Chapter XIV: Part 14

I have received your letter of the 15th of April, covering a statement of your accounts, by which it appears that my bills on you exceed the sum which you will have to receive from the Court on this year's subsidy. This circumstance gives me great pain, for it would be very hard if after supporting our credit in Europe during the war, it should be fatally ruined on the establishment of peace. You will have learned by my former letters, that I had taken measures to throw into your hands all the moneys, which I could by any means command for that purpose. I am still in hopes, that the Court will make a further effort in our favor, but at any rate if your payments should exceed your funds, I must replace your advances by remittances from hence. I hope that our affairs will soon take such a form, solidity and establishment, as to render all things perfectly easy, and the conclusion of the definitive treaty, which will enable us to reduce our expenditures, added to the advantages of a general and lucrative commerce, cannot fail of absorbing what few engagements may be at present unprovided for. On the whole, my Dear Sir, I have only to say my bills must be honored, and your zeal in favor of America must be rewarded.

With sincere esteem, I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, July 28th, 1783.

Sir,

Conceiving it to be almost certain, that a definitive treaty of peace is concluded, I am bound to request the attention of Congress towards reducing the expenses. It is unnecessary to repeat, that our resources for absorbing the anticipations, depend on the produce of taxation. There is no hope of fulfilling the public engagements, but by a strict economy, for there is no evidence of that energy among the States, which the Act of Congress of the 2d of May was framed to inspire. Let me, therefore, repeat my request, _that the public expenses be greatly reduced_. The number of men which it may be necessary to keep in the field, I cannot presume to name, as it is a military question; but it would best consist with the present state of my department to disband the whole.

Your Excellency will easily conceive the situation to which I am driven when I am compelled to withhold assent to a moderate demand of the Secretary at War, for building magazines to preserve the public stores. It is certainly of importance, that arsenals should be erected in such proper places as to provide for the public defence, but reasons against advancing money are incontrovertible. Congress knew the extent of my engagements, for the discharging of which they have solemnly pledged themselves. Congress know also, that the States do not furnish means. They will perceive, therefore, that I should wantonly sacrifice their honor and dignity, should I form new engagements before the old are satisfied.

I know, Sir, that many of the stores may be wasted and destroyed for the want of magazines, and that if they are sold it will be to a considerable loss. But much loss must be added to the mass of injuries America has already sustained by not complying with the requisitions of Congress. It is a loss, which in its consequences must fall upon the States themselves, who are the immediate authors of it; but if the engagements already taken are violated by applying money to other purposes, then the honor of Congress will be sacrificed, together with the property of those who relied on it.

I should not, Sir, have dwelt so long on this small circumstance, if it did not serve to impress the true object of my letter, a _reduction of national expense_. And here let me notice what has often been mentioned, the expense of the civil list. If in this general term of civil list are comprehended the public servants abroad, I freely acknowledge my opinion, that it might be curtailed. But the foreign affairs not being within my line, this sentiment is expressed with all possible deference.

Our domestic civil list consists of two parts. First, that which is engaged in settling and adjusting old accounts; and secondly, that which is employed in present objects. The first is rendered necessary by the confusions which arose before regular systems were established; but it is of a temporary nature, and can never again take place, unless our affairs are suffered to relapse into that irregularity from which they are beginning to emerge. The second, I believe, consists of as few as were ever appointed to perform the business of a nation. For what relates to the expense of both, I must observe, that those who labor for the public are at least to be subsisted; and the proof that their salaries do not amount to more than a decent subsistence, is the difficulty with which men qualified to fill the several offices can be prevailed on to accept them. Shortly after my appointment, a special order was passed to defray the expenses of the civil list; but should Congress think proper to repeal that order, I will suspend the payment, and apply the money to take up my notes. But whether the gentlemen of the civil list will continue their services after they know that their salaries are to be withheld, is a question which I shall not agitate.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, July 28th, 1783.

Sir,

Having already transmitted the public accounts from the commencement of my administration to the first day of this month, I shall not trouble your Excellency with a repetition of them. But I must pray your indulgence while I make a few observations. Perhaps this letter may contain too much of egotism, but your candor will excuse me when the motive is known. If I have rendered any services to the United States, they have been derived from the generous confidence of my countrymen. This confidence must not be abused, and if it be lost my utility is at an end.

The accounts will show to any informed and reflecting mind, that the public moneys were economically applied; and if farther proof were necessary I could appeal to the honorable Delegates in Congress, who have every opportunity of investigation. I might also appeal to the clamors against me for opposing claims I could not properly comply with. Long have I been the object of enmities derived from that origin. I have, therefore, the right to consider such clamors and such enmities as the confession and the evidence of my care and attention.

But, Sir, from the same accounts it will appear, that on the 30th day of June last, my payments had exceeded the amount of my receipts by more than a million of dollars. How, indeed, could it be otherwise, when all the taxes brought into the treasury since 1781 did not amount to seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars? I have been impelled to this heavy anticipation by an earnest desire to relieve our army, by the General's warm representations on the subject, and above all, by the directions of Congress and their assurance of support. The enclosed letter to them will show my desire to reduce our expenses. But while I urge the reduction of expense it is equally my duty to urge an increase of revenue. If I have been a faithful steward of what was intrusted to me, if more became necessary than I ever received, and if urged by that necessity I have anticipated the receipts, surely I am in the strictest line of propriety when I loudly call for relief. Every one must know, that the paper I have circulated will lose its value, unless punctually redeemed. The several receivers are indeed instructed to exchange it; but what can that instruction avail, if specie be not placed in their hands for the purpose? And how can that be effected but by a vigorous collection of taxes?

I know that my solicitude on this subject will be charged to improper motives. When I urge a reduction of expense it will be said, that I wish to impair the strength and lessen the respectability of our country. Far other wishes swell my bosom. But I have been driven into a conviction, that the necessity of strength, and the advantage of reputation, are not yet sufficiently felt and understood by all the members of our federal Union.

My present call for taxes has also been anticipated by a slanderous report, that I have speculated on this very paper which I urge the redemption of. Most solemnly I declare, that I have never been concerned, directly or indirectly in any such speculation. If there be a man in the world who knows any instance to disprove what I say, let him step forth with the accusation. No, Sir, the object is in nowise a personal one to me; I only advocate the interest and reputation of America. If, with a view to injure me, the attempt is made to violate my engagements, the malice will be defeated; but at the same time let it be remembered, that the country, which will not support faithful servants, can never be faithfully served. Guilt and desperation will ever pant for scenes of tumult and disorder, office will ever excite envy, and malevolence delight in slanderous tales. Is it then to be wondered at if my foes are numerous? Believe me, Sir, if their attempts had only affected me and mine, they should have been received in the same silence, which has buried many other wrongs. But on the present occasion, it becomes my duty to delineate their baneful influence.

Pains are taken to cover with infamy all those who discount the public paper. The natural effect of this measure is to prevent those men from meddling with it, who, from a regard to their own reputation, would do the business on moderate terms. Hence it follows, that the holders cannot obtain so much for their paper as they otherwise might. Hence again an additional clamor and of course an additional loss to the possessors. On the basis of the depreciation is founded an argument to prevent the redemption. By these means the public credit is totally ruined, and the government becomes chargeable with flagrant injustice. No future anticipations can be made to supply the most urgent wants; and in the whole proceeding, they are made the victims, who confided in the faith of government. The attempt, therefore, by this slander to injure me is an injury to those, who have received my paper; and in every instance where they have joined in propagating the report, they have joined their enemies to plunder themselves.

Let me no longer intrude on your Excellency's patience, than to declare my conviction, that the States might easily fulfil far more extensive engagements than those which I have made on their account. Notwithstanding every insinuation I will continue my efforts for the purpose, and though base minds should reiterate their charges, I will persist in my duty and defy their malice.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

REPORT TO CONGRESS RESPECTING TRANSFERABLE CERTIFICATES.

Office of Finance, July 31st, 1783.

The debts which have been found due to persons by settlements at the Treasury Office, have not been evidenced by transferable certificates for the following reasons.

1st. All such certificates have by experience been found to be only another kind of paper money, continually depreciating both by increase of quantity and defect of funds.

2dly. The consequence thereof is, that the same is daily brought into fewer hands and for less value, by which one of two things must happen, either that those few become very rich by their speculations, or, that being defrauded they become clamorous against the government.

3dly. If the certificates are transferable in the manner proposed by the motion, they are evidence of the debt as due to the bearer, and therefore whether obtained by accident, force, or fraud, vest him with a right, to the prejudice of the injured or unfortunate party.

4thly. Being, therefore, a precarious property, they become less valuable from that circumstance.

5thly. When the original proprietors become divested of them, some of the reasons in favor of revenues to redeem them lose their force, and the advocates for just measures being lessened, the probability of carrying them through is decreased.

6thly. While the evidence of such debts is in the treasury books and the stock transferable there, the public debt becomes a property, the object of purchase, instead of being as in the other case the means of making purchases as money.

But if there be powerful reasons in favor of the motion, which have escaped the Superintendent of Finance, he shall very readily comply with such order as to the wisdom of Congress may seem meet.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, August 1st, 1783.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose an account of payments, made by the States to the receivers, until the 1st day of July last, and with it I take the liberty also to enclose a note, containing nearly the proportions, in which the States have paid their quotas of the requisitions for 1782.[17]

[17] The proportions are as follows:

South Carolina 1-1
Rhode Island nearly 1-4
Pennsylvania above 1-5
Connecticut and}
New Jersey } each about 1-7
Massachusetts, about 1-8
Virginia about 1-12
New York and }
Maryland } each about 1-20
New Hampshire, about 1-121
North Carolina,}
Delaware and } nothing at all.
Georgia }

I take the liberty further to mention, that the State of South Carolina has (by means of the supplies to the troops serving there) paid the full amount of her quota for 1782, as I am informed by the Receiver, whose accounts and vouchers (though momently expected) are not yet come forward. The State of Georgia has I believe contributed something in the same way, but if not, the great ravages which she has endured will account for the defect, without supposing any defect of inclination. As for the other States, I pray leave to avoid any comments on the balances of their accounts.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MESSRS WILLINK & CO.

Office of Finance, August 6th, 1783.

Gentlemen,

I beg leave to acknowledge your favor of the 12th of April last, which came to hand two days ago. From the letters I had already written, and which I presume you will have received before this, you will easily see how much pleasure I derive from the prospect that your loan may speedily fill. Be assured, Gentlemen, that your endeavors on this occasion shall not be forgotten; and rely on it that you cannot render more acceptable service to the United States.

My former letters contained the disposition of your funds so far as to satisfy any demands which Mr Grand might have. These I suppose have been complied with, and I expect, that not only the sums which Mr Grand could possibly want must have come to your hands before this letter can arrive, but that you will still have a considerable balance.

Under these circumstances, the exchange on your city being now high, and the disbandment of our army having increased my need of money to make them a considerable payment, I have concluded to draw on you to the amount of two hundred thousand florins, as occasion may offer; and if exchange should not fall, nor any advices arrive to prevent the measure, I may perhaps extend my drafts on you to five hundred thousand florins. But as it might happen, notwithstanding my opinions, that you should not be considerably in cash beyond Mr Grand's demands, I have determined on these two points; first, that I will not precipitate my sales here, but only dispose of bills as occasion may require; and secondly, that I will draw at ninety days' sight, because the demand for bills is such, that a difference in the sight will make none in the price. By these means it will happen, Gentlemen, that even if you are not in cash when the bills arrive, you can have no difficulty as to the acceptance, because the natural progress of the loan must put you in possession of money before they can fall due. And this is the more to be expected, as some of the tobacco will doubtless have arrived, which cannot but give a weight and solidity to your negotiations. If however these things should not so happen, you will, I expect, pay the bills at any rate, and for any excess beyond your immediate funds you will charge an interest to the United States. On the other hand, if it should happen according to my expectations, that you have unappropriated money in your hands when the bills are presented, I am then to request that you will pay them at sight, if agreeable to the parties, deducting the usual discount for prompt payment, which you will be so kind as to credit to the United States.

With every wish for your success and prosperity, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Head Quarters, August 6th, 1783.

Sir,

I thank you for the communication, which you have been pleased to make to me under the 11th of July. It was handed to me on my return last evening from a tour ---- have been making to the northward and westward, as far as Crown Point and Fort Schuyler, to view the posts and country in that part of the United States' territory.

The anticipations you have been obliged to make are indeed great, and your circular letter to the States on the occasion appears to me sufficient, if anything of the kind can be so, to arouse their attention to the necessity of your circumstances. I most sincerely wish it may have the desired effect.

In consequence of my tour to the northward, the Quarter Master General, will have my orders to prepare batteaux and other means of transportation to the upper posts, of the cannon, stores and provisions, which will be absolutely necessary for possessing and maintaining them. To effect this money will be necessary, and I give you this information, that a demand will probably be made on you for the purpose.

The State of New York, which is deeply interested in the security of these posts, and effecting this business, may perhaps be prevailed on to furnish the necessary sums to be placed to general accounts. This will probably exert itself in this case preferably to any other. I give you this hint, and leave its improvement to you.

Knowing your situation, I am pained when necessity obliges me to make any application for money. But this purpose is of so great importance to the interests of the United States, and of so urgent necessity, that if the sums required cannot be obtained in the way I have hinted, I must entreat you to give every assistance to Colonel Pickering that shall be necessary.

I am, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, August 12th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's favor of the 6th instant. I am always happy to hear from you, although I confess that every new demand for money makes me shudder. Your recommendations will always meet my utmost attention, because I am persuaded that you have equally with me the desire to husband and enlarge our resources. Your perfect knowledge of our political and military situation must decide on the measures to be pursued, and I am persuaded, that your advice to Congress on these subjects will be equally directed to the safety, the honor, and the interests of the United States.

With very sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PAY MASTER GENERAL.
Office of Finance, August 12th, 1783.

Sir,

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 6th instant, containing two questions. To the first of these I answer, that my anticipations amount to a very large sum, that it will employ all my resources to honor engagements already taken; that of consequence I cannot see my way clear to form new ones, and that if I did, the groundless and injurious clamors, which have been raised on this subject, would prevent me. It becomes impossible to serve a people who convert everything into a ground for calumny. The existence of the republic, since the conclusion of a peace, no longer depends upon extraordinary sacrifices and exertions. My desire to relieve the army has been greatly cooled, from the information, that many of them have joined in the reproaches I have incurred for their benefit. And the necessity I feel of quitting (at the earliest possible moment) an office of incessant labor and anxiety, whose only reward is obloquy, will not permit me even to think of any farther anticipations.

The second question in your letter is foreign to my department; a question, which you have as many materials to judge upon as I have, and which you are particularly authorised to decide.

I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Office of Finance, August 26th, 1783.

Sir,

In compliance with your request, I shall not only give the information which appears to have been the object of Mr Clarke's letter, but recapitulate also the observations which I had the honor to make on what you mentioned as the object of the committee. And first, for the information desired, I can answer only in general terms, that I believe the various engagements entered into previous to the end of 1781, were under the faith of requisitions then existing. Since that period, I know of only two requisitions for current service, both of them founded on estimates. The first was of eight millions for the service of 1782, and the second was of two millions, for part of the service of 1783. All the engagements of my administration are on the faith of these latter requisitions.

The first object you mentioned was to alter the mode of settling accounts, so far as the requisitions previous to 1781 are concerned, and only to calculate the actual payments, or advances by the States, with the interest, so that the whole, being formed into one sum, may be afterwards apportioned among the States. To which plan, among other objections, I look the liberty to state the following. First, there is no evident necessity for taking this step, and therefore it will be prudent to omit it; because in such cases government risk every unforeseen danger that may result, and always render their affairs more complicated. Secondly, the measure may be misunderstood, and occasion clamors, which will indispose some to adopt the other measures recommended by Congress; which objection though it ought not to weigh in competition with what is evidently _proper and right_, must nevertheless be attended to in things of more doubtful complexion. Thirdly, there would arise from it a degree of _irregularity_; for the particular accounts being now all opened in the treasury books, by the authority of the late Board of the Treasury, it appears most natural to continue them in their present form, until the final settlements. Fourthly, all the information necessary to enable Congress to decide on the accounts when settled will then be in their power; for the accounts will contain, on one side, the compliances of the State with the requisitions, together with all other advances which they have made for the public service, and on the other side will be the amount of the various requisitions. Whenever therefore Congress on such full view of the subject, shall think proper to remit the whole, or any part of the requisitions, entries will be made in the treasury books accordingly. Fifthly, it would be rather premature to make the decision proposed before (by a settlement of accounts) all the proper materials are brought into view; and until the States have adopted the proposed measures for funding the public debts. Because, sixthly, it is conceived that the various requisitions were adequate to the necessary service; and that although it may perhaps be wise eventually to convert the whole expenditure of the war into the form of a debt, in order thereby to prevent the disputes which might arise on the apportionments, still it must be remembered, that this step cannot be taken until funds are obtained. Until that period, therefore, it is perhaps as well to leave the requisitions; if it be only to show the States why they are called on for revenues now, viz. because they would not or could not furnish supplies before. But, lastly, it might prove dangerous under present circumstances to take any step whatever with these requisitions. Only partial compliances have been made. Some States therefore adhere to some requisitions, and some to others, according to the real or supposed situation of their accounts. To go no farther, it would hardly be prudent to hazard a dispute with Massachusetts, by relinquishing the requisitions of March, 1780, or with some other States by a useless attempt to enforce them.

The other object, Sir, which you appeared to have in view, is to relinquish so much of the requisitions since 1781, as might leave only the sum necessary for fulfilling present engagements. Now although the resolution, which seems to have been in contemplation, would not have had this effect, because the requisition for the service of 1782 was made on estimates, yet I shall assign a few objections to the plan. The reason urged in favor of it is, that the demand was so much beyond the abilities of the States, and the necessities of the service, that it must excite a despair of compliance, and a diffidence in the prudence of those by whom it was made. To which it may well be replied, that the ability of the States is not so hastily to be decided on, because it has never been put to the proof by prudent and vigorous taxation, because other countries not so wealthy bear much heavier taxes without inconvenience, and because these very States have borne it, though under another name; for the depreciation of the paper money, which wiped away not less than twelve millions annually, was in effect a tax to that amount.

But further, even admitting the supposed inability, still the requisition, if not excessive as to its object, ought of necessity to have been made. Because the States could by no other mode of reasoning be convinced of the necessity of establishing that credit, which can alone prevent such great efforts. And because if such requisitions had not been made, some branch of service must have been left unprovided for by Congress, on the very face of their own measures, which would have been a palpable absurdity.

And this leads to the second point, viz. that the demand was beyond the necessities of the service. Before this position is assumed it must be considered, not only what expense was actually paid, but also what was probable when the demand was made, and what of the expense incurred still remains due. And first, as to what was paid; we shall find that the military collections in the Southern States went to a considerable sum, which is not yet brought into the public accounts, as there was no money to defray it, owing to the noncompliance of the States. Secondly, the probable expense was far beyond the actual, because of the misfortunes of our allies, which rendered it necessary lay aside the proposed offensive measures, and which could not, if not laid aside, have been carried into effect, by reason of the lamentable deficiencies of the public revenue. And thirdly, a very considerable part of the expense of 1782 is necessarily paid in 1783, and a far more considerable part remains unpaid. For instance, almost the whole amount of the pay of the army; an army by no means so numerous as that which the General had called for, and Congress resolved on. And it would have been indeed very strange, if Congress had asked only five millions from the States, including therein every other article, but the pay of the army on whose exertions everything depended.

Having said thus much on what has been assumed with respect to these estimates, and which I can defend the more hardily, as by accident they did not pass through my office, I proceed now to state the objections against remitting them. And first, let it always be kept in view, that the States not having granted the funds necessary for securing to our army the interest of their dues, that army has a just right to insist that the requisition for the principal be not relinquished, until such grants be made. Secondly, it must be remembered, that Congress have not yet any standard for making a final apportionment, and therefore it must be very useless now, to touch requisitions which must speedily be retouched again. Thirdly, the States which have complied more fully than others, would undoubtedly, in such cases, relax from, and perhaps totally withhold their efforts; from the conviction that deficient States would always be able to obtain from Congress a vote favorable to themselves, and consequently unfavorable to others; which idea, grounded too much on past experience, is one great cause of that inattention which led us to the brink of ruin. Fourthly, this mischief would not only arise among the States, but it would exist also amidst and within them, for a relaxation of the whole quota would naturally render new interior apportionments necessary. Not to mention the delays and disputes thereby occasioned, the remainder of what would then be to pay would be thrown of course upon remote counties, where the powers of government are weak, the collections languid, and the revenue in every respect feeble and unproductive. Great deficiencies would arise from these causes, both in the periods and the amount of payments, and either would be sufficient to cause another national bankruptcy. But, fifthly, there can be no reason for the measure proposed; because it is much more simple to leave the present demands for ten millions of dollars upon their present footing, until the apportionment of that whole sum can be made _finally_ to pay (from whatever is brought in) the amount of all existing engagements, to go on (should collections be sufficient) and pay off a part of our debts, and finally to make no new requisitions, until these be completely complied with. By that period Congress will be able to deride with accuracy on the sums necessary for annual service; they will be able to apportion their demands accordingly, and, what is of infinite importance, they will have set an example of persisting regularly in a measure, until a full and final compliance.

I am, Sir, respectfully, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Rocky Hill, August 30th, 1783.

Sir,

I take the earliest opportunity of informing you, that Baron Steuben has returned from Canada, without being able to accomplish any part of the business he had in charge. In consequence of which, and of the late season of the year, I have judged it impossible to take possession of the western posts this fall, and have ordered a stop to be put to the movement of troops and stores, and to the preparations which were making for that purpose; of which I have given notice to the Quarter Master General, and to the contractors, and have taken every other precaution in my power to prevent the accumulation of unnecessary expenses.

I am, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, September 2d, 1783.

Sir,

I received your Excellency's favor of the 25th and 30th of last month. The latter was by far the more agreeable, for I confess to you, Sir, that I beheld the attempt to garrison the western posts with pain, and went into so much of it as concerns my department with infinite reluctance. I persuade myself that the only effectual means of getting a good American establishment of any kind is, to be so long without it that a sense of the want shall stimulate the States into the means of forming it. At present all we can do is, to close the past scene, if possible, with reputation.

I am, very sincerely, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF ACCOUNTS.

Office of Finance, September 4th, 1783.

Sir,

As the Commissioners, both on the Accounts of the Departments and on those of the States, are now almost all appointed, and in the execution of their respective offices, I shall take the liberty of adding a little to their important employment. And this I do with a view to the future service of the Union, under whatever hands the administration may fall.

In the course of the business committed to your care, you will have occasion to travel into different places, and therefore you will have an opportunity to render an accurate account of many particulars, which it is important to know. A well regulated system of finance requires, that money be raised with ease to the people, and expended with economy to the public. An intimate acquaintance with the state and the resources of a country, is alike essential to both of these objects.

The state of the country is either _geographical_, _moral_, _political_, or _commercial_. The geographical state comprehends,

1st. The general extent, divisions, and subdivisions.

2dly. The mountains, rivers and roads, with their respective courses and distances.

3dly. The kind and quality of the soil; and

4thly. The natural advantages or disadvantages for husbandry, manufactures, or commerce, including therein, mines, minerals, quarries, salines, and the like.

The moral state of the country comprehends,

1st. The population, whether numerous or, not, and whether by natives or emigrants.

2dly. The manners; which include the mode of life and occupation of the people, from those who live by hunting or grazing, to the husbandman, and so on to the most perfect mechanics.

3dly. The husbandry; by which is meant the particular kinds which may be practised, and the degree of improvement in each. The various climates and productions of the States, as well as their different periods of settlement and relative population, have rendered this article extremely various.

4thly. The arts; by which is not so much intended the fine, as the useful arts. It may, however, be not amiss to mention any peculiar or remarkable excellence in the former. The useful, or mechanic arts, being in some places considerably advanced, and in others hardly established, and the wealth of the country depending much upon them, it will be well to know the subject intimately.

5thly. The buildings; these may be either public or private. The former may be noticed, but of the latter an accurate information will be necessary, seeing that in general much information as to the abilities of a people may be derived from a knowledge of the houses they have built; whether these be of logs, for shelter of the new and indigent cultivator; or of stone, for the accommodation of the established and wealthy husbandman. So also, whether the windows be glazed or not, the state of the several outhouses, &c. And,

6thly. The improvements; which will comprehend, of land, from the first clearing of a forest, to the watering and dyking of meadows and swamps; and of buildings, from a common saw mill, to all the various furnaces, forges, mills, and machines, which may be met with in the progress of your inquiries.

The political state of the country comprehends,

1st. The constitution of government; which is not merely the paper form, but the practice under it; and that will depend much upon the tendency of the people towards aristocratical or democratical dispositions. The former may be expected, where large tracts of territory are in the hands of a few, and the latter where a considerable equality of fortunes is found in cities. But neither of these circumstances, though forcible, is conclusive, and therefore it is, that the knowledge collected on the spot by conversation and observation, becomes useful.

2dly. The magistracy; by which is meant not only the mode of appointment, the names, the powers, and the jurisdictions, but what is far more important, the authority, which materially depending upon the respect paid to the magistracy, must be much influenced by the personal character of the magistrates; and by that character is not so much intended the reputation of a few individuals, as of the whole corps, and for a considerable space of time.

3dly. The interior police; which is intimately connected with, and mutually acted upon by the former. This differs widely in the different States, and is the more necessary to be known, as various branches of it may either facilitate or oppose the public measures.

4thly. The revenue; and under this head is particularly to be noted the modes of laying, levying, and collecting taxes, the time and the expense which are employed, and the delays and the frauds which happen. To these will be added, the amount brought into the treasury, and, as far as may be, the quantum appropriated to public uses; and,

5thly. The credit, both public and private; the former of which has a close connexion with the revenue.

The commercial state of the country, comprehends,

1st. The produce; under which term is included not only the raw material, but the ruder manufactures; such for instance, as flour from wheat, iron from ore, and the like.

2dly. The roads and navigation to the several ports; on the facility whereof must greatly depend the prices of things, and even the practicability of obtaining them.

3dly. The imports and exports, with the places to and from which the same are made; the former as precisely as possible, and the latter in such general terms as may convey a tolerably just idea of the principal branches and connexions of foreign commerce.

4thly. The value of lands; which though a result from various heads already mentioned, has a more intimate connexion with commerce; and,

5thly. The value of money; by which is not so much meant the coins, as the rates of interest actually paid, and the facility of obtaining money on interest.

The resources of a State are twofold, being either those which exist and may be drawn forth and applied in peace, for the various purposes which may then occur to meliorate or beautify the country, such as the opening of interior navigation, mending of roads, and erecting of buildings; or those, which can be exerted for the purposes of war, either offensive or defensive. The resources in peace will appear from due reflection on the information already asked; as will indeed, in a great degree, those for war, particularly offensive war. But still there remain some particulars worthy of notice; such as,

1st. The number of men which may be brought into the public service; being either seamen or soldiers; and consequently the number of each should be distinguished.

2dly. The quantity of provisions and the kinds.

3dly. The forage of different kinds; and,

4thly. The various means of transportation, such as horses, wagons, boats, &c.

Having thus, Sir, pointed out the principal objects on which I wish for information, I must now request, that you will endeavor to collect it as speedily and as perfectly as your means and opportunities may permit, and that you will transmit it as fast as it is obtained, but always in letters which contain no other matter, and arranged regularly under the several titles which have been mentioned; but as it is impossible to foresee the various matters which may arise, and the occurrences which will impress themselves on an intelligent and inquisitive mind, you will be pleased under the head of _Miscellaneous Observations_, to transmit any such things as you may think useful or important to be known.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, September 20th, 1783.

Sir,

I have been duly honored with your Excellency's favors of the 5th, 10th, and 11th of July. I have taken the liberty to make some extracts from the two latter, which are transmitted in a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy whereof is enclosed. Permit me, Sir, to give my feeble approbation and applause for those sentiments of wisdom and integrity, which are as happily expressed as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of strengthening our confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal constitution, begins to be most seriously felt. But unfortunately for America, the narrow and illiberal prejudices of some have taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove impracticable to remove them.

I agree with you, Sir, in opinion, that the late peace was not, all circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is undoubtedly a peace equally glorious to, and necessary for, America. All ranks of men in this country feel, as well as perceive, the benefits of it, and the fault finders (for such men there always will be) are borne down by the general torrent of applause.

I was happy to learn by the Washington packet, that you intended a short trip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and abilities; I shall ask no greater.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1783.

Sir,

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 7th of March and 27th of July. For both of them, accept my thanks. You express an apprehension lest the union between France and America should be diminished by accounts from your side of the water. This apprehension does you equal honor as a statesman and as a man. Every principle, which ought to actuate the councils of a nation, requires from us an affectionate conduct towards France, and I very sincerely lament those misapprehensions, which have indisposed some worthy men towards that nation, whose treasure and blood have been so freely expended for us.

I believe the truth, with respect to some, to be this. A warm attachment to America has prevented them from making due allowances in those cases where their country was concerned. Under certain prepossessions it was natural for them to think, that the French Ministry might do more for us, and it was quite as natural for the Ministers to think, that we ought to have done more for ourselves. The moment of treaty with England was of course the moment of profession with English Ministers. I fear that the impressions made by these were for a little while rather more deep than was quite necessary. But the same love of America, which had raised such strong irritability where her interests were concerned, will of course stimulate it to an equal degree when those interests are assailed from another quarter. I think I may venture to assure you, that the esteem of this country for France is not diminished, and that the late representations have not been so unfavorable as you fear.

Our commerce is flowing very fast towards Great Britain, and that from causes which must forever influence the commercial part of society. Some articles are furnished by Britain cheaper, many as cheap, and all on a long credit. Her merchants are attentive and punctual. In her ports our vessels meet with despatch. I say nothing of language and manners, because I do not think their influence so strong on commerce as many people suppose, but what is of no little importance is, that the English having formed our taste, are more in a capacity to gratify that taste by the nature and fashion of their manufactures. There is another circumstance, also, which must not be forgotten. The great demand for French manufactures during the war increased the price of many, and some time will be required before it can, by a fair competition, be discovered, which of the two countries, France or England, can supply us cheapest. The delays in the public bills is a further circumstance which militates (a momentary obstacle) against the trade with France.

I must, therefore, mention to you, also, a matter which is of great effect. Until we can navigate the Mediterranean in safety, we cannot trade in our own bottoms with the ports of France or Spain, which are on that sea. And we certainly will not trade there in foreign bottoms, because we do not find the same conveniences and advantage in so doing, as in our own vessels; unless, indeed, it be on board of English ships. This may be a disagreeable fact, but it is not the less a fact.

I believe that informations are transmitted hence to the Court, which they ought not to rely on. Their servants doubtless do their duty in transmitting such information, but I am persuaded that they are themselves not well informed. Indeed it is quite natural, that men should mistake when they examine and treat of a subject with which they are unacquainted. And it cannot well be supposed, that political characters are competent to decide on the advantages and disadvantages of allowing to, or withholding from us, a share in the carrying trade. On this subject I will make a further observation, and you may rely on it, that I speak to you with candor and sincerity, not with a view to making any impressions on the Court. You may communicate or withhold what I say, and they may or may not, apply it to their own purposes. If anything will totally ruin the commerce of England with this country, it is her blind attachment to her navigation act. This act which never was the real foundation of her naval superiority, may and perhaps will be the cause of its destruction. If France possesses commercial wisdom, she will take care not to imitate the conduct of her rival.

The West India Islands can be supplied twenty per cent cheaper in American than in French or British bottoms. I will not trouble you with the reasons, but you may rely on the fact. The price of the produce of any country must materially depend on the cheapness of subsistence. The price at which that produce can be vended abroad must depend on the facility of conveyance. Now admitting for a moment (which by the by is not true) that France might, by something like a British navigation act, increase her ships and her seamen; these things would necessarily follow. 1st. Her Islands would be less wealthy, and therefore less able to consume and pay for her manufactures. 2dly. The produce of those Islands would be less cheap, and therefore less able to sustain the weight of duties, and support a competition in foreign markets. 3dly. The commerce with this country would be greatly lessened, because that every American ship, which finds herself in a French, English, or other port, will naturally seek a freight there, rather than go elsewhere to look for it; because in many commodities the difference of price in different parts will not compensate the time and cost of going from place to place to look after them. To these principal reasons might be added many others of less weight, though not of little influence, such as the probable increase of commercial intercourse, by increasing the connexions and acquaintances of individuals. To this and to everything else which can be said on the subject by an American, I know there is one short answer always ready, viz. that we seek to increase our own wealth. So far from denying that this is among my motives, I place it as the foremost, and setting aside that gratitude which I feel for France, I do not scruple to declare, that a regard to the interests of America is, with respect to all nations of the world, my political compass. But the different nations of Europe should consider, that in proportion to the wealth of this country will be her ability to pay for those commodities, which all of them are pressing us to buy.

Our people still continue as remiss as ever in the payment of taxes. Much of this, as you justly observe, arises from the difficulties of collection. But those difficulties are much owing to an ignorance of proper modes, and an unwillingness to adopt them. In short, though all are content to acknowledge, that there is a certain burden of taxation which ought to be borne, yet each is desirous of shifting it from his own shoulders to those of his neighbors. Time will, I hope, produce a remedy to the evils under which we labor, but it may also increase them.

Your applications to the Court for aid are certainly well calculated to obtain it; but I am not much surprised at your ill success. Indeed I should have been much surprised if you had been more fortunate. Of all men I was placed in the situation to take the deepest concern in the event, but I cannot disapprove of the refusal, for we certainly ought to do more for ourselves before we ask the aid of others. Copies of your letters to the Court were laid before Congress, and also the copy of the new contract. I will enclose with this a further copy of the ratification of the old, if I can obtain it in season from Princeton, where the Congress now are.

I have written also on the subject of the debt due to the Farmers-General, and should Congress give me any orders about it, I shall attend carefully to the execution. The conduct they have maintained with regard to us has been generous, and will demand a return of gratitude as well as of justice. This I hope my countrymen will always be disposed to pay. I shall take some proper opportunity of writing to the Farmers-General, but will wait a while to know what may be the determination of Congress on their affairs.

It gives me much pleasure to find, that by the proposed establishment of packets, we shall shortly be in a condition to maintain more regular and connected correspondence; for although I shall not myself be much longer in public office, I feel for those who are or will be charged with the affairs of our country, both at home and abroad. It will naturally occur, however, that a good cypher must be made use of not unfrequently, when despatches are trusted to foreigners. They have no regard either to propriety or even decency where letters are concerned.

With very sincere esteem and respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO ARTHUR LEE.

Office of Finance, October 4th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your letter of the 26th of last month, desiring information as to the reality of a contract with, and instructions to Mr Deane. Enclosed you have a copy of the contract mentioned. The instructions to Mr Deane are, I presume, in the Office of Foreign Affairs.

The facts under this contract are generally as follows, so far as my knowledge extends. Money was advanced to me, which I expended in shipment of cargoes from the Delaware and Chesapeake, and have long since accounted for. Money was also advanced to Messrs Lewis, Livingston and Alsop, and, I believe, expended by some or one of them in shipments from New York and Connecticut, but the accounts are not yet closed; which is one among many reasons why a commissioner should be appointed or authorised to settle the accounts of the secret and commercial committees.

Of the several shipments made, some arrived, some were taken, some were detained by the enemy's naval power. The risks becoming great, it was thought most adviseable to abandon the farther prosecution of the plan; which the parties to the contract, then in this country, cheerfully consented to, and it was determined that the proceeds of those shipments, which might have arrived, should be carried into the general public accounts. Mr Deane went to Europe under this contract; and being unable, from the remittances sent, to complete the intentions of his voyage, has, I believe, carried the amount of those remittances into his general accounts with the United States. These accounts are among those which Mr Barclay is appointed to settle, and I presume that no allowance will be made, such as claimed by Mr Deane, until he shall have produced the contract and instructions to which he refers for support of his claim; nor then, unless very completely supported or specially allowed by Congress.