founded on such solid and equitable principles as reasonably to promise a permanency of the blessings of tranquillity, did heretofore appoint the honorable John Adams, late a Commissioner of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles, late Delegate in Congress from the State of Massachusetts, and Chief Justice of the said State, their Minister Plenipotentiary, with full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the Ambassadors, or Plenipotentiaries, of his Most Christian Majesty, and of his Britannic Majesty, and those of any other Princes or States, whom it might concern, relating to the re-establishment of peace and friendship; and whereas, the flames of war have since that time been extended, and other nations and States are involved therein,

Now know ye, that we, still continuing earnestly desirous, as far as it depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and to convince the powers of Europe, that we wish for nothing more ardently, than to terminate the war by a safe and honorable peace, have thought proper to renew the powers formerly given to the said John Adams, and to join four other persons in commission with him, and having full confidence in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the honorable Benjamin Franklin, our Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, and the honorable John Jay, late President of Congress, and Chief Justice of the State of New York, and our Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, and the honorable Henry Laurens, formerly President of Congress, and commissioned and sent as our Agent to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and the honorable Thomas Jefferson, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint, the said Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, in addition to the said John Adams, giving and granting to them, the said John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, or the majority of them, or of such of them as may assemble, or, in the case of the death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment of the others, to any one of them, full power and authority, general and special, conjunctly and separately, and general and special command to repair to such place as may be fixed upon for opening negotiations for peace, and there for us, and in our name, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the Ambassadors, Commissioners, and Plenipotentiaries of the Princes and States, whom it may concern, vested with equal powers relating to the establishment of peace, and whatsoever shall be agreed and concluded for us, and in our name to sign and thereupon make a treaty or treaties, and to transact everything, that may be necessary for completing, securing, and strengthening the great work of pacification, in as ample form, and with the same effect, as if we were personally present and acted therein, hereby promising in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, fulfil and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by our said Ministers Plenipotentiary, or a majority of them, or of such of them as may assemble, or, in case of the death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment of the others, by any one of them; and that we will never act, nor suffer any person to act, contrary to the same, in whole or in any part.

In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the fifth year of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

* * * * *

COMMISSION TO ACCEPT THE MEDIATION OF THE EMPRESS
OF RUSSIA AND THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY.

The United States of America to all to whom these presents shall come, send Greeting.

Whereas his Most Christian Majesty, our great and beloved friend and ally, has informed us by his Minister Plenipotentiary, whom he has appointed to reside near us, that their Imperial Majesties the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany, actuated by sentiments of humanity, and a desire to put a stop to the calamities of war, have offered their mediation to the belligerent powers, in order to promote peace; now know ye, that we, desirous as far as depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and convince all the powers of Europe that we wish for nothing more ardently than to terminate this war by a safe and honorable peace; relying on the justice of our cause, and persuaded of the wisdom and equity of their Imperial Majesties, who have so generously interposed their good offices for promoting so salutary a measure; have appointed and constituted, and by these presents do constitute and appoint, our trusty and well beloved John Adams, late delegate in Congress, from the State of Massachusetts, and Benjamin Franklin, our Minister at the Court of France, John Jay, late President of Congress, and now our Minister at the Court of Madrid, Henry Laurens, formerly President of Congress, and commissioned and sent as our agent to the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and Thomas Jefferson, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, our Ministers Plenipotentiary, giving and granting to them, or such of them as shall assemble, or in case of death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment, of the others, to any one of them, full power and authority in our name, and on our behalf, in concurrence with his Most Christian Majesty, to accept in due form, the mediation of their Imperial Majesties the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany.

In testimony whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia this fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the fifth year of our independence.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS FOR PEACE.

In Congress, June 15th, 1781.

To the Honorable John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry
Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, Ministers Plenipotentiary in behalf
of the United States, to negotiate a treaty of peace.

Gentlemen,

You are hereby authorised and instructed to concur, in behalf of these United States, with his Most Christian Majesty, in accepting the mediation proposed by the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany.

You are to accede to no treaty of peace, which shall not be such as may 1st, effectually secure the independence and sovereignty of the Thirteen United States, according to the form and effect of the treaties subsisting between the said United States and his Most Christian Majesty; and 2dly, in which the said treaties shall not be left in their full force and validity.

As to disputed boundaries, and other particulars, we refer you to the instructions given to Mr John Adams, dated 14th of August, 1779, and 18th of October, 1780,[5] from which you will easily perceive the desires and expectations of Congress. But we think it unsafe, at this distance, to tie you up by absolute and peremptory directions upon any other subject, than the two essential articles above mentioned. You are therefore at liberty to secure the interest of the United States, in such manner as circumstances may direct, and as the state of the belligerent, and the disposition of the mediating powers may require. For this purpose, you are to make the most candid and confidential communications upon all subjects to the Ministers of our generous ally, the King of France; to undertake nothing in the negotiations for peace or truce, without their knowledge and concurrence; and ultimately to govern yourselves by their advice and opinion, endeavoring in your whole conduct to make them sensible how much we rely upon his Majesty's influence for effectual aid in everything that may be necessary to the peace, security, and future prosperity of the United States of America.

If a difficulty should arise, in the course of the negotiation for peace, from the backwardness of Great Britain to acknowledge our independence, you are at liberty to agree to a truce, or to make such other concessions as may not affect the substance of what we contend for; and provided that Great Britain be not left in possession of any part of the United States.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

FOOTNOTE:

[5] See these instructions in _John Adams's Correspondence_, Vol. IV p. 339; and _Secret Journal_, Vol. II. p. 339.

* * * * *

THE KING'S WARRANT FOR RICHARD OSWALD'S FIRST COMMISSION FOR
NEGOTIATING PEACE.[6]

George R.

Our will and pleasure is, and we hereby authorise and command you forthwith to prepare a bill for our signature, to pass our great seal of Great Britain, in the words or to the effect following, viz;

George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and so forth. To our trusty and well beloved Richard Oswald, of our city of London, Esquire, Greeting. Whereas by virtue of an Act passed in the last session of Parliament, entitled "An Act to enable his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce with certain Colonies in North America therein mentioned," it is recited, 'that it is essential to the interest, welfare, and prosperity of Great Britain and the Colonies or Plantations of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in North America, that peace, intercourse, trade and commerce, should be restored between them;' Therefore, and for a full manifestation of our most earnest wish and desire, and that of our Parliament to put an end to the calamities of war, it is enacted, that it should and might be lawful for us to treat, consult of, agree and conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners, named or to be named, by the said Colonies or Plantations, or with any body or bodies, corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies or description of men, or any person or persons whatsoever, a peace or truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof, any law, act, or acts of Parliament, matter or thing, to the contrary in anywise notwithstanding.

Now know ye that we, reposing special trust in your wisdom, loyalty, diligence, and circumspection in the management of the affairs to be hereby committed to your charge, have nominated and appointed, constituted and assigned, and by these presents do nominate and appoint, constitute and assign you, the said Richard Oswald, to be our Commissioner in that behalf, to use and exercise all and every the powers and authorities, hereby intrusted and committed to you, the said Richard Oswald, and to do, perform, and execute all other matters and things, hereby enjoined and committed to your care, during our will and pleasure, and no longer, according to the tenor of these our letters patent. And it is our royal will and pleasure, and we hereby authorise, empower, and require you, the said Richard Oswald, to treat, consult, and conclude with any Commissioner or _Commissioners, named or to be named, by the said Colonies or Plantations, and any body or bodies, corporate or politic, assembly or assemblies, or descriptions of men, or person or persons, whatsoever, a peace or truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof_; any law, act or acts of Parliament, matter or thing, to the contrary notwithstanding.

And it is our further will and pleasure, that every regulation, provision, matter or thing, which shall have been agreed upon between you, the said Richard Oswald, and such _Commissioner or Commissioners, body or bodies, corporate or politic, assembly or assemblies, descriptions of men, person or persons as aforesaid_, with whom you shall have judged meet and sufficient to enter into such agreement, shall be fully and distinctly set forth in writing, and authenticated by your hand and seal, on one side, and _by such seal or other signatures on the other as the occasion may require, and as may be suitable to the character and authority of the Commissioner or Commissioners, &c. as aforesaid so agreeing_, and such instruments so authenticated shall be by you transmitted to us through one of our principal Secretaries of State.

And it is our further will and pleasure, that you, the said Richard Oswald, shall promise and engage for us and in our royal name and word, that every regulation, provision, matter, or thing, which may be agreed to and concluded by you, our said Commissioner, shall be ratified and confirmed by us in the fullest manner and extent, and that we will not suffer them to be violated or counteracted either in whole or in part by any person whatsoever. And we hereby require and command all our officers, civil and military, and all others our loving subjects whatever, to be aiding and assisting unto you, the said Richard Oswald, in the execution of this our commission, and of the powers and authorities herein contained; provided always, and we hereby declare and ordain, that the several offices, powers and authorities hereby granted shall cease, determine, and become utterly null and void, on the first day of July, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, although we shall not otherwise in the meantime have revoked and determined the same, in witness, &c. And for so doing this shall be your warrant.

Given at our Court of St James, the twentyfifth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eightytwo.[7] In the twentysecond year of our reign. By his Majesty's command.

THOMAS TOWNSHEND.

To our Attorney or Solicitor-General.

FOOTNOTEs: