Chapter XVII: Part 17

With respect to the report of the committee, I cannot presume to say anything about it, unless it should be officially referred to me, which indeed would seem to be the regular mode of proceeding in matters of that sort, but I am far from desirous of such reference, and therefore if Congress are prepared to decide, I am perfectly content. So long as I am in their service I shall endeavor to carry their measures into effect.

I am perfectly in opinion with the committee, that the arrears should be demanded before new requisitions are made; and if I were to hint anything like advice, it should be that Congress state clearly the evils which arise from their inability to enforce the payments.

The desire that Loan officers may issue certificates I have long known, and I know also, that it originates in a desire to elude actual by making nominal payments. However, it occurs to me that a mode might be fallen upon to conciliate this object with the public interest. I consider the Loan offices as a very unnecessary burden on the community, and I think they ought to be got rid of, for I am sure that the whole business might be better done at one tenth of the expense, besides the advantage of leaving no unsettled accounts behind. If the States will act with rigor and honesty on the present occasion, there would be no difficulty, I should suppose, in negotiating with the several banks to make actual effective payment. But you may be sure they will not undertake anything unless they have a solid reliance on the revenues. Now this is precisely what Congress ought to desire, for if they are prevailed on to cause the issue of paper money by their officers, the States may as heretofore neglect the means of redeeming it, and then all the blame falls upon Congress. Indeed they would well deserve it. For why need they attempt to accommodate the States in the manner proposed? Think you the Legislatures will be more solicitous to save the public faith than to quiet the clamors of their own citizens? For my part I am persuaded that they will not, and I cannot but think that an address to the public creditors, charging the fault where it is justly chargeable, would be more useful than mere temporary palliations of their distress. On the whole I think it best for Congress to adhere as much as possible to great outlines, and to avoid details. Those should be left to the Minister of Finance. If he is an able and honest man he will do well, and if the thing be well done all is right. If he be unequal to his duties, the blame of wrong measures will fall upon him. But if Congress do his work, then unless their work be more than humanly perfect, they will undoubtedly compromise themselves. I say these things to you in a conviction of the truth of what I say, and with a perfect indifference as to any personal considerations. If I can get out of office I will, and if I cannot I will never ask Congress for a confidence they do not wish to repose.

I am very much obliged, my Dear Sir, by your kind and confidential communication, and reply to it, as you see, with full confidence. If I were in a situation to converse with you on the state of our affairs, I should be glad to do it, but the limits of a letter will not permit the saying what is necessary on so extensive a subject. I find that Congress are in the habit of passing resolutions, which relate to my department, without a reference; I am sorry for it, because some of them are inconvenient to me, and others will I fear be found dangerous. However, they are the best judges of what is for the public interest, and therefore I shall avoid as much as possible all remonstrance.

I am, very sincerely, your most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Office of Finance, April 8th, 1784.

Sir,

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 30th of last month, for which I pray you to accept my thanks. The circular letter, a copy of which you enclosed, has my entire approbation, and I pray leave to assure the committee, that while I am favored with the firm support of Congress, I shall not shrink from the difficulties, however great, with which we are threatened.

The idea of applying to the banks for aid, is in itself a good one, but the present moment is unfavorable. The establishment of so many banks instead of aiding credit, and facilitating operations, will for some time to come have a contrary effect, and it is not without great difficulty, that they will each collect a capital sufficient to support its own operations. The struggle to get such capital, places these institutions in a degree of opposition to each other, injurious to them all. Without going more minutely into that part of the subject, I take the liberty to observe further, that as we had no mint established when the treaty of peace took place, and consequently no proper regulation of our coin, a great part of it was immediately exported, and the country being now laden with foreign goods, and having but little means of payment with produce, still farther exportations of coin will take place, especially if by the return of the public bills so great an additional remittance becomes necessary.

