Chapter V: Part 5

But while such pains are taken to enhance expense, every request for revenue to pay it is treated with neglect. Congress have determined to keep up the establishment agreed on in October, 1780. I shall, therefore, by no means propose any reduction. On the contrary I am persuaded, that nothing would so speedily terminate the war as the bringing such an army into the field, with proper funds and materials for its support and operation. This would render us truly independent, independent of the smiles of our friends and the frowns of our enemies. But although I will not propose any reduction of our establishment, I cannot consent that the Union bear the expense of a great number of officers without men to command. Neither will I propose the expedient of sending them home upon half pay, and liable to be called into service. This is an expedient for halving a difficulty, which ought to be wholly cured, and at the same time it subjects the individual officer to very serious difficulties, which he has by no means merited. It is not the officer's fault that he has not men, and while he holds himself in readiness to obey the orders of his General, he ought to receive that compensation which his commission entitles him to. He ought, therefore, to draw his full pay and subsistence; but until the State provide men for him to command, that pay and subsistence should be drawn from the States. If the States will not find soldiers, the continent ought not to pay their officers. It is unequal and it is unjust. Some States at a great expense, bring men into the field and lay taxes for the general support. Others send officers without men, and draw money from the treasury without putting any in it. I am regardless where the censure lights. If it fall nowhere, then all are innocent; but if it is merited, those to whom it applies must blame their own misconduct. My justification is already made in the mind of every honest man.

But it is not only necessary that the States bring men into the field. It is necessary that this be done at an early period. Recruits which do not join the army until the autumn, come too late for anything but to increase expense, and to lose their lives by the diseases incident at that season, to those who have not been accustomed to the habits of a military life. Nor is this all. Recruits sent forward at a late period only serve to fill up the vacancies occasioned by sickness, deaths, and desertions, without increasing the effective force of the army.

To remedy the evils which have been pointed out, I take the liberty to propose to the United States in Congress assembled, a resolution,

That on the 1st day of April next, accurate returns be made to the War Office of every non-commissioned officer and private in the army, and of the particular State to which they belong.

That every State be debited in account for the recruiting service for every non-commissioned officer and private, assigned to such State respectively in October, 1780, the sum of one hundred dollars in specie.

That every State be credited in the said account for the recruiting service for every non-commissioned officer and private in the army, and belonging to the States respectively on the said 1st day of April next, a like sum of one hundred dollars.

That for every recruit which shall join after the 1st day of April and before the 2d day of May, the State shall be credited in the said account ninety dollars. For every recruit which shall join after the 1st day of May and before the 2d day of June eighty dollars. For every recruit after the 1st day of June and before the 2d day of July seventy dollars. For every recruit after the 1st day of July and before the 2d day of August sixty dollars. For every recruit after the 1st day of August and before the 2d day of September fifty dollars. For every recruit after the 1st day of September and before the 2d day of October forty dollars. But that no allowance be made for any recruit whose period of enlistment shall be less than three years or during the war.

That every recruit shall be considered as joined, as soon as he shall march for the place to which he is ordered on service, from the place of general rendezvous within the State, to be appointed by the Commander in Chief.

That to determine such time of marching, the time of arrival shall be determined and a time allowed for marching thither, calculating on the distance at the rate of fifteen miles per day.

That the recruits be maintained at the expense of the States, until they shall join as aforesaid; but that during the time of marching an allowance be made to the State for each officer and man, at the rate of one sixtieth of a dollar per mile for every mile from the said place of rendezvous to the place where they shall arrive as aforesaid.

That the Minister of War cause the several men of the different State lines to be arranged within their respective lines, in such manner as to form complete corps, or parts of corps, so that there be a due proportion of men to the officers according to the establishment as near as may be.

That the remaining officers, excepting such as the Commander in Chief may think proper to retain in service for particular purposes, retire to their respective States until such times as the States shall provide men for them to command agreeably to the establishment; and that in the meantime the said States provide the pay, rations, and forage allowed to the officers respectively by the several resolutions and Acts of Congress upon that subject.

And in order to explain fully the reasons for taking such measures I would also propose, that an address be prepared to the people of America stating the want of power in Congress to take measures for the defence of the country, the conduct of the several States heretofore, the importance of making exertions in the present moment, with the dangerous consequences of inattention to, and neglect of, the late requisitions, and calling upon them to urge through their respective Legislatures the measures recommended by Congress.

My reason for this proposal is, a conviction that the people are heartily disposed to support the revolution, but that the public service is too frequently delayed by local disputes and animosities, which consume the time to be devoted to important purposes, and that individuals in the several Legislatures are too apt to believe, that by sparing grants they render themselves agreeable to their constituents, although in effect such policy cannot but prove highly expensive and dangerous if not destructive.

That Congress may be enabled to judge of the saving, which would arise from the proposition I have had the honor of making, with respect to the officers of our army, I enclose an estimate, by which it will appear, that this would be upwards of sixty thousand dollars a month; and to this must be added a further consideration of very great importance, that as the servants to officers are taken from among the soldiers, the army would in effect, receive a considerable reinforcement.

With respect to the price of recruiting, I do not consider anything proposed as being by any means definitive. I have stated each at one hundred dollars, and I would suggest, that as the design is to raise men and not money, it is better to value them too high than too low. I am far from considering this as the best mode of recruiting an army. On the contrary, I am convinced, that if it were a continental instead of a State army, the raising as well as maintaining of it, would be infinitely easier and cheaper; but under the present limited power, which Congress are invested with, it becomes the duty of their servants to propose such measures as appear to them best. What I have had the honor of stating, is submitted with all possible deference, and I hope the decisions of Congress will be as speedy as the nature of the business will permit. With perfect confidence in their wisdom, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, February 15th, 1782.

Sir,

In the circular letter, which I did myself the honor to transmit on the 19th day of October last, I stated our situation as clearly and explicitly as I could, so that you might be in a capacity to form a solid judgment as to what would be proper. I am now to inform you, that the most recent and authentic information from Europe, contains the reiterated determination on the part of France, to grant us no further pecuniary aid. Spain appears to have neither the inclination nor the ability to afford any, and in Holland it can only be obtained from individuals, who will always require security, and of consequence will not lend to the United States, who as you well know have no security to give. The want of proper funds has so reduced domestic credit, that we can draw no resources from thence, and until domestic credit is established, foreign credit cannot exist, for it is absurd to expect, that foreigners will confide in a government, which has not the confidence of its own citizens.

It is hardly possible to describe the consequences, which have followed on a loss of credit. We have seen the people diffident, jealous, and unhappy, nor have they yet recovered, even where the removal of undue restrictions has given them time to breathe from the load of oppression. But the public is, if possible, in a still worse situation. No persons will trust the public from a deep apprehension of ruin if they should, and consequently our operations must be bounded by the taxes, which can be collected, while at the same time we must contend for our very existence as a free country at an expense, which we cannot limit because we cannot limit the efforts made against us. Whenever proper methods shall have been taken to restore credit, the benefits arising from it will be as evident to all, as the want is now, to those who are intrusted with the administration. Our expense at this moment is greater than it ought to be, though less than it was, and I cannot retrench, because I have not sufficient means in my power, and have not at this moment any certain reliance on sufficient aid from the several States.

I am much inclined to believe, that individuals in the several Legislatures are unacquainted with the real state of affairs, or flatter themselves that they are better than they really are, even after information. If gentlemen would consider seriously the situation of the public servants, they would at least not suspect them of describing our dangers as greater than they are. They could not, for instance suppose, that I would give a high coloring to the disorders of our finances, because they must see, that on the contrary, I should derive a degree of credit from the general belief, that such disorders do not exist. And when I declare my apprehensions, I injure so far my own operations. My reason for describing our situation in its true light is, that the States may be excited to grant us relief. I might by an appearance of wealth extend my operations for a little while, but in the end they would fail, and how we should then be extricated, no man can tell. At present I must bear the evils, which result from the want of resources, and limit my views accordingly, but it would be madness to inculcate an opinion, that things are worse than they are, because then I could not derive the full benefit of those resources which we have. You must, therefore, be convinced, that I give you no exaggerated account, and I trust, Sir, that your Legislature will give due weight to assertions, which they have every reason to believe, and which if neglected, they will be convinced of by a melancholy and perhaps fatal experience.

Many people flatter themselves with the hope of peace. But on what is it founded? Has the enemy given the slightest evidence of a desire for it? Instead of suing for peace, they talk only of war; they prepare only for war; and when they might have got rid of one enemy by a word, they disdained it. Although Holland offered a separate peace, England refused to accept it; nor have we heard that she has agreed even to negotiate for, much less to conclude, a general peace. She enjoys full credit, and therefore she can carry on the war; and the object of it on her part is so great, that therefore she will carry on the war. Hitherto she has carried it on alone and unsupported. Years have elapsed since it was pretended, that she could not find resources for another campaign, and yet campaigns have succeeded each other with increasing expense, and are still likely to go on. With a credit like hers, there can be no want of the means, and therefore we have no reason to expect that she will be deprived of them while that credit exists. How soon she may find associates, or how soon we may lose them, no man can say. While the mutability of all human affairs continues to be the theme of common and daily observation, no wise man will rely on the frailty of human opinion, and yet opinion may in a moment sway the politics of different powers, so as totally to change all present appearances. While the war continues England has hope. The times and chances which happen to all may favor her, and at worst she can conclude a peace, which cannot be much more pernicious than the loss of these States. We ought therefore to expect that Great Britain will continue the war, and we ought even to expect that she will find allies to assist her in it. We ought therefore to prepare ourselves for increasing efforts of opposition.

But admitting that negotiations were opened, and in a train of effect, what then would be our situation? Are we in capacity to insist on useful and honorable terms? There is hardly a State in the Union but has an interest in objects, which under our present circumstances are unattainable. While the enemy continue in possession of New York and Charleston, we cannot expect such a peace as every good American ought to desire. Nor shall we obtain that security, without which peace is no longer a blessing.

The successes of the last campaign will undoubtedly derange the plans of the enemy for a time, but whether or not those successes will prove decisive must depend upon ourselves. If we indolently lie still until the enemy can obtain reinforcements, our prospects at the close of next campaign may be as gloomy as at the opening of the last. If we exert ourselves to strike the enemy before he can receive aid, we may perhaps drive him entirely away, and then indeed we shall have reason to expect peace. It has been the common trick of the enemy to pretend at every success we have obtained, nay during every winter of the war, that it would immediately cease, and they have had emissaries among us to inculcate that idea. The consequences have been, that we have never been in a state of preparation as soon as they have, notwithstanding the Atlantic ocean lies between the two countries, and places them at least three months asunder as to all military operations.

No thinking man can hesitate a moment in the opinion, that we ought to prepare for an early and vigorous campaign, in order to take New York and Charleston. But some persons of sanguine temperament say, that the enemy will evacuate one of these places. If it be so, surely they will be so much stronger at the other, and of course it will be so much the more difficult to expel them from it. Possibly they may incline to evacuate one of these places, and if so they will be determined by the knowledge of our force. If we are formidable it will be an additional reason with them for evacuation. But other persons still more sanguine suppose, that they will evacuate both places. This is surely absurd, for even if they negotiate for peace, they will hold something as a ground, on which to make demands, and if they prosecute war, they will certainly not abandon the objects of it. Admitting, however, that the enemy may have some thoughts of this sort, surely the determination will be greatly influenced by the consideration of our relative force or imbecility. And even if they should entirely quit the United States, still there are objects well worth fighting for, objects too which cannot be obtained without fighting.

Every reason, therefore, combines in showing the propriety of commencing our operations very early, and, therefore, everything has been done for the purpose, which the means in my power would admit of. It remains only with the several States to provide men and money, and to make that provision as early as possible; for the old adage, that "he who gives early doubles thereby his gift," can never be more applicable than on the present occasion. For whatever may be the different opinions of different men, all must agree, that the only way to secure peace is to be prepared for war. And depend upon it, that if we neglect the present moment, we shall have bitter cause to lament our negligence.

In the letter before mentioned, I did myself the honor to observe, that I expected the future expenditures would be greatly curtailed. This has happened, but I also observed, that the most rigid economy had its bounds, and could not exist without the punctual performance of those engagements, on which the first steps towards it must depend. I have not yet reached those bounds, for reasons I have already stated, and how long it will be before I arrive at them, must depend on the ability to perform the engagements I have made; and surely it is unnecessary to add, that this ability must depend on the exertions of the States. I mentioned also, that I should shortly advertise for contracts, as the most effectual means of husbanding our resources.

With respect to this matter of contracts, I have some reason to believe that it has been misunderstood, and, therefore, I shall take the liberty, of giving some little information on the subject. When I was called into office, I had a thorough conviction, that supplying by contracts was the most effectual and most economical, but I had no money, and credit was at so low an ebb, that most people doubted whether any one would contract. At that time, the State of Pennsylvania gave me assurances of hard money to procure the articles of specific supplies due from that State on the requisition of Congress. I immediately purchased a part of those supplies on my private and personal credit and assurances, and I advertised for a contract to supply rations at Philadelphia. By degrees I extended the contracts throughout Pennsylvania; whereas, if I had advertised for them at once, I might, probably, have failed in obtaining proposals; or if not, those who inclined to risk it would have made the public pay dear for the credit reposed in the Minister. The contracts of Pennsylvania were paid out of moneys granted for furnishing the supplies, and the articles are carried to account on the requisitions. Having reason to expect support from the middle and eastern States, I have extended the contracts for supplies through all the country northward and eastward of Potomac river; and in order that you may judge of the effect, I will mention, that, on application for pay to the department of the issuing Commissary, I required a return of them, and of their monthly pay; which being made, I found that within that district it amounted to ten thousand five hundred and twentyfive dollars; which is annually for the salary alone, exclusive of all other expenses, one hundred and twenty six thousand dollars.

The rations delivered at West Point and its dependencies are supplied at the rate of nine and a half ninetieths of a dollar for each ration; consequently, that sum will yield one million one hundred and ninetysix thousand five hundred and twentysix rations, which is something more than three thousand two hundred and seventyeight per day. But when it is considered, that salaries were not the only expenses of a department, it is certainly estimating within bounds to suppose, that five thousand soldiers are now fed every day on what it formerly cost the public to support the issuers of provisions in a part of the United States. I should have pursued the business of contracting throughout America, had I received any assurances of taxation, which would warrant the procedure. But I had none, and I did not dare risk myself in making engagements, which I found no probability of keeping. But whenever I can see any way clear, I shall certainly do it, and, I trust, that the effects will be as beneficial as they have been elsewhere.

Having already observed on the necessity of early and vigorous exertions, and mentioned that I had done everything towards them which was in my power, I have only to add, that unless we are properly supported, everything so done has been thrown away. The views of the Commander in Chief will be disappointed; the combinations intended with our allies will be deranged, and the enemy will derive that advantage from our negligence, which we might have derived from their weakness.

It gives me great pain to learn that the public service is too often interrupted, and the attention of men diverted from it by little trivial disputes of a private, partial, or local nature, which are comparatively of little consequence. This is a conduct unworthy of wise men, and such as cannot be justified. Surely it is best first to provide for the defence of our country before we squabble about minute objects of controversy. If we should be told that the British were so materially divided in their Parliament, that in contentions about trivial disputes they delayed granting to the Crown effectual aid of money, we should certainly form very splendid expectations from that circumstance. Judge then, whether our enemy's hopes are not raised by our dissensions. Or rather let me ask, if they have not loudly asserted that they would prove ruinous to the cause of independence; nay, have they not boasted that those dissensions originated in British influence or British gold? What then must be the opinion of foreigners and strangers? What will they not conclude from a conduct, which according to their habits of reasoning, can only be accounted for by disaffection, folly, or madness? Let us, for heaven's sake, while engaged in a cause the most honorable, the most virtuous, and which must endear the present generation to future ages; let us preserve a conduct noble, dignified, and worthy of that glorious cause; in pursuit of the greatest, the dearest object which man can possess; in the fair road to peace, liberty, and safety, let us not fall out by the way. But united to, and supporting each other, let our efforts be equal to our claims, and let us show that we have the perseverance to obtain what we had the spirit to demand. Let us at once become independent; really and truly independent; independent of our enemies, of our friends, of all but the Omnipotent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, February 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to submit to the United States in Congress assembled, through your Excellency, the propriety and necessity of adopting immediate measures for adjusting the accounts of the four following departments; namely, the Commissary's, the Quarter Master's, the Hospital, and the Marine; up to the last day of December, 1781, inclusive. Having long and attentively considered this subject, it appears to me to be among those cases, which do not admit of the common forms. There must be a degree of vigor and decision in the conduct of the business, which few men possess a knowledge of; business not commonly to be found, and such uncorrupted and uncorruptible integrity as will give security to the United States. What may be an adequate reward for the services of such men, I really do not know, but I have such reason to believe that many fraudulent practices have happened, and that, in some cases, considerable balances are due to the United States, that I cannot in consistency with my duty avoid proposing to Congress the following resolutions.

"That four Commissioners be appointed for the settlement of accounts, namely; one for the Commissary's department, one for the Quarter Master's department, one for the Hospital department, and one for the Marine department; and that each of the said Commissioners have full power and authority to liquidate the said respective accounts up to the last day of December, 1781, inclusive.

"That the Superintendent of Finance be authorised and directed to appoint the said Commissioners, and to agree with them for a reward for their services respectively, and also with respect to the allowances to be made to their clerks; and that he report the names of the said Commissioners to Congress.

"That it be recommended to the several States, immediately to pass laws authorising such Commissioners to send for persons and papers, and to examine witnesses upon oath."

These I propose only as a sketch, which the wisdom of the United States in Congress will mould into such form as shall be most proper. I will only observe one thing, which is, that the proposition that I should appoint such Commissioners comes from me. I have no particular persons in view, but shall be happy to find those who are proper. I am far from being desirous of appointment to office, but this is an occasion so important, that I cannot sacrifice my duty to false notions of delicacy. Characters fit for such an intricate and difficult business cannot easily be found, still less can they be known to the several members of Congress, and the debates which sometimes take place when appointments are made, deter the most proper persons from putting themselves in the way of nomination. Besides this, as it is not possible that the several members can be sufficiently acquainted with the talents of the particular persons, it is better that the appointment should be in one, who can be made accountable for an improper choice. I take the liberty to observe, that nothing will give more satisfaction to the people at large than to find that these things are put in a proper train; for the complaints are general, and I am convinced, that in some cases at least they are well founded.

My reason for urging this matter at the present moment is, that I am not only pressed on the subject by several dismissed officers of those departments and by their creditors, but I have also had recent information of very considerable frauds and practices; and on conferring with the Controller of the treasury this morning, the plan above proposed appeared not only the most eligible, but indeed the only effectual one. It is submitted, with all due deference, by your Excellency's most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 20th and 27th of last month, the United States in Congress passed Acts for settling and finally adjusting all the public accounts, up to the first day of the present year. These important Acts would immediately have been transmitted, but I wait the event of some additional propositions upon that subject, which are now under the deliberation of Congress, and then I shall have the honor of laying before you the whole of this very important business, so that it may be maturely considered in a general and comprehensive point of view.

At present I shall confine myself to congratulating your Excellency, which I do with the most unfeigned pleasure, on the prospect which begins to open, of adjusting these intricate and almost obsolete transactions of relieving the various public creditors, and consequently of rescuing and restoring the public credit. Let me add, Sir, that I consider these things essential to the consolidation of our federal Union, to the promotion of general harmony and generous confidence throughout the United States, and to the establishment of our glorious independence on the solid basis of justice. I am to request, Sir, that your public accounts be put in a state of preparation, so that the person appointed for that purpose may be able speedily to investigate them; as much time and consequently much expense will be thereby spared.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MR GRAND, AT PARIS.

Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.

Sir,

In a letter, of this day to Benjamin Franklin, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Court of Versailles, I inform him, (which information I am now to convey to you,) that I shall draw bills on you, as a market for them may offer, to the amount of five hundred thousand livres tournois, on account of the United States of North America. I have detailed to him everything necessary on the subject, which he will communicate. I am to request of you, that you will duly honor and pay those bills, giving me notice of every transaction, from time to time as occasion may offer and require. The necessary funds are, I presume, in your hands already, or will be before this reaches you; but at any rate Dr Franklin will provide them in season.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.

Sir,

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs yesterday transmitted to this office, the letters and invoice brought by Captain Jackson from Messrs Neufville of Amsterdam. Upon perusing them I am very sorry to observe, not only that there has been very great mismanagement, but also that the letters do not contain that clear and satisfactory account of the business which ought to have been transmitted. There is reason to believe, that a considerable part of these goods are of British manufacture, and consequently such as cannot be brought within the United States. As these matters are not clearly stated, it would be useless to go at present into an inquiry who has been or is to blame, and therefore any particular observations from me would be both unnecessary and improper.

I have written to Dr Franklin to take this business under his inspection, and to cause all the goods of British growth and manufacture to be sold. As to the remainder of the goods, the propriety of selling or shipping them must depend on many circumstances, a knowledge of which cannot be acquired here, so as to give consistent orders what shall be done there. I have, therefore, desired Dr Franklin to cause the goods to be so disposed of, as shall to him appear most for the interest of the United States. My reasons for referring the whole matter to him were, because he has already had so much to do with it as at least to have paid the money, and is, I, presume, privy to the original agreements made by Colonel Laurens; because he will know what goods are coming out from France, and consequently how far any or all of those in Amsterdam, which are not of British manufacture may be necessary for us; because he will have an opportunity of explaining such parts of the business as may be proper to explain to the Court of France, who has had some reason to complain, or at least thinks that she has; and, finally, because I shall draw bills, the payment of which will be at Paris under his direction, and if the other resources fail, the proceeds of these goods will enable him to honor them.

With great respect, I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE BARON D'ARNOT.

Office of Finance, March 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received your note of the 9th instant, and in answer am to inform you, that if his Prussian Majesty should incline to procure for his subjects a part of the emoluments attending the commerce with this country, the importance whereof can be easily estimated, from the riches it poured into Britain while she enjoyed the benefit of monopoly, all that is needful to be done is, to set open his ports to our vessels, and protect them whilst there. The merchants of this country are unrestricted in their enterprises and commercial pursuits; they will naturally trade where they shall find their profits most certain and permanent; and I have not a doubt but Prussia would have her share of their trade, were the government to give the proper encouragement to it.

As to the supplies of the army of the United States, I have determined in future to contract for all such articles with individuals, on whose abilities for procuring goods on the best terms, I can depend. They will import them at their own risk; consequently you see I can by no means engage to purchase any of the commodities you mention at St Thomas's; but as that island seems to be the general mart in the West Indies, where the people of America resort to exchange their produce for the manufactures of Europe, I have not a doubt but any of his Prussian Majesty's subjects, who may be inclined to this business, will readily find an occasion of disposing of their goods there, and receiving in exchange for the same, the staple articles of this country.

As to what relates to your personal affairs, you will find that I have conformed to your views, and I expect what is done in that respect will be much to your satisfaction.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, March 23d, 1782.

Sir,

Applications being frequently made by the several Loan Offices, for orders to renew sets of exchange, in consequence of proof made to them by the proprietors of interest bills, that the first, second, third, and fourth bills, have been lost and destroyed, or by accident prevented from reaching the persons to whom they were remitted, and as it is but just in such instances to renew the same, I have caused a number of bills to be struck, of the same denominations, and in the same style, manner, and tenor, except that they are fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth bills, and when made use of will be filled up in the same manner as the first four were, and issued from the same office. I give you this notice, that you may direct the banker to pay due honor to any one of those bills in all instances, where no one of the set, consisting of eight, has before been paid; and of course he will before such payment always satisfy himself, that none of the others have been honored. This general advice will I think answer the purpose, and render unnecessary particular advice with each renewed set of exchange.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS[4]

[4] _March 27th._ Having determined to draw bills on Mr Grand at
Paris, for five hundred thousand livres, under such limitations
and conditions as must secure the payment, the Minister of France
being absent, I consulted M. de Marbois, _Chargé d'Affaires_, read
to him my letter to Dr Franklin, explained my plan, and finally
had his approbation, so far as he is authorised. This gentleman
also communicated to me the Minister's letters to the Court, so
far as they related to our finances, and I found them to breathe
the true spirit of attachment and friendship to America.
_Diary._

* * * * *

TO OLIVER PHELPS.

Office of Finance, March 30th, 1782.

Sir,

As I promised during the conference, with which you honored me yesterday, to give an answer in writing to the proposition you made in consequence of a resolution passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the 5th day of this month, I shall now perform that promise, but in doing it I shall think it unnecessary to go into that full detail of reasoning on the subject, which took place in conversation between us; and I am the more readily induced to decline this, because you, Sir, seemed satisfied of the force and propriety of the reasons urged; wherefore when you come to make the communication to the State, your candor will induce, and your abilities enable you, to do me ample justice.

I will, therefore, content myself with observing, that in all countries engaged in war, experience has sooner or later pointed out contracts with private men of substance and talents equal to the undertaking as the cheapest, most certain, and consequently the best mode of obtaining those articles, which are necessary for the subsistence, covering, clothing, and moving of an army. The experience of other countries could not satisfy America. We must have it of our own acquiring; we have at length bought it; but the purchase had nearly been our ruin. I had been long since convinced, that nothing could save us, but opening all the American ports to unrestrained commerce, all the markets of America to the free sale and purchase of every article of its production and import; and by taking away all restraints on money, leave every individual to judge and act for himself. I labored hard in consequence of this conviction, to introduce such measures into the State, of which I am a member, and finally was happy enough to succeed; the good consequences were immediately seen and felt; the example, has been followed, and it is to be attributed to the freedom, which we now enjoy, that persons can be found willing to contract for furnishing supplies to the American army.

I have succeeded in obtaining many contracts on very reasonable terms. The saving to the United States thereby is immense, and I am confident, that neither the patriot who fills the chair of government, the honorable gentlemen who compose the council, nor those who represent the country of Massachusetts, would wish me to make an engagement, which in partiality to that State, would in its effects destroy a system, that has been proved so truly economical. I cannot, Sir, enter into the engagements proposed by Massachusetts, without being exposed to similar claims in twelve others, and I feel the absolute necessity and propriety of declining every application of the kind. The persons who contract with me to supply the armies of the United States, must make purchases of the articles necessary; their interests will lead them to those markets, which will supply cheapest, however remote from the scene of action, and this will give all the States a fair chance of obtaining money, or bank notes, through that channel to pay their taxes. Those who will give most labor or goods for money and notes, will undoubtedly obtain the greatest share thereof.

I cannot quit this subject, without observing, that taxing in specifics is expensive to the people, cumbersome to the government, and generally inadequate to the object. I think if every individual in the country is left to dispose as he pleases of his property, and compelled to pay his taxes in money or bank notes, he will satisfy the tax by the sale of much less of that property, than in the case of a specific tax taken from him to raise the sum. Nothing could gratify me more than to have an opportunity of evincing to the State of Massachusetts how much I am disposed to comply with her wishes in every instance, that my general duty to the United States will permit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, April 15th, 1782.

Sir,

In a circular letter, which I had the honor to address to your Excellency, on the 9th day of last month, you were informed, that the United States in Congress had on the 20th and 27th of February, passed Acts for settling and finally adjusting all the public accounts; and that those Acts would have been transmitted immediately, but that I was induced to wait the event of some additional propositions upon that subject, which were then before Congress.

As I now discover that those propositions meet with much greater delay, than at that time was expected, and as it is still uncertain when they may be decided upon, I think it improper to detain longer the Acts that were passed, although several considerations induced a desire to have the whole system communicated to the several Assemblies at one and the same time.

You will observe, Sir, that it is earnestly recommended to the several Legislatures, duly to empower and authorise the United States, in Congress assembled, to make a final settlement of the proportions to be borne by each respective State, of the general expenses of the war, from the commencement thereof, until the 1st day of January, 1782. An immediate compliance with this recommendation is of infinite importance to the Union, as it is also to each of the States. No determination of quotas, which Congress can at this time possibly make, will create a difference for or against any State equal to the expense, which will arise either by disputing its quota, or by delaying to have it fixed. If Congress are now empowered, they must be determined by general principles, and if the decision is delayed ever so long, general principles must at last be resorted to, and that after large sums shall have been expended by each of the Governments, in attempting to ascertain their respective numbers of inhabitants, value of property, quantity of lands, annual income, &c. The returns on these points severally, cannot be made with certainty and exactitude _as to the time past_, and therefore they will only afford more ample field for disputation; disputes, which if the cause be not removed by a compliance with the present requisition, may probably deprive us of the blessings of peace after the war with Great Britain shall cease.

I do not think it necessary to detail the reasons, which induced Congress to adopt this measure, but I cannot help observing, that it is to the want of a decision on this point, that the languor and want of exertion of the several States are to be attributed. That fatal assertion that each has done most, which each has made and repeated, until it has gained but too much credit, would never have obtained a place in the minds of men, who really love their country and cause, had the requisitions of Congress been made annually for money, and the quotas fixed finally at the date of the demand. The compliances of each would in that case have determined their respective merits or demerits; we should then have seen a competition the very reverse of that which has for some time past prevailed; and it is not yet too late. Let us settle the accounts of the past expenditures, adjust the shares which each State has to pay, but let the settlement be final, or we do nothing. And if on the requisition of men and money for this, and for future years, the quotas be finally fixed, and the compliances be made publicly known, we shall banish that distrust, which I am sorry to say now exists between the States, and in place thereof excite the noble ardor, which animated our conduct in the commencement of the contest. The strife will then be which shall be foremost in contributing their share to the support of that war, on the success of which depends the political existence of all.

A desire to name commissioners of approved abilities and character, has induced me to delay such nominations, until I can obtain information of suitable persons from each State. I shall very soon proceed in this business, in such manner as to me shall seem most likely to obtain honest, impartial, and equitable settlements of the public accounts.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO NATHANIEL APPLETON.

Office of Finance, April 16th, 1782.

Sir,

I am indebted for your letters of the 14th and 28th of last month. Having personally a great regard for your Governor, it gives me pain to disapprove of any of his measures, and probably he never could have given cause for blame by any delay of the impost law, had he considered how many widows and orphans, as well as other deserving persons, friends to their country and its cause, are deprived of the means of comfortable subsistence, by being kept out of that interest, which is so justly their due, and which the revenue to be raised in consequence of that law was intended to discharge.

I know he has a benevolent heart; I know that he is generous; and principles of justice will always have their proper influence over him. I beg you will remind him, that his generosity, humanity, and justice, are all concerned in promoting the establishment of permanent revenues, sufficient to discharge the interest of our public debt. Nay, more, the political existence of America depends on the accomplishment of this plan. We cannot be called a nation, nor do we deserve to be ranked amongst the nations of the earth, until we do justice to those, who have served and trusted us. A public debt, supported by public revenue, will prove the strongest cement to keep our confederacy together. Sound policy would also dictate, that we should do justice to those who have trusted us, in order that we may have pretensions to credit in future. We might then tax the present race of citizens six pounds, instead of a hundred, and leave posterity to pay the principal of a debt contracted in consequence of our distresses and necessities, but from which they will derive ease and emolument. I could say a great deal more on this subject, and probably shall to the world at large, if the just measures of Congress continue to meet with such ill judged opposition.

I am, Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, April 17th, 1782.

Sir,

In consequence of the communications made to me by his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, since his return from Virginia, I shall proceed to draw bills upon Mr Grand to the extent of five hundred thousand livres monthly; so that computing the months of January, February, March, and April, I have now to draw for two millions of livres; as I hope and expect that the five hundred thousand livres, already drawn, may be provided for out of the balance due on the Dutch loan. This supply comes most seasonably, and at a more leisure moment you will be charged with the proper acknowledgements to the Court. I must however repeat, that the sum requested for the service of this year will be necessary to enable me to support the campaign, and perfect my arrangements; it will be my constant study to draw forth our own resources and lessen our demands on France; but these things require time.

I find it will be advantageous to draw upon Holland and Cadiz as well as on Paris; and, therefore, I request that you will desire Mr Grand to give immediate orders to Messrs Fizeau, Grand & Co. in Amsterdam, to honor any bills I may draw on them, with directions to take their reimbursement on him, for account of the United States. He must also give similar orders to Messrs Harrison & Co. of Cadiz, and I will furnish Mr Grand with regular advice of every bill I draw, whether on himself or either of those houses. My bills in the whole will not exceed the sums to which I am limited, and the commission those houses charge will be paid by Mr Grand. I expect it will not exceed a half per cent; respecting which I shall write to them. I am induced to draw on those places, because the sale bills will thereby be extended, and the price better supported.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Office of Finance, April 23d, 1782.

Dear Sir,

You have enclosed herewith, the copy of an official letter to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, which contains some information on subjects that you ought to know. It has been my intention for some time past to give you a detail of circumstances, which have happened since the date of my former despatches; but the occurrences of every day employ my whole time, and engross my whole attention, especially for the last six weeks, as I have been deprived of assistance. The first leisure moments shall be devoted to make you acquainted with the situation of things here, and in the meantime you may indulge the pleasing idea, that system and regularity are dispelling the clouds in which our affairs have been enveloped.

I am, very sincerely, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Head Quarters, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

I am obliged to you for the copy of the contract you have been pleased to send me, under cover of your favor of the 15th instant. It came very opportunely, as I have already been applied to for a determination upon the points submitted to my decision.

I am very glad to find that an Intendent, appointed by you, is to attend the army, and to hear and decide causes of complaint or uneasiness, which may arise between the army and the contractors. As we are still to gain knowledge by experience, other complaints than those which have already occurred may yet arise; and I shall be very happy to be relieved from those troubles as much as possible. I wish you may be fortunate in the appointment of this person, and that he may be with the army at an early period.

You may be assured, that I am fully persuaded of the importance and utility of the present mode of feeding the army, and that I shall take every occasion to impress the same ideas upon the minds of the officers. I am pleased to find, that saving the complaints, which have arisen in their execution, they are generally inclined to acquiesce and promote the contracts; and you may depend, that I shall take pleasure in giving the gentlemen concerned in our supply, every assistance and protection in my power, consistent with that justice, which I think is due to the army.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.

Office of Finance, April 24th, 1782.

Sir,

The several bills you found it necessary to draw upon me have been punctually honored, and I am pleased at having been able by this means to strengthen your credit and provide you with money, which I dare say will, agreeably to your declaration, be expended only on occasions of pressing necessity. Would it were in my power to make you perfectly easy on the score of money; you would then experience the alacrity with which my compliances would be made.