Chapter VII: Part 7

Sir.

I received your letters of the 7th, 9th, 14th, 18th, and 21st of May. The resolutions of the House of Delegates, passed on the 20th, have been submitted to Congress, and they have referred the matter to Mr Rutledge, and Mr Clymer, two of their members, who are going on special business to the southward. Your letters contain a great many particulars, which I shall briefly enumerate, and take notice of; many of them are of a private and personal nature, and therefore ought not in any case to have influenced the determinations on a matter of great public importance. I should pay no attention to them, if I were not persuaded, that the design is not so much to injure me, as to involve the national affairs committed to me.

I find there are made against me personally, the following charges.

1st. That I have robbed the Eastern States of their specie.

2dly. That I am partial to Pennsylvania, being commercially connected with half the merchants of Philadelphia.

3dly. That I am partial to the disaffected.

4thly. That I have established a bank for sinister purposes.

5thly. That my plan and that of Pennsylvania, are to keep Virginia poor, and

6thly. That with the Secretary of Congress and Mr Coffin I am engaged in speculation.

As to the first point, I believe the Eastern States have a very different opinion of the matter, although there may be one or two persons in some part of those States, who from their great latitude of conscience, would not scruple to assert what they know to be false. Those who make and respect such assertions, must be content to pass for the authors and inventors of untruths, with design to injure the public service and sow dissensions among the States. I have not received from the Eastern States, any more than from the Southern States, _one shilling of specie_, since I was appointed to my present office, although I have sent very considerable sums from hence, both eastward and southward, as the exigencies of the service required.

As to the second point, that I am commercially concerned with half the merchants of Philadelphia, if that were as true as it is false, the conclusion, that I am partial to Pennsylvania would by no means follow. A merchant, as such, can be attached particularly to no country. His mere place of residence, is as merchant perfectly accidental, and it would be just as reasonable to conclude, that an American residing at L'Orient, and trading to China, must be partial to the French and Chinese. I know that this story of my partiality to Pennsylvania has been very assiduously circulated, and has obtained an extensive currency. It was supposed that I must be partial to Pennsylvania, because I reside in it. The assertion therefore was made, and the contracts I had entered into were brought as the evidence to support it. I have received from Pennsylvania, for the service of the last year, one hundred and eighty thousand dollars, besides a warrant on their treasury for near ninety thousand, which is not yet paid. The contracts in Pennsylvania have not amounted to that sum. Is there a State in the Union, which can say I received from them one shilling for the last year? There is not one. But I can demonstrate that while I was charged with this partiality, I had exhausted my credit, and supplied every shilling of money, which I could command from my private fortune, to support and succor _the Southern States_. But this was not from a partiality in their favor, for I will neither endeavor to ingratiate myself with them, on such principles, nor subject myself to the ignominy of just reproach from others. It was for the general good.

That I am partial to the disaffected is among those threadbare topics of defamation, which have been so generally applied, that they have lost their effect. But I have remarked, that this particular aspersion is generally cast on those who least deserve it, and by those who are in a fair way of becoming disaffected themselves. I am not very sorry for this charge, because it shows, that while I have inveterate enemies, they have nothing to allege against me, and must resort to the regions of fiction for the ground of calumny.

That I have established the bank I shall confess. That bank has already saved America from the efforts of her avowed, and the intrigues of her concealed enemies; and it has saved her from those, who, while they clamor loudly against the administration for doing so little, sedulously labor to deprive it of the means of doing anything. The bank will exist in spite of calumny, operate in spite of opposition, and do good in spite of malevolence. If there be sinister purposes in view, it must be easy to show what they are. The operations of a bank are such plain matters of arithmetic, that those who run may read. There is nothing of mystery, disguise, or concealment. If, therefore, these sinister views cannot be shown, (and I know that they cannot) that defect of proof, after the charge made, is itself a proof that the thing does not exist. But the matter does not terminate here. A groundless unfounded opposition against measures of public utility, must proceed from some cause. If it proceed from an opposition to the public interests, their conduct is dangerous; but if it proceed from aversion to me, I pity them.

That I should, or that Pennsylvania should have a plan to keep Virginia poor, is a strange assertion. I believe that Pennsylvania will probably be rich, the soil and climate are good, and the people are quiet and industrious. Their rulers also begin to be sensible of their true interests. They encourage commerce, have laid aside all the idle systems of specific supplies, and content themselves with laying money taxes. There can be no doubt but that such a people must become rich. On the other hand, if Virginia, or any other State, be poor, it must be their own fault. Prudence, diligence, and economy, promote national prosperity; and vice, indolence, and prodigality, involve national ruin. I am so far from wishing to impoverish Virginia, that I have constantly labored, both in my public and private applications to bring about those measures, which are calculated to make her wealthy and powerful. In the moment of cool reflection this will be acknowledged; whenever my measures are adopted, it will be known, and in that moment those who from ignorance, or wickedness, have opposed themselves to their country's good, will be known and despised. The charge of speculating, in conjunction with the Secretary of Congress and Mr Coffin, is one of those foolish things, which are not worth an answer. The whole business was known to the General, and after him, to a committee of Congress, before anything was done.

You tell me further, that there are jealousies and resentments against Congress, for a design to curtail the territory of Virginia; that it is alleged no money can come into the country, while bank notes and bills on Philadelphia will purchase tobacco; and that the enemy having failed to subdue Virginia by force, would now try the arts of seduction, wherefore great care ought to be taken in preventing any intercourse with them. As to any design in Congress to curtail Virginia, if there be such, I know nothing, of it. Congress will undoubtedly pursue the line of justice, and might be justly offended were they charged with that design, which you say has offended Virginia. There was a time when Pennsylvania clamored loudly against Congress. It impeded the public service, and injured the reputation of Pennsylvania, without producing any good, much less a counterbalance for the evils, which it did produce. Happily all those heats have subsided, and Pennsylvania is now, what I hope Virginia will soon be, the zealous supporter of Congress.

The means of bringing money into a country are very simple, being nothing more than the creating a demand for it. If every man be obliged to get some money, every man must part with something to get money. This makes things cheap, and those who have money always choose to expend it where things are cheapest. But what is the predilection in favor of specie? If bank notes answer the purposes of money the man who receives them has every benefit, which he could derive from specie. If they will not answer those purposes, no man will receive them; and then Virginia will not be troubled with them. If money is due from Virginia to Pennsylvania or Maryland, it must go thither, and the only way to get it back again is to sell something cheaper than Pennsylvania or Maryland will sell it. As to any profit made by the bank in issuing their paper, gentlemen in Virginia may easily share it by purchasing stock, which can be had here for the subscription and interest.

That the enemy have been foiled in their attempts to subdue Virginia is true, and when we recollect the means by which they were foiled, it will not only obviate the charges of partiality, but show the advantages of unanimity; and ought to become a motive to cultivate harmony and excite exertion. That the enemy will try the arts of seduction I verily believe, or rather that these arts have been tried, but I do not believe they have the will or the power to buy many. It will sufficiently answer their purposes, if they can promote disunion among us, because our concord is our only safety. To produce disunion nothing more is necessary than to set at work a few turbulent spirits. Neither do I see that they need go at the trouble of sending ships into the harbors of the several States, because such negotiations may be accomplished without that trouble or parade.

You tell me that the Executive of Virginia refused the passports, because they deemed the commerce and intercourse with the enemy to be dangerous. There can be no doubt, that a commerce with the enemy is not only dangerous but highly reprehensible, and if the transaction in question could be considered as a commerce of that sort, I would readily join in the censure. But if there was a commerce, it was by the capitulation, and the present object relates only to the mode of paying a debt already contracted under that solemn agreement.

You tell me, also, that it is the Governor's opinion, that the State should have the benefit resulting from the passports, because the undoubted power of granting such passports is in the State; and in another letter you say it has been urged in argument, that Congress have no right to grant the passports. As the right is thus brought in question, it is to be presumed, that should that right be in Congress, the Governor's argument must operate in their favor. If I am rightly informed, their right on this occasion is not only unquestionable, but it is exclusive; and I am told that numerous instances have occurred in which vessels having passports from one State have been captured by the privateers of another State, and been adjudged lawful prize. Judge Griffin, who is now in Virginia, can doubtless give information on this subject, and if one could be allowed to determine where the right is from where it ought to be, there can be no doubt but that it must be in Congress. If this be so, then the assertions about delivering the rights of Virginia into the hands of Congress, must be considered as nothing more than mere flowers of rhetoric, which are very good to please an audience, but ought not to influence or convince a legislative body.

How it can be said, that these passports contravene the resolutions of Congress for confiscating British manufactures within the United States, I am at a loss to conceive, and shall be, unless it can be proved, that tobacco is a British manufacture. For I cannot suppose, that it is intended to confiscate that property, which, having been secured by the capitulation, is under the protection of the law of nations, which law must always be taken notice of and respected by the municipal law of every civilized country. As to the laws of Virginia, which may be contravened by it, I cannot speak decidedly, but I have a pretty strong reason to doubt the truth of this assertion, and it will presently be assigned. But of all things in the world the most ridiculous is the assertion, that this would give cause of complaint to the King of France. There is something of the same kind in the resolutions of the Delegates, which I will now consider; observing beforehand, that the objection would come rather unfortunately, should it be made by men, whose zeal for the honor and interest of his Most Christian Majesty has never shown itself, except in the present moment, and then by exciting discord among his allies.

The resolutions, being the act of a respectable body, are deserving of respect, and shall meet with it from me. But I must take the liberty to differ from them in some of their positions. It is resolved first, that allowing the capitulants to export tobacco is not _warranted_ by the capitulation. Much of what follows depends on the equivocal sense of the word _warranted_. If by that word is meant enjoined, or directed, the position is just, but if the idea to be conveyed is, that such exportation is not _permitted_, then the position is untrue. The exportation is very clearly permitted by the capitulation, because the capitulation does not prohibit it, nor indeed say anything about it. But in a day or two after the capitulation an agreement was made for the purchase of goods payable in tobacco, which is now sanctioned by the Delegates in the last of their resolutions. Clearly, therefore, the exportation of tobacco in payment for British goods, is (in the judgment of the Delegates) _permitted_ by the capitulation.

The second resolution seems to go upon a mistake. The Acts of Congress for confiscating British manufactures, as I have already observed in another place, cannot, I should imagine, be contrary to the laws of the Commonwealth, or else it would not have been permitted in another instance, for the Delegates cannot be supposed to intend a breach of the law, and still less can they be supposed to mean, that it was lawful for the general and the State Agent to do what it is not lawful for the United States in Congress to do.

The third resolution, quoting a part of an article in the treaty of commerce, appears to me to be rather inconclusive. The object of that article was to make provision in a case which might happen, when one of the high contracting parties was at peace, and the other at war, which is not the case at present. The sense which France entertains on this subject may clearly be learnt from the various capitulations granted to the conquered Islands; and if I am not much misinformed the sense of Virginia on this very question of exporting tobacco may be found, by consulting sundry instances of the kind subsequent to the capitulation of York.

The fourth resolution is a conclusion drawn from the three preceding, and says that the capitulation does not warrant the enemy to export tobacco, and that such exportation would be contravening the regulations of the United States, and contrary to the laws of the Commonwealth, wherefore the vessels ought not to be permitted to load. The premises on which this conclusion is founded being unsupported, the conclusion itself must fall, or else the next succeeding resolution ought to be revoked.

The industry which you say has been used on this occasion would not have surprised me, if our affairs had been in such train, that the country was entirely out of danger. But under our present circumstances, it both astonishes and afflicts me, not for myself, but for the public. Men may flatter themselves, that all is safe and well, and endeavor to shrink from the public burdens and embarrass the public operations, but the consequence is clear, and certain. The enemy know they cannot conquer, and therefore seek to divide us. Convinced that the Northern and Eastern States cannot even then be subdued, their ultimate ambition now is to subjugate those to the southward, and the only means under heaven of preventing it is by unanimity. That the other States should be plunged into hasty measures, pregnant with disunion, might have been expected, but that any inhabitants of a State, deeply interested to pursue the contrary conduct, should be so blind both to the duty and interest of that State will scarcely be believed hereafter, and could not have happened now, but from causes which would bear a harder name than I shall give them.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, May 31st, 1782.

Sir,

I perceive that on the 29th instant Congress resolved, "that the salaries and allowances to which the public servants of the United States are, or shall be entitled, be in future paid by the Superintendent of Finance, and of the moneys which shall from time to time be in his hands, and that the said public servants be authorised to make quarterly drafts on him for that purpose." The tenor of this resolution would, I believe, give to every officer of the United States, both civil and military, the right of drawing upon me, which would be liable to this objection among many others, that I should frequently be obliged to protest the bills for want of funds to discharge them. If, therefore, the object of the resolution was to provide for the foreign servants only, it might, perhaps, be proper to make some alteration in the terms.

But I would submit to Congress whether a better mode might not be devised for payment of the salaries in question. It will tend greatly to simplify the public accounts if those of each Department be brought under one separate head, whereas if bills are to be drawn by every public officer much confusion would be introduced, and forged bills might be paid without a possibility of detecting the forgery. The present mode which I have adopted is, that the accounts of each Department of the civil list be made up and settled at the treasury quarterly, and that a warrant issue for the amount. If this mode be pursued with respect to the Department of Foreign Affairs, the moneys may be remitted to those who are abroad by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, until they shall have appointed their respective agents to receive it for them here. This will not only simplify the accounts, but be of great use to the parties, because in some cases they may be unable to sell their bills on this country at all, and in others they must suffer a considerable loss. And if obliged to send such drafts on their own account to obtain payment of their salaries, much time may be lost by delay in tedious passages and other accidents, and of course they will be exposed unnecessarily to inconveniences and disappointments.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE OLNEY, OF RHODE-ISLAND.

Office of Finance, June 1st, 1782.

Sir,

I have received your favor of the 13th of May last, enclosing an account of moneys you had received. The particular details you have entered into are a pleasing circumstance to me, as they show your accuracy and attention; but as such returns will consume much time and be of no correspondent utility, it will not be necessary to continue them; but in general state to me the amount of cash received, the amount of cash exchanged, the amount of cash in hand, the amount of bank notes in hand, and the amount of my notes in hand.

It would be of great use to the State that the special account of the money received from each collector should be published; and when they place you in the situation required by Congress, it will form a part of your duty. In the interim you had better avoid any discussion on the subject, which may lead to disagreeable altercation. If the sum total received from each collector were published, in order to render the system complete it would be proper, that every such collector should be obliged to deposit, in some place within the circle of his collection, such account of his receipts _for the public inspection_, that every man might see whether the moneys he had paid were fairly delivered over.

You will do well to explain this whole system to men of discernment in your legislature. My object in this branch of administration is to enable each individual man to trace the money he pays, from his own pocket into the public treasury. To this I shall add accounts of equal notoriety, by which every man who can read (being previously informed as above of the sum total of receipts) may perceive the manner in which the public treasure is expended and appropriated. A similar line of conduct will be pursued with respect to all funds which may be granted for liquidation of the national debt.

Finally, when all the world can perceive that our revenue is equal to our expenditure, and that new revenues are devising, and the old daily placing in a better state of collection, our credit will be firmly established; that will enable the public to command money in any emergency, both at home and abroad; that again will put us in a situation to make active, vigorous exertions, and thus we shall come to be beloved by our friends, feared by our enemies, and respected by all mankind. In this natural progress and order of things, I must expect of the several States, as the servant of the United States, a revenue ample in its extent, punctual in the payment, and absolutely at my disposition. In return for such grants the States are to expect from a Superintendent of Finance, vigilance, integrity, order and economy. Should he be deficient in these duties he will deserve to be removed and punished. Should the States be deficient they must allow him to complain, they must expect him to remonstrate, and finally they must not be surprised if their negligence, boding ruin to their country, be pointed out, and exposed, and reprehended.

Your most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Translation.

Paris, June 3d, 1782.

Sir,

The health of poor Francy not yet permitting him to hazard another voyage to America, I find myself obliged (to my very great loss and regret) to postpone the hope of closing and settling all my accounts with the General Congress, until he shall have recovered sufficient strength for his voyage; he alone being able to resume the thread and instructions of an affair, which he has already pursued with so much assiduity during three years.

From one merchant to another, the extract of the account adjusted in France by the person authorised, who has ordered and vouched all my advances, and which I have the honor herewith to address to you, would be sufficient for the entire settlement of my account; but my business lies with an association of United States, who have intrusted the administration of their most valuable interests, to an assembly of citizens, to a General Congress, the members of which are continually changed, and as continually liable to view transactions of the oldest date, and those which have been most thoroughly investigated at other times, with the same uncertainty and ignorance of circumstances, as if they were new events. From whence arises the necessity of causing my accounts to be adjusted and settled by the same agent, who has already presented and discussed them, agreeably to the vouchers in his possession; which M. de Francy will do as soon as his health will permit him to undertake a voyage at sea.

In the meantime, Sir, I have the honor to address to you a faithful abstract of my accounts, as they have been settled by Mr Deane, with whom alone, on behalf of the General Congress, I treated. His misfortunes, the malice with which his character, naturally mild and uniform, has been aspersed, and the complaints which I have heard in this country against certain of his writings, (of which I have not yet seen any) since the English papers made them public, have not changed the opinion I had formed of him; and I will always do him the justice to say, that he is one of those men, who have contributed most to the alliance of France with the United States. I will even add, that his laudable endeavors in the most difficult times merited, perhaps, another recompense. I see there are intrigues _among Republicans, as well as in the Courts of Kings_. This digression, (which a compassionate feeling for a man, worthy of a better lot, forces from me in writing to you, to you, Sir, who have loved him as I do,) this digression excused, I resume my affair; and I request of you, Sir, to engage Congress to assist me by the very first opportunity, with bills of exchange, such as the first which I received in 1779. Though they are not yet payable, and though I have been obliged to undergo the heaviest losses in order to make them serviceable, I cannot support the weighty burden of my credit to America, (with which alone I should be able to settle my debts in Europe,) without having, at least, an object representative of this said credit in my hands. And neither the Congress nor I should look too minutely to the losses that I sustain in the negotiation of this paper. It is one of the events, one of the indispensable consequences of the nature and situation of things. Have then the justice, Sir, to remit to me as speedily as possible, if not the whole of my account, at least a large part of what is due to me by Congress in bills of exchange, reserving what may be objected to in the account and its full proof, until Francy may be able to repair to Philadelphia. My very embarrassed situation will cause me to receive this strict justice from Congress as a favor, and I shall be under the greatest obligation to you for it.

Receive, Sir, all my congratulations on the merited confidence which your fellow citizens have placed in you. No man can entertain a greater esteem for your person and superior talents than I do. Messrs De Francy and Deane have taught me to become acquainted with you; and it is after the most deliberate affection that I subscribe myself, with the most respectful regard and acknowledgement, Sir, your obedient servant.

CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS.

* * * * *

THE FOLLOWING ARE THE ABSTRACTS MENTIONED IN
THE PRECEDING LETTER.

_Dr the Honorable Congress of the United States in Account Current with Caron de Beaumarchais._

1776, _Livres._ _s._ _d._

Sept. 21, To so much paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 3,600
Oct. 25, To ditto paid ditto, 4,400
Nov. 6, To ditto paid ditto, 7,200
" 12, To ditto paid Mr Silas Deane, 20,000
" 18, To ditto paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 12,000
" 21, To ditto paid ditto, 12,000
" 25, To ditto paid the Chevalier Prudhomme de Bore, 2,400
" 27, To ditto paid ditto, 2,100
" 25, To ditto paid the Chevalier Prudhomme de Bore, 2,400
" 27, To ditto paid ditto, 2,100

Dec. 4, To ditto paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 53,541 13 4
" 5, To ditto paid ditto, 4,800
" " To ditto paid Mr Silas Deane, 2,400
" 6, To " " M. de Vrigny, 600
" 12, To " " Mr Rogers, 240
" 13, To amount of the cargo and expenses to
departure of the ship _Amphitrite_, insurance,
freight, and commission on
the outfit, 979,493 8 3
" 14, To so much paid M. de Goy, 240
" 26, To ditto reimbursed to M. de Montieu
per Silas Deane, 411 16
" " To commission at 1 per cent on the above
payments made to Mr Deane, 228 1
1777,
Jan. 15, To amount of the ship _Seine_, her cargo,
charges to departure, insurance, freight,
and commission on the outfit, 784,631 2 10

Feb. 5, To amount of the cargo and charges to
the departure of the ship _Mercury_, insurance,
freight, and commission of
the outfit, 878,758 13
" 15, To ditto of the ship _Amelia_, 241,068 15 3
" 27, To so much paid M. de Goy, 800
" " To commission at 1 per cent on the several
payments as above made to Messrs
Du Coudray, Le Brun, and others, 1,039 4
May 10, To amount of the cargo and expenses to
departure of the ship _Teresia_, insurance,
freight, and commission on the
outfit, 1,062,853 17 6
" 15, To ditto of the ship _Mère Babi_, 89,460 1
June 10, To " " _Maria Catherina_, 166,217 6 3
Sept. 25, To " " _Flamand_, 630,195 14
Nov. 26, To ditto of an account of expenses incurred
at St Doiningue, by M. Carabasse,
relative to the cargoes of the ships
_Teresia_ and _Amelia_, 122,882 7 3

1778, _Livres_ _s._ _d._
May 27, To amount of a second account, ditto 23,037 11 10
1781,
April 6 To commission at
1/2 per cent on 25,000)
30,000) = 199,000 in
144,000) bills on Paris, 995
" " To amount of the account of interest
at 6 per cent per annum, as
particularized hereafter, 1,167,250
-------------------
Livres, 6,274,844 11 6
-------------------

_Contra Cr._
1777, _Livres_ _s._ _d._
Aug. 23, By net proceeds of the returned
cargo of the _Mercury_, 18,728 7
1778,
Feb. 27, By ditto, ditto of the
_Amphitrite_, 135,338 8 9
April 17, By remittance to Mr Francy of
20,000 dollars at 4 for 1 is, at
5 livres tournois for a dollar 25,000
May 26, By ditto of 24,000 dollars at
ditto ditto 30,000
Oct 22, By net proceeds of the returned
cargo of the _Teresia_, 124,139 9 6
1779,
May 5, By ditto of the _Amelia_, passed
on _memorandum_, waiting the
final of accounts of M. Carabasse, the
shipper in this affair.
June 26, By net proceeds of 231 hhds tobacco per
the _Fier Rodrigue_, reduced to
to 115-1/2 on account of the freight
being one half, 74,905 3 9
1780,
June 25, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
15th of June, 1780, viz.
74,000)
72,000) = 144,000[7]

_Livres._ _s._ _d._
1781,
April 6, By balance due to me from the honorable
Congress, 5,722,723 2 6
-------------------
Livres, 6,274,844 11 6
------------------

Errors and omissions excepted.

Paris, April 6th, 1781.

[7] There appears to be an error in adding up this sum, viz.
74,000 and 72,000, amount to 146,000.

* * * * *

_Dr the Honorable Congress in their new Account Current with Caron de Beaumarchais_.

1781, _Livres._ _s._ _d._
April 6, To balance due to me on the preceding
account, 5,722,723 2 6
1782,
May 18, To commission at 1/2 per cent on 144,000
and 2,544,000 making 2,688,000, in
bills on Paris, 13,440

" " To amount of interest account at 6 per
cent per annum, as particularized
hereafter, 382,698 18

" " To commission at 2-1/2 per cent to M. de
Francy on the returns from America,
viz.

On 552,121 9 amount of the returns to the
credit of their account settled the 6th
of April, 1781,

2,882,332 10 9 amount of the returns to
the credit of the account settled this
day,

3,434,453 19 9 at 2-1/2 per cent, 86,861 6
---------------
Livres, 6,204,723 6 6
---------------

_Contra Cr._

1781, _Livres._ _s._ _d._
June 25, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
25th of June, 1781, 144,000

_Livres._ _s._ _d._

July 20, By net proceeds of 150 hhds tobacco per
the ship _Peru_, reduced to 75, on account
of the freight being one half, 34,991 19

" " By ditto of 176 hhds tobacco per the _Two
Helenas_, reduced to 88 by the freight; 49,826 19

" " By ditto of 32 hhds ditto per _Good Man
Richard_, reduced to 16 by the freight, 6,141 5

" " By ditto of 188 hhds ditto per the _Polly_,
reduced to 125-1/3, the freight being
one third, 55,872 14 9

Oct. 1, By ditto of 159 hhds ditto per _Fier Rodrigue_,
reduced to 79-1/2 by the freight at
one half, 47,499 13

" " By 15 hhds ditto per the _Jean_, and which
were lost, this vessel having foundered
at sea, (for _memorandum_.)

1782
May 18, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
25th of June, 1782, passed here in
anticipation, amounting to 2,544,000

" " By balance due to me from the Honorable
Congress, 3,322,390 15 9
-------------------

Livres, 6,204,723 6 6
-------------------

_Dr the Honorable Congress_

1782,
May 18, To balance due to me on the above account, 3,322,390 15 9

Closed the above account, as well debit as credit, of the sum of
six millions two hundred and four thousand seven hundred and
twentythree livres, six sols, and six deniers tournois; on which
the Honorable Congress of the United States of America owe me as
balance the sum of three millions three hundred and twentytwo
thousand three hundred and ninety livres, fifteen sols, and nine
deniers tournois.

* * * * *

_Dr, moreover, the Honorable Congress._

To amount of the drafts of General Lincoln, drawn at Charleston, in the month of March, 1780, on Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, to the order of M. de Francy, for the purchase of the cargo of the corvette the _Zephyr_, sold by Captain Mainville to the said General Lincoln, Commander of the Southern army of the United States, for the sum of two hundred and twentyfour thousand three hundred dollars, (this for _memorandum_,) for which two hundred and twentyfour thousand three hundred dollars I am yet to be credited, no return having been made to me.

Errors and omissions excepted.

CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS.

Paris, May 18th, 1782.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, June 4th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's letters of the 17th and 25th of May, with the enclosure. I am much obliged by the attention paid in your circular letter to the situation of my department. I am very sorry to inform you that it is really deplorable. I with difficulty am enabled to perform my engagements, and am absolutely precluded from forming any new ones. I have therefore been under the very disagreeable necessity of suffering the public service to stand still in more lines than one. I have been driven to the greatest shifts, and am at this moment unable to provide for the civil list.

I can easily suppose that military men should murmur to find the salaries of the civil list more punctually paid than their own. To enter into arguments on this occasion will be unnecessary, for I am persuaded that your Excellency must be of opinion with me, that unless the civil list is paid neither civil or military can exist at all.

I am well persuaded of your Excellency's desire to promote the success of those measures I have taken, because I am sure you are convinced that their tendency and my intentions are all directed to the public good. Indeed, my Dear Sir, you will hardly be able to form an adequate idea of the earnestness with which I desire to relieve you from the anxieties you must undergo. But when the several gazettes shall have announced the sums received for this year's service, and I am well convinced that the whole did not on the 1st of June amount to twenty thousand dollars; when it is recollected that our expenses at the rate of eight millions annually, are near twenty thousand dollars a day; and when it is known that the estimates on which the demand was founded do not include many essential branches, among which the Marine and Foreign Affairs are to be numbered; surely it cannot be a matter of surprise that the army are not paid; surely the blame is to fall on those from whose negligence the evil originates. But I will not give you the pain of hearing me repeat complaints, which you know to be but too well founded.

I pray you to believe, that I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO EDWARD CARRINGTON, IN VIRGINIA.

Office of Finance, June 6th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received your letter of the 26th of May, from Richmond. It does by no means surprise me, after some other things which have happened, that an opposition is made to receiving my notes in taxes. I am indifferent about the event of those deliberations, which may be had on that subject. If they choose rather to tax in coin, I shall be content, for the coin will answer my purposes as well as the notes, which were only intended to anticipate the revenue, and supply that want of money, which is not a little complained of, and particularly in Virginia. The views of those who oppose their circulation, I will not guess at, but I hope they may be virtuous and honorable motives, in which case, I shall only pity a want of understanding to discover the true interests of their country.

I am, your most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Office of Finance, June 7th, 1782.

Sir,

I received this morning the letter you did me the honor to write on the 6th. Congress have asked from the several States a five per cent duty on goods imported, and on prizes and prize goods, as a fund for paying the principal and interest of their debts. This fund, when granted, will not be sufficient, and it is not yet granted by all. I expect, however, that the requisition will speedily be complied with. I shall not cease urging it, and also such further revenues as may be sufficient for the purpose. When they shall have been obtained, they will be duly applied in liquidation of the public debts; but until that period arrives, neither the principal nor the interest of such debts can be paid.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO DANIEL JENIFER, OF MARYLAND.

Office of Finance, June 11th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 31st of last month. I am so habituated to receive apologies instead of money, that I am not surprised at the contents of it. If complaints of difficulties were equivalent to cash, I should not complain that the quotas are unpaid. But unluckily this is not the case, and if the States really mean to prosecute the war, something more must be done than merely to pass declaratory resolutions; for no man can be found who will for such resolutions supply food to our army. I am well persuaded, that the difficulties which any State labors under, proceed more from impolitic laws than any other source; for as to the taxes required, they are very moderate, when compared either with the real wealth of the people, or the former expenses which they have borne.

How far the quota asked from your State, is or is not proportionate, it is not my business to determine. I presume it is right; but let it be as high as it may, I am persuaded that when your specifics are turned into specie, and the various expenses attending such mode of taxation are paid, if the net amount be compared with the property taken from the people according to this simple proportion, (as the whole tax laid is to the net amount brought into the treasury, so is the price of wheat, tobacco, or any other article fixed in the law, to a fourth number to be found,) if, I say, this comparison be made, it will appear that the people have sustained a greater loss, than any disproportion in their quota could amount to.

You must not, however, suppose that Maryland is singular in considering her quota too high, so far from it, that I believe every State thinks so of its own quota, and would be very happy to apologise to the world for doing nothing, with the thin and flimsy pretext, that it has been asked to do too much.

You tell me your assembly would pledge any species of security in their power to borrow money. I am persuaded that you think so, but you must pardon me for holding a different opinion, besides that their willingness in this respect can be of but little avail; for while such extreme reluctance is shown to granting a sufficient revenue to pay past debts, you must not expect that any persons will rely on promises of future integrity. I believe your assembly, like all others on the continent, means well, and therefore I am in hopes that they will act well. But before they call on Hercules they must put their shoulders to the wheel. It is a vain thing to suppose that wars can be carried on by quibbles and puns, and yet laying taxes payable in specific articles amounts to no more, for with a great sound they put little or nothing in the treasury.

I know of no persons who want your specific supplies, and, if they did, rely on it that they would rather contract with an individual of any State than with any State in the Union. I have yet met with no instance in which the articles taken in for taxes are of the first quality, neither do I expect to meet with any; and so little reliance can be placed on them, as to punctuality, that you may depend they can never be sold but at a loss. This I have experienced. Somebody or other will make a good bargain out of you, and the best you can make is to sell before the expenses eat up the whole. This will be buying experience, and perhaps it may prove a cheap purchase.

I am sorry that you are about to quit your office, and particularly sorry for the want of health which leads you to that determination. I had hopes that your endeavors would have brought things into order. I shall expect to hear from you soon better tidings.

Yours, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE GOVERNOR OF CONNECTICUT.

Office of Finance, June 14th, 1782.

Sir,

Mr Merrill in a letter of the seventh instant informs me, that your Excellency requested him to delay the publication of receipts for your State. I am convinced, Sir, that you had good reasons for this request, and wish it were in my power still further to gratify your wishes. But I am under the necessity of insisting on the publication for the following reasons--1st, To obviate the charge of partiality, if made in one State and not in others. 2dly, To show the deficiency of means granted for carrying on the war. 3dly, Thereby to exonerate those who are immediately responsible. And, 4thly, to direct the public to the real cause of our calamities.

Your Excellency well knows that it is common for representatives to aim at popularity, by lessening or procrastinating the taxes of their constituents. It is proper, therefore, that the people should know the situation to which such conduct reduces them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Office of Finance, June 16th 1782.

Sir,

I have received this day your letter of the sixth instant. I find the publications of "_no receipts_" are by no means very pleasing. Men are less ashamed to do wrong, than vexed to be told of it. Mr Merrill of Connecticut delayed his publication in consequence of a request from the Governor. This he informed me of by letter, and I enclose you a copy of my answer. It contains some of the reasons why I insist on such publications, and I send them to you because I think I can at this distance perceive, that some men will desire to know those reasons from you.

I know it will be alleged that from such publications the enemy will derive information, but I am convinced they will gain all the knowledge of that sort, which they want, without our newspapers; for the collection of taxes is a matter of too great notoriety to be concealed, and therefore I have long considered such arguments as mere excuses to keep the people in ignorance, and deceive them under pretext of deceiving their enemies.

I am, Sir, your most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, June 21st, 1782.

Sir,

I am informed that several of our officers have left behind them in New York considerable sums of money unpaid, which had been advanced to them while they were prisoners. The humanity of those, who have made such advances, as well as the principles of justice, requires that they should be repaid. But there is another reason which has considerable weight on my mind. The establishment of a credit among our enemies by the punctual payment of such debts will induce them again to make advances, should the chance of war place any of our unfortunate officers in a situation to render it necessary. I am therefore to request of your Excellency (should you agree with me in opinion) that you would take measures to cause the amount of those debts to be particularly ascertained, in order that I may devise some means of discharging them as soon as the state of the treasury will permit.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE-ISLAND.

Office of Finance, June 26th, 1782.

Sir,

Finding that your State has made advances of pay to their troops, it becomes my duty to inform your Excellency, that Congress included in their estimates, amounting to eight millions, the sums necessary for paying the army; of consequence there can be no use in making such payments by the several States. I must also observe, Sir, that partial payments or supplies of any kind have been found by experience to give general dissatisfaction, and therefore the determination to discontinue them has been long since adopted.

The variety of accounts also is dangerous and expensive, and therefore to be avoided. I might add other reasons why such payments by the States cannot be admitted in abatement of their respective quotas. The same reasons also operate against the admission of charges for supplies of any kind, or certificates thereof as deductions from those quotas. I have written to Mr Olney on the subject, the 23d instant; and am now to pray your Excellency's attention and assistance to prevent such irregularities in future. The more our operations are simplified, the better will they be understood, and the more satisfactorily will they be conducted. Congress have asked for men and money. Those granted, they will ask for nothing more, and I persuade myself, that if consistently with the confederation, they could confine their requisitions to money alone, the people at large would derive relief from it, the Legislature would act with greater ease, and our resources be applied with greater vigor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, June 29th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I have received your favors of the 8th and 16th instant, the former enclosing alterations proposed in the present mode of issues, and the latter a copy of your circular letter to the States of the 4th of May. I pray you to accept my thanks for these communications. I consent to the alterations mentioned, and shall be very happy that harmony be restored; for I do assure you that let the cause of disputes be what it may, I am extremely sorry to find that any exist.

I find that you have misunderstood that part of my letter which relates to the complaints of the officers. My design was not to oppose any arrangement which might contribute to their convenience. I only meant to show that their convenience having been consulted in the first instance, the mode had excited uneasiness, and that the endeavor to remove that uneasiness having excited complaint and remonstrance, the direct compliance with the reasoning adopted by them would produce greater hardship, than that which was complained of. Hence follows the inference which was on my mind, that a spirit of accommodation alone could place all parties at their ease, and I supposed that the interest of the contractors on one hand, and the convenience of the army on the other, would produce that accommodating disposition in both. I am happy to find that matters are now in a train towards that desirable end, and much lament that it has not sooner arrived.

I shall close what I have to say on this subject, by assuring you most confidentially, that I will to the utmost of my power do justice, and bring relief to both officers and soldiers, but as these things can only be effected by exact method and economy, so I must pursue that method and economy, as the only means by which the desired end can be obtained.

With respect to the civil list, I shall say but one or two words. I know well the connexion, which ties together all the public servants, and I lament every comparison, which implies a distinction between them. The civil list consists chiefly of persons whose salaries will not do more than find them food and clothing. Many of them complain, that with great parsimony they cannot obtain even those necessaries. The difference then between them and the army, supposing the latter to get but four months' pay out of twelve, is that both would be alike subsisted, and the army would have an arrearage of eight months' pay to receive at a future period, but the civil list would have to receive nothing.

I am, my Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, July 1st, 1782.

Sir,

I have deferred until this moment my answer to your letters of the 4th, 9th, and 30th, of March, in expectation that I should have heard from you by the Marquis de Lafayette. A vessel now about to depart induces me to address you. I enclose an Act of Congress, by which you are empowered to adjust the public accounts with the Court of France. I wish this may be done, and the amount transmitted hither, that arrangements may be taken for ascertaining the times and the modes of payment. You will at the same time observe, that it is determined to appoint a commissioner for liquidating and finally adjusting the accounts of the public servants of Congress in Europe.

The Minister here, in a letter to me of the 25th of May last, gives the following state of moneys granted by France, viz.

"These advances have been made at the following periods, and are payable with interest, according to the obligations and acknowledgements of Dr Franklin.

"In 1778, 3,000,000
1779, 1,000,000
1780, 4,000,000
1781, 10,000,000
----------
Total 18,000,000

"From this sum must be deducted the
gratuitous subsidy of last year, 6,000,000
----------
Remains 12,000,000

"To this must be added,
1st. The produce of the loan in Holland, 10,000,000
2dly. The loan made by his Majesty for
the current year, 6,000,000
----------
"Capital of the debt due to His Majesty
by the United States, 28,000,000"

I think it right to send you this statement, on which I will make a few observations. I could have wished that the whole of the moneys, which the Court have furnished us had been what the greater part is, _a loan_. I know that the United States will find no difficulty in making payment, and I take this opportunity to give _you_ an assurance, which is not meant for the Court, that I will endeavor to provide _even now_ the means of repayment, by getting laws passed, to take effect at a future period, or otherwise, as shall be most convenient and agreeable to all parties, after the amount is ascertained and the times of payment fixed. I wish it had all been a loan, because I do not think the weight of the debt would be so great as the weight of an obligation is generally found to be, and the latter is of all others what I would least wish to labor under, either in a public or private capacity. A still further reason with me is, that there is less pain in soliciting the _aid_ of a loan, when there is no expectation that it is to be a gift.