Chapter XVIII: The Succession to the Kingdom in Ancient Latium (3)

[Sidenote: Violent ends of Tatius, Tullus Hostilius, and other Roman kings.] Another Roman king who perished by violence was Tatius, the Sabine colleague of Romulus. It is said that he was at Lavinium offering a public sacrifice to the ancestral gods, when some men to whom he had given umbrage despatched him with the sacrificial knives and spits which they had snatched from the altar.[1034] The occasion and the manner of his death suggest that the slaughter may have been a sacrifice rather than an assassination. Again, Tullus Hostilius, the successor of Numa, was commonly said to have been killed by lightning, but many held that he was murdered at the instigation of Ancus Marcius, who reigned after him.[1035] Speaking of the more or less mythical Numa, the type of the priestly king, Plutarch observes that “his fame was enhanced by the fortunes of the later kings. For of the five who reigned after him the last was deposed and ended his life in exile, and of the remaining four not one died a natural death; for three of them were assassinated and Tullus Hostilius was consumed by thunderbolts.”[1036] This implies that King Ancus Marcius, as well as Tarquin the Elder and Servius Tullius, perished by the hand of an assassin. No other ancient historian, so far as I know, records this of Ancus Marcius, though one of them says that the king “was carried off by an untimely death.”[1037] Tarquin the Elder was slain by two murderers whom the sons of his predecessor, Ancus Marcius, had hired to do the deed.[1038] Lastly, Servius Tullius came by his end in circumstances which recall the combat for the priesthood of Diana at Nemi. He was attacked by his successor and killed by his orders, though not by his hand. Moreover, he lived among the oak groves of the Esquiline Hill at the head of the Slope of Virbius, and it was here, beside a sanctuary of Diana, that he was slain.[1039]

[Sidenote: The succession to the Latin kingshipmay sometimes have been decided by single combat.] These legends of the violent ends of the Roman kings suggest that the contest by which they gained the throne may sometimes have been a mortal combat rather than a race. If that were so, the analogy which we have traced between Rome and Nemi would be still closer. At both places the sacred kings, the living representatives of the godhead, would thus be liable to suffer deposition and death at the hand of any resolute man who could prove his divine right to the holy office by the strong arm and the sharp sword. It would not be surprising if among the early Latins the claim to the kingdom should often have been settled by single combat; for down to historical times the Umbrians regularly submitted their private disputes to the ordeal of battle, and he who cut his adversary’s throat was thought thereby to have proved the justice of his cause beyond the reach of cavil.[1040] “Any one who remembers how in the forests of Westphalia the _Femgericht_ set the modern civil law at defiance down into the eighteenth century, and how in the mountains of Corsica and Sardinia blood-revenge has persisted and persists to our own days, will not wonder that hardly a century after the union of Italy the Roman legislation had not yet succeeded in putting down the last relics of this ancient Italian or rather Indo-European mode of doing justice in the nests of the Apennines.”[1041]

[Sidenote: Combats for the kingdom in Africa.] A parallel to what I conceive to have been the rule of the old Latin kingship is furnished by a West African custom of to-day. When the Maluango or king of Loango, who is deemed the representative of God on earth, has been elected, he has to take his stand at _Nkumbi_, a large tree near the entrance to his sacred ground. Here, encouraged by one of his ministers, he must fight all rivals who present themselves to dispute his right to the throne.[1042] This is one of the many instances in which the rites and legends of ancient Italy are illustrated by the practice of modern Africa. Similarly among the Banyoro of Central Africa, whose king had to take his life with his own hand whenever his health and strength began to fail, the succession to the throne was determined by a mortal combat among the claimants, who fought till only one of them was left alive.[1043] Even in England a relic of a similar custom survived till lately in the coronation ceremony, at which a champion used to throw down his glove and challenge to mortal combat all who disputed the king’s right to the crown. The ceremony was witnessed by Pepys at the coronation of Charles the Second.[1044]