I shall leave all observations upon this matter to the good sense of the committee, and proceed to mention further, that if the abilities of the several banks were ever so great, we cannot rely much on their inclinations, unless their respective directors could clearly see a prospect of speedy reimbursement from the taxes. It is, therefore, a matter of much delicacy, to make any proposals to them on the part of government; for which and for other evident reasons, I pray leave to suggest the propriety of leaving all such negotiations to the Superintendent of Finance. That officer has already sufficient powers to do everything, except granting premiums for the loans proposed, and with respect to them, I am clearly of opinion, that none ought to be given; but if in the last necessity that step should be unavoidable, he may then apply for authority. This I conceive to be better than vesting him beforehand with such extensive power; for the committee will be pleased to observe, that as the laws of the several States have fixed the rate of interest, premiums on loans, which in their effect raise the rate of interest, would be exceptionable as well as odious. It is true, that the situation of affairs is very disagreeable, but it is better to bear up and struggle hard against present difficulties than lay the foundation of future evils.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, April 29th, 1784.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose for the consideration of Congress the extract of a letter from the commissioner for settling the accounts of Connecticut, together with the copy of a receipt which was enclosed in it, and the original of which is returned to the commissioner. Before I make any observations on this extract I take the present opportunity of explaining a part of my conduct, which has I know given some offence.

Previous to the acceptance of my office I was naturally led to examine the ground on which I should be brought to act. I clearly saw that great confusion had been introduced into the public affairs, not merely from defects in former plans, but from a great negligence in those to whom the execution had been committed. For although the general arrangements were in some respects defective, as is the case with all human institutions, yet those who were in any degree culpable had taken care to charge the fault on such deficiencies by way of excusing themselves. Congress will perceive at a single glance, that where boards or committees, perpetually changing, and whose members are not accountable, are charged with the superintendence of a general system, and the subordinate agents rendered accountable to them, it is vain to expect that steady, severe, and attentive administration, which can alone secure the public welfare. Experience had shown, that this radical evil produced shameful negligences in the executive departments, the mischiefs of which are felt at the present hour. Affairs were so complicated that it was hardly possible to say who was in fault; and while every individual officer took care to excuse himself the blame was placed on Congress; from whom of all others, if the future interests of America be consulted, it ought to be removed. The expense which attends the settlement of the old accounts is the least mischief which has resulted.

This view of our situation rendered it necessary for me to stipulate, that I should be invested with ample powers, and induced, also, the determination to avoid as much as possible the employing of persons who had public accounts unsettled. My subsequent experience has shown, that if this determination had been universally adhered to, it would have tended much to the establishment of that regularity, which has constantly been kept in view. From frequent information I was convinced, that many of the loan officers had not conducted their business according to the modes prescribed, and had indeed neglected even to make those returns, which had been from the beginning required. This was an additional reason for placing the receipt of the continental taxes in other hands. And when it was considered, that these gentlemen would be constantly pressed for the payment of interest, that which was necessary in the case with some became proper with respect to all. This conduct, as has been already mentioned, gave offence to some, but as no regular accusation has ever been brought I shall go no farther into a defence of the measure; my object being as well to point at future operations as to explain the past.

I will not go into a detail of the modes formerly prescribed for keeping the Loan Office accounts. Suffice it to say, that very few of the officers have conformed to them. The instructions for settling the accounts are before Congress, and the enclosed extract shows that they cannot be effectually adhered to; and consequently that a principal object in the settlement of the accounts will not be effected. I pray leave, therefore, again to bring to the attention of Congress a report made on the 3d of September from the Office of Finance. Not that it is desired that the United States should adopt the resolution there proposed, but merely that it may serve as a groundwork on which to establish some Act which may prove effectual.

It is perhaps a favorite object to keep up the establishment of the Loan offices, but I must on this occasion repeat what I have so often declared, that it is an expensive and a pernicious establishment, without being attended with a single good effect to compensate the mischiefs. I shall not, however, trouble Congress with my reasons on that subject, because I think it my duty to bear witness against them. I know the progress of all reformations to be slow, and that experience is the most certain teacher.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, May 6th, 1784.

Sir,

In consequence of the resolutions of the 28th of April, and 2d of May, 1783, I have made the various engagements then in contemplation, and any late letters to Congress will show that some of those engagements to the amount of three hundred thousand dollars still remain to be fulfilled. Congress will be pleased also to observe that their late arrangements with respect to foreign officers, form an object of about fifty thousand dollars, including the grant of ten thousand to Baron Steuben. Notwithstanding this and the constant demands for current service, I am not without hopes that if all the bills on Holland be paid, I shall in the course of the summer be able to quit my station. Having been informed (though not officially) that Congress intend to adjourn in the beginning of next month, I am humbly to request that they would in such case be pleased to take eventual arrangements for administering their finances. And I am the more solicitous on this subject, lest through the want of such arrangements, some injury should happen to the public service when I retire.

I hope Congress will indulge me also in mentioning, that no committee has been appointed to inspect into the conduct of my department. It would give me particular pleasure that measures were taken on that subject also.

With respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Office of Finance, May 19th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

By the opportunity which your friend, Mr Constable, offers, I now acknowledge the receipt of your several favors of the 26th of December, 10th of January, and 9th of March last. Accept, I pray you, of my sincere thanks for them all. I also enclose for your perusal the copies of my letters to Congress, of the 16th of April and of this date. To these I add their resolutions of the 3d instant, which will I hope prove agreeable to you. If I have not transmitted the copies of or extracts from your letters to Congress so soon as they were received, you must attribute it to circumstances which I, on the spot, could best judge of, and which is not worth while to mention.

In pursuance of what I have just now said to Congress, I shall proceed to request your exertions for establishing a free port at the Isle of France or Bourbon. You will easily obtain sufficient information in Europe to direct your applications on this subject, and Mr Constable will, I think, be able to give you some useful information as to the consequences of it upon this country. I confess, that it appears to me to be the probable means of establishing at that port, the most extensive and useful commerce with India, that has ever yet existed. To France and to America it will be most particularly useful, because we shall trade freely and without risk to such port, and you will undoubtedly furnish us with all those articles of India goods, which we should otherwise go in search of to India, or procure from other nations. This will form an object of near twenty millions of livres annually, or calculating both the export and import cargoes, it will amount to about thirty millions, and consequently cannot be less than five millions clear advantage to France; and if it be considered, that this is so much taken from her commercial rival, we may estimate it as being an object of ten millions annually. Such being the importance of it with respect to America, what may we not calculate on for the other countries, who may incline to trade thither? But besides this great commercial consideration, there are others of a political nature; such as the increase of your seamen; the advantage of a place of arms, marine arsenal, &c. in that critical position. These I shall not dwell upon, because I do not wish to go out of my depth.

Returning then to a commercial view of the subject, I consider it as almost certain, that America would find it more advantageous to trade with that port than to go on to India; and hence I draw one very strong inference, that we should not only be by that means brought into a closer political connexion with France, but that France would hold a much larger share of all our other commerce, than she would without such an establishment. I will not trouble you with my reasons, because I think they will not escape you. But before I close my letter I must observe, that although this commerce may and undoubtedly will yield you a revenue, yet there is danger in beginning with revenue too soon. Let the port be first made free to all the world, and let good and intelligent commissioners or intendants be appointed to transmit information of the commerce carried on. If there be no duties, there will be no false entries; and thus in two or three years the Court will be able to act with their eyes open; and in the meantime the enriching of your own subjects is always of sufficient consequence, even if revenue be put entirely out of the question. If on the other hand you only free the port by halves, and leave it subject to duties and restrictions, the commerce may never take its course that way; and always remember, that the commission received by your merchants from such a commerce is alone of vast importance.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.

Office of Finance, June 21st, 1784.

Sir,

That my official existence has been prolonged to the present moment arises from the dilatoriness of the States in providing means to discharge those engagements, which I had taken for their benefit at the pressing instance of Congress. I hope your Excellency will believe me when I seriously assure you, that the greatest advocates for a change cannot more earnestly desire my dismission than I myself do. I hope that their sincerity and mine will speedily be put to the trial. They, by granting money, and I by resigning, can best evince that our professions are founded in truth. Thus, Sir, it has happened, that the reasons for granting money to the Union have acquired an additional weight from considerations personal to me, and perhaps in the only way in which I could have given to them any efficacy.

Whatever sinister causes may have been suggested to invalidate my former applications, I humbly hope, that at this period my earnest entreaty to comply with the requisitions of Congress for funding the public debt will be considered as flowing from a conviction, that it is a measure necessary to the peace and happiness of our country. To me it can produce neither honor, nor power nor profit. The advantage I may derive will be common with all my fellow citizens, and I shall share, also, the burden in common with them. But the numerous class of sufferers in whose particular favor that burden is to be sustained, will, I hope, meet with an advocate in every bosom. Justice, policy, humanity, press the measure upon our feelings and reflection; and if it be objectionable, let it be considered how seldom any human plans are formed, to which objections may not be made. Our union, necessary as it is to our existence, is still liable to objections. And government, without which we cannot participate in the benefits of society, will always in something or other give room for clamor and discontent.

I hope, Sir, this application from me will be at least excused. It is the last. It is the general result of what I feel to be my duty. Those who come after me will, I hope, have that influence, which I have not; and succeed where I have failed. But whether they succeed or whether they fail, they cannot more earnestly desire the good of America than I do.

I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO M. DE MARBOIS, CHARGÉ D'AFFAIRES FROM FRANCE.

Office of Finance, August 17th, 1784.

Sir,

I had yesterday the honor to receive your letter of the 15th, by which I perceive that you misunderstood me a little in the conversation alluded to. On that occasion, Sir, I expressed my intention to take arrangements for the payment of four hundred thousand livres, being the interest due in November next, upon the loan of ten million livres, guarantied by his Most Christian Majesty; but I could not have told you that they were actually taken, because that is not the fact. Indeed I did expect, that certain attachments which have been laid upon the property of the United States in France would have been taken off; and that in consequence of orders formerly given, Mr Grand would have received through Mr Barclay the necessary funds. Should this be the case he will pay that interest of course, having already done so last year, in pursuance of a general authority to that effect. If, however, the suspense occasioned by those attachments should cause any delay, the King's Ministers who were long ago informed of them, will doubtless excuse the inconveniences which may result from it. The arrangements now to be formed must be in a double sense eventual, and depend not only upon the fate of the attachments, but also upon the state of those funds, which may be in Europe at the disposition of the United States.

I should be happy, Sir, in the opportunity of satisfying your desire, to be informed of the measures taken with respect to those sums, which the King was pleased to lend, and which (with the interest accruing thereon) are payable at the several epochas specified for the purpose in the conventions made on that subject, between our respective Ministers; but not having received the orders of the United States in Congress, I cannot presume to anticipate what they may think proper to say. I will immediately do myself the honor of transmitting to his Excellency, the President, a copy of your letter; and as I cannot doubt, that both those measures which they have already taken, and those which they may hereafter adopt, must be perfectly consistent with their honor, I shall indulge the hope, that they will meet the approbation of their august ally.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.

Sir,

I had the honor of mentioning to Congress, upon the 4th of May, the advices then just received from Holland, and to pray their sentiments upon the loan, which Mr Adams had (upon a view of all circumstances) found it necessary to open. I was the more anxious on this subject, as I saw a probability of the speedy completion of this loan for two millions of guilders, and therefore if not approved of, no time should have been lost in stopping the further progress.

Since writing that letter, I have received the scheme of the loan, and the copy of the obligation, both of which are here enclosed for the inspection and consideration of the United States in Congress. It is probable, that not only this loan, but also the former loan of five millions will both be filled before any determinations of Congress can arrive in Europe; for the concurrence of many States to the measures proposed by Congress, and the resolutions of several legislative bodies expressing their sense of the necessity of enabling the United States punctually and honorably to discharge their engagements have reanimated that credit, which for evident reasons had languished and died away.

The public accounts will sufficiently explain the situation of money matters, and the gentleman charged with the department of the finances will of course furnish such information as may from time to time be required; I shall not therefore go any further into the details of this business, but must express to Congress my opinion of the loan generally; and certainly, if we consider the very untoward circumstances in which it was undertaken, very great praise is due to the persons concerned in proposing, adopting, and pursuing it. This sentiment, which I have constantly felt has not been declared until the present moment, because no suspicion can now arise, that what I say, is dictated by a view to influence their future exertions, seeing that my political existence must be at an end before the contents of this letter can possibly be transmitted.

I have invariably in my official correspondence, (as indeed upon every other occasion, both public and private) expressed the conviction which I feel, that however the several States may, from a difference in local circumstances, differ in their opinions about the mode of providing for public debts, all of them will concur in the just sentiment, that these debts ought to be most punctually discharged. There cannot, therefore, be any doubt, that the proper provisions will be made, and I am grounded in the assertion that when made, the public credit of America will be the best of any in the world, that it will cost less to maintain it by us, than by any other nation, and that considering the infant state of our cultivation in general, and the frontiers in particular, it is of more importance to us than it can be to any other country. It is also a commercial problem, which admits of absolute demonstration, that the punctual payment of interest on our debts will produce a clear annual gain of more than such interest can possibly amount to. So that the eternal and immutable principles of truth and justice, being for a moment out of the question, and stifling those sentiments of humanity, which arise from a view of what the public creditors must suffer, should their dues be withheld, (if indeed it be possible to stifle such sentiments,) still it will indisputably appear to be the interest of the merchant, as well as of the husbandman and mechanic, to pay their just proportions towards discharging the public engagements. For this plain and simple system of common honesty, while it invigorates the springs of our credit, strengthens also the bands of our union, proceeding with equal motion towards the public weal and private prosperity.

That the labors of our great and glorious revolution may thus be crowned by the impartial hand of justice, and the last stone be thus placed in the arch of our extensive empire, is the ardent wish of your Excellency's most obedient, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

This is rather a late day to acknowledge your favors of the 25th of December and 15th of June last, but I have always intended in my acknowledgement of them to close our public correspondence, and I have always been disappointed in my expectation of being able speedily to quit this office. That period, however, so ardently desired, is at length nearly arrived, and while I look back on cares and dangers past, I feel an increased emotion of joy in the prospect of future hopes and expectations. But I cannot review the past scene without strong feelings of gratitude and respect for the able and active efforts, which you have made to support the finances of this country. I would to God that your just sentiments on property and taxation were as fully felt as they must be clearly understood in America; but time is as necessary to mellow the judgment of a country as of a man. Happy indeed shall we be if it produce that effect among us.

I am much obliged by your explanation of M. Chaumont's accounts, which are lodged at the treasury. If any insinuations have been made injurious to you upon your connexion with M. Chaumont, they have not reached me, and I am persuaded that none such can make any impressions which ought to give you pain.

I have not remitted bills for the salaries of foreign ministers, because the resolutions of Congress having varied, and Mr Grand having informed me that he should pay them, I have left it as an account unsettled to be arranged by Mr Barclay. And as I cannot doubt that the attachments will have been taken off, and as I have given Mr Grand a credit on the commissioners of the loan in Holland for four hundred thousand livres, and directed Messrs Le Couteulx to pay over to him a balance in their hands, I have no doubt that he will be in cash for the purpose. I agree with you that a fund ought to be set apart for contingencies, and had I continued, and been supported in my administration, such a fund should certainly have been provided. I am at the same time an enemy to contingent accounts, and therefore I should have urged the ascertainment of every allowance as far as possible, thereby curtailing the account of contingencies. But after all, it cannot be annihilated. Congress have hitherto made no determination on this subject. Indeed it is very difficult, and even almost disreputable for them to make arrangements of expenditure, while the means of expenditure are so shamefully withheld by their constituents. These things, however, will mend, at least I hope so.

I have already said that I expected the attachments laid on the public goods would be discharged. Your letter to the Count de Vergennes on that subject is perfect, and if that minister did not immediately obtain a compliance with your request, I presume it must have been occasioned by some circumstances purely domestic, which we in this country cannot guess at, for certainly nothing can be more astonishing than to find a subject countenanced in arresting the property of a sovereign power in this enlightened age, and in the country, which of all others has been most eminent for a sacred regard to the rights of nations.

From your last letters to your friends, I find that your return to this country is somewhat doubtful; I am therefore disappointed in one of the greatest pleasures, which I had promised myself. But, Sir, in whatever country you may be, and whether in public or in private life, be assured of my warmest and most respectful esteem, and that my best wishes for your happiness shall be clothed with the utmost efforts in my power to promote it on every proper occasion.

I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress a copy of a letter of the 14th of last month from the Marquis de Lafayette; and with it I send the originals, which were delivered by him to me. The unexampled attention to every American interest, which this gentleman has exhibited, cannot fail to excite the strongest emotions in his favor, and we must at the same time admire the judgment which he has shown in the manner of his applications, as well as the industry in selecting proper materials. There can be little doubt, but that his interest at his own Court must always prove beneficial to this country, while the same cordiality shall continue which now subsists between him and the Venerable Plenipotentiary now resident at Passy.

I shall not hazard opinions upon the matters which have employed the attention of M. de Lafayette, as a negotiator from this country to that which gave him birth. It would be intruding sentiments which will suggest themselves. But while I feel the delicacy and perhaps the danger of asking from France the moderation or abolition of particular duties, thereby establishing a precedent for similar requests on her part, I hope Congress will pardon a wish prompted by the general interests of commerce, that the statement of all those duties might be translated and published, for the government of those who may form expeditions to those different ports now opened to us.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

ADVERTISEMENT.

Philadelphia, October 11th, 1784.

The subscriber having taken measures to provide for the payment of his various engagements on behalf of the United States, and particularly for such of his notes as may be in circulation, gives this public notice to all who may be concerned therein, that although he be no longer in office, yet those notes will all be duly paid at maturity; and for such payment he hereby pledges himself personally to the holders, and therefore requests that if any attempt should be made to obtain them by any suggestions at less than the specified value, such attempts may be defeated.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, November 1st, 1784.

Sir,

I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency, and pray you will deliver to the United States in Congress, the commission by which I was appointed Superintendent of their Finances. It gives me great pleasure to reflect that the situation of public affairs is more prosperous than when that commission issued. The sovereignty and independence of America are acknowledged. May they be firmly established, and effectually secured. This can only be done by a just and vigorous government. That these States, therefore, may be soon and long united under such a government, is my ardent wish, and constant prayer.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

END OF THE TWELFTH VOLUME.

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been
retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the
transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been
transcribed as four hyphens ( ---- ) in the following cases:

Page 59: As I am not positively instructed that this loan has
succeeded, I do not venture to draw bills on you; but in case you
shall be in cash for the United States, which I expect will
happen, you will pay to Messrs ---- & Co., for account of John
Ross, the sum of two hundred thousand livres; to Messrs Le
Couteulx & Co., for account of William Bingham, one hundred
thousand livres, and to John Holker, for account of John Holker
fils, the sum of one hundred thousand. From each of these persons
you will take quadruplicate receipts, in the form following;
"Received of ----, banker, by order of the Superintendent of the
Finances of the United States of North America, on behalf of ----
the sum of ---- being so much paid by the said States to him, the
said ---- for which I have signed four receipts, all of this tenor
and date. Done in Paris this ---- day of ---- 178--." You will
be pleased, Sir, to forward to me three of the copies by different
opportunities.

Page 62: in my letter of the ---- last

Page 62: the invoice sent in my letter of the ---- last

Page 63: the ---- last, because I feel a conviction

Page 66: 1782 is ---- dollars, payable

Page 258: by the time Mr ---- reaches the Havana

Page 259: that Mr ----'s bills be protested

Page 397: from a tour ---- have been making

"... the subject of paying all balances ..."