[Sidenote: In Greece and Italy kings probably personated Cronus and Saturn, the god of the seed, before they personated Zeus and Jupiter, the god of the oak.] In the foregoing enquiry we have found reason to suppose that the Roman kings personated not only Jupiter the god of the oak, but Saturn the god of the seed and perhaps also the god of the fig-tree. The question naturally arises, Did they do so simultaneously or successively? In other words, did the same king regularly represent the oak-god at one season of the year, the seed-god at another, and the fig-god at a third? or were there separate dynasties of oak-kings, seed-kings, and fig-kings, who belonged perhaps to different stocks and reigned at different times? The evidence does not allow us to answer these questions definitely. But tradition certainly points to the conclusion that in Latium and perhaps in Italy generally the seed-god Saturn was an older deity than the oak-god Jupiter, just as in Greece Cronus appears to have preceded Zeus. Perhaps Saturn and Cronus were the gods of an old indigenous and agricultural people; while Jupiter and Zeus were the divinities of a ruder invading race, which swarmed down into Italy and Greece from the forests of central Europe, bringing their wild woodland deities to dwell in more fertile lands, under softer skies, side by side with the gods of the corn and the vine, the olive and the fig. If that was so, we may suppose that before the irruption of these northern barbarians the old kings of Greece and Italy personated the gods of the fat field and fruitful orchard, and that it was not till after the conquest that their successors learned to pose as the god of the verdant oak and the thundering sky. However, on questions so obscure we must be content to suspend our judgment. It is unlikely that the student’s search-light will ever pierce the mists that hang over these remote ages. All that we can do is to follow the lines of evidence backward as far as they can be traced, till, after growing fainter and fainter, they are lost altogether in the darkness.

Footnote 866:

J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 237, 321; C.
Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques
et romaines_, ii. 1173. As to Vesta and the Vestals, see above, vol.
i. pp. 13 _sq._

Footnote 867:

C. Julian, _l.c._

Footnote 868:

See above, p. 186 note 1.

Footnote 869:

Above, pp. 261-263.

Footnote 870:

Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 114.

Footnote 871:

Thus in some African tribes the household fire is put out after a
death, and afterwards relit by the friction of sticks (Sir H. H.
Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 439; L. Concradt, “Die Ngumbu
in Südkamerun,” _Globus_, lxxxi, (1902) p. 352). In Laos the fire on
the hearth is extinguished after a death and the ashes are scattered;
afterwards a new fire is obtained from a neighbour (Tournier, _Notice
sur le Laos français_, p. 68). A custom of the same sort is observed
in Burma, but there the new fire must be bought (C. J. F. S. Forbes,
_British Burma_, p. 94). Among the Miris of Assam the new fire is made
by the widow or widower (W. H. Furness, in _Journal of the Anthrop.
Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 462). In Armenia it is made by flint and
steel (M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_, p. 71). In Argos
fire was extinguished after a death, and fresh fire obtained from a
neighbour (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 24). In the Highlands of
Scotland all fires were put out in a house where there was a corpse
(Pennant’s “Tour in Scotland,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
iii. 49). Amongst the Bogos of East Africa no fire may be lit in a
house after a death until the body has been carried out (W. Munzinger,
_Sitten und Recht der Bogos_, p. 67). In the Pelew Islands, when a
death has taken place, fire is transferred from the house to a shed
erected beside it (J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den
Pelau-Inseln,” _Original-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen
Abtheilung der Königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, i. 7). In the Marquesas
Islands fires were extinguished after a death (Vincendon-Dumoulin et
Desgraz, _Iles Marquises_, p. 251). Among the Indians of Peru and the
Moors of Algiers no fire might be lighted for several days in a house
where a death had occurred (Cieza de Leon, _Travels_, Markham’s
translation, p. 366; Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_, p. 176). The
same custom is reported of the Mohammedans of India (Mandelsloe, in J.
Harris’s _Voyages and Travels_, i. (London, 1744) p. 770). In the East
Indian island of Wetter no fire may burn in a house for three days
after a death, and according to Bastian the reason is the one given in
the text, to wit, a fear that the ghost might fall into it and hurt
himself (A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, ii. 60). For more evidence, see my
article “On certain Burial Customs,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 90.

Footnote 872:

For the list of the Alban kings see Livy, i. 3. 5-11; Ovid, _Fasti_,
iv. 39-56; _id._, _Metam._ xiv. 609 _sqq._; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
_Antiquit. Rom._ i. 70 _sq._; Eusebius, _Chronic._ bk. i. vol. i.
coll. 273, 275, 285, 287, 289, 291, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus,
vii. 3rd ed. L. Dindorf; Sextus Aurelius Victor, _Origo gentis
Romanae_, 17-19; Zonaras, _Annales_, vii. 1.

Footnote 873:

See B. G. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_, i. 205-207; A. Schwegler,
_Römische Geschichte_, i. 339, 342-345. However, Niebuhr admits that
some of the names may have been taken from older legends.

Footnote 874:

H. M. Stanley, _Through the Dark Continent_ (London, 1878), i. 380; C.
T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_ (London,
1882), i. 197; Fr. Stuhlman, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_
(Berlin, 1894), pp. 192 _sq._; J. Roscoe, “Farther Notes on the
Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 25, with plates i. and ii.; Sir Harry
Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, ii. 681 _sq._

Footnote 875:

Romulus and Tatius reigned for a time together; after Romulus the
kings were, in order of succession, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius,
Ancus Marcius, the elder Tarquin, Servius Tullius, and Tarquin the
Proud.

Footnote 876:

See A. Schwegler, _Römische Geschichte_, i. 579 _sq._

Footnote 877:

According to one account, Romulus had a son and a daughter (Plutarch,
_Romulus_, 14). Some held that Numa had four sons (Plutarch, _Numa_,
21). Ancus Marcius left two sons (Livy, i. 35. 1, i. 40; Dionysius
Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ iii. 72 _sq._, iv. 34. 3). Tarquin the
Elder left two sons or grandsons (Livy, i. 46; Dionysius Halic., _Ant.
Rom._ iv. 6 _sq._ iv. 28).

Footnote 878:

Pompilia, the mother of Ancus Marcius, was a daughter of Numa. See
Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 18. 33; Livy, i. 32. 1; Dionysius
Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 76. 5, iii. 35. 3, iii. 36. 2;
Plutarch, _Numa_, 21.

Footnote 879:

Numa married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius (Plutarch, _Numa_, 3 and
21); Servius Tullius married the daughter of the elder Tarquin (Livy,
i. 39. 4); and Tarquin the Proud married Tullia the daughter of
Servius Tullius (Livy, i. 42. 1, i. 46. 5).

Footnote 880:

Numa was a Sabine from Cures (Livy, i. 18; Plutarch, _Numa_, 3;
Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ ii. 58); Servius Tullius,
according to the common account, was the son of Ocrisia, a slave woman
of Corniculum (Livy, i. 39. 5; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._
iv. 1.), but according to another account he was an Etruscan (see
above, p. 196 note); and Tarquin the Proud was a son of the elder
Tarquin, who was an Etruscan from Tarquinii (Livy, i. 34; Cicero, _De
re publica_, ii. 19 _sq._, §§ 34 _sq._). The foreign birth of their
kings naturally struck the Romans themselves. See the speech put by
Livy (i. 35. 3), in the mouth of the elder Tarquin: _“Se non rem novam
petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirarive
posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex
peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum
urbis non petentem in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens
fuerit, Romam cum conjuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse._” And see a
passage in a speech actually spoken by the Emperor Claudius: “_Quondam
reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam
tradere contigit. Supervenere alieni et quidem externi, ut Numa Romulo
successerit ex Sabinis veniens, vicinus quidem sed tunec externus_,”
etc. The speech is engraved on bronze tablets found at Lyons. See
Tacitus, ed. Baiter and Orelli, i. 2nd Ed., p. 342.

Footnote 881:

“In Ceylon, where the higher and lower polyandry co-exist, marriage is
of two sorts—Deega or Beena—according as the wife goes to live in the
house and village of her husbands, or as the husband or husbands come
to live with her in or near the house of her birth” (J. F. McLennan,
_Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), p. 101).

Footnote 882:

The system of mother-kin, that is, of tracing descent through females
instead of through males, is often called the matriarchate. But this
term is inappropriate and misleading, as it implies that under the
system in question the women govern the men. Even when the so-called
matriarchate regulates the descent of the kingdom, this does not mean
that the women of the royal family reign; it only means that they are
the channel through which the kingship is transmitted to their
husbands or sons.

Footnote 883:

Ancient writers repeatedly speak of the uncertainty as to the fathers
of the Roman kings. See Livy, i. 4. 2; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
_Ant. Rom._ ii. 2. 3; Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 18. 33; Seneca,
_Epist._ cviii. 30; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ xiv. 36.

Footnote 884:

Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 773-784; Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 17. Compare
L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 180 _sq._

Footnote 885:

See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 266 _sqq._, 328 _sqq._

Footnote 886:

See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 203 _sqq._; _The
Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 318 _sq._

Footnote 887:

Plutarch, _Numa_, 3.

Footnote 888:

T. E. Bowdich, _Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee_, New
Edition (London, 1873), pp. 185, 204 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _The
Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, pp. 287, 297 _sq._; _id._,
_The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 187.

Footnote 889:

J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 36, 67.
In Benin “the legitimate daughters of a king did not _marry_ any one,
but bestowed their favours as they pleased.” (Mr. C. Punch, in H. Ling
Roth’s _Great Benin_ (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 37).

Footnote 890:

C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, _Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan_
(London, 1882), i. 200; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and
Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,
xxxii. (1902) p. 67.

Footnote 891:

J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 27, 62. Mr. Roscoe says: “The royal family
traces its pedigree through the maternal clan, but the nation through
the paternal clan.” But he here refers to the descent of the totem
only. That the throne descends from father to son is proved by the
genealogical tables which he gives (Plates I. and II.).

Footnote 892:

Proyart’s “History of Loango,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
xvi. 570, 579 _sq._; L. Degrandpré, _Voyage à la côte occidentale
d’Afrique_ (Paris, 1801), pp. 110-114; A. Bastian, _Die deutsche
Expedition an der Loango Küste_, i. 197 _sqq._ Time seems not to have
mitigated the lot of these unhappy prince consorts. See R. E. Dennett,
_At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind_ (London, 1906), pp. 36 _sq._,
134. Mr. Dennett says that the husband of a princess is virtually her
slave and may be put to death by her. All the sisters of the King of
Loango enjoy these arbitrary rights over their husbands, and the
offspring of any of them may become king.

Footnote 893:

Father Guillemé, “Au Bengouéolo,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxxiv.
(1902) p. 16. The writer visited the state and had an interview with
the queen, a woman of gigantic stature, wearing many amulets.

Footnote 894:

Pausanias, i. 2. 6.

Footnote 895:

Pausanias, ii. 29. 4. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for pointing
out the following Greek and Swedish parallels to what I conceive to
have been the Latin practice.

Footnote 896:

Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 7),
Cychreus, King of Salamis, died childless, and bequeathed his kingdom
to Telamon.

Footnote 897:

J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 450. Compare Pausanias, ii. 29. 4.

Footnote 898:

Apollodorus, iii. 13. 1. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72. 6),
the king of Phthia was childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to
Peleus.

Footnote 899:

Apollodorus, iii. 13. 8; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 96.

Footnote 900:

Pausanias, i. 11. 1 _sq._; Justin, xvii. 3.

Footnote 901:

Apollodorus, i. 8. 5.

Footnote 902:

Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 37; Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 459 _sq._,
510 _sq._ Compare Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 243 _sqq._

Footnote 903:

Diodorus, iv. 73; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 82-84; Servius, on Virgil,
_Georg._ iii. 7.

Footnote 904:

Thucydides, i. 9; Strabo, viii. 6. 19, p. 377.

Footnote 905:

Apollodorus, iii. 10. 8.

Footnote 906:

Schol. on Euripides, _Orestes_, 46; Pindar, _Pyth._ xi. 31 _sq._;
Pausanias, iii. 19. 6.

Footnote 907:

H. M. Chadwick, _The Origin of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907),
pp. 332 _sq._ In treating of the succession to the kingdom in
Scandinavia, the late K. Maurer, one of the highest authorities on old
Norse law, also remarked that “some ancient authorities
(_Quellenberichte_) profess to know of a certain right of succession
accorded to women, in virtue of which under certain circumstances,
though they could not themselves succeed to the kingdom, they
nevertheless could convey it to their husbands.” And he cites a number
of instances, how one king (Eysteinn Halfdanarson) succeeded his
father-in-law (Eirikr Agnarsson) on the throne; how another (Gudrodr
Halfdanarson) received with his wife Alfhildr a portion of her
father’s kingdom; and so on. See K. Maurer, _Vorlesungen über
altnordische Rechtsgeschichte_, i. (Leipsic, 1907) pp. 233 _sq._

Footnote 908:

G. W. Dasent, _Popular Tales from the Norse_, pp. 131 _sqq._; S.
Grundtvig, _Dänische Volksmärchen_, First Series (Leipsic, 1878), pp.
285 _sqq._ (Leo’s German translation); Cavallius und Stephens,
_Schwedische Volkssagen und Märchen_, No. 4, pp. 62 _sqq._
(Oberleitner’s German translation); Grimm, _Household Tales_, No. 60;
Kuhn und Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_, pp.
340 _sqq._; J. W. Wolf, _Deutsche Hausmärchen_, pp. 372 _sqq._; Philo
vom Walde, _Schlesien in Sage und Brauch_, pp. 81 _sqq._; I. V.
Zingerle, _Kinder- und Hausmärchen aus Tirol_, No. 8, pp. 35 _sqq._
No. 35, pp. 178 _sqq._; J. Haltrich, _Deutsche Volksmärchen aus dem
Sachsenlande in Siebenbürgen_, 4th ed., No. 15, pp. 103 _sqq._; J. F.
Campbell, _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_, No. 4, vol. i. pp. 77
_sqq._; A. Schleicher, _Litauische Märchen, Sprichwörte, Rätsel und
Lieder_, pp. 57 _sqq._; A. Leskien und K. Brugmann, _Litauische
Volkslieder und Märchen_, No. 14, pp. 404 _sqq._; Basile,
_Pentamerone_, First day, seventh tale, vol. i. pp. 97 _sqq._
(Liebrecht’s German translation); E. Legrand, _Contes populaires
grecques_, pp. 169 _sqq._; J. G. von Hahn, _Griechische und
albanesische Märchen_, No. 98, vol. ii. pp. 114 _sq._; A. und A.
Schott, _Walachische Maehrchen_, No. 10, pp. 140 _sqq._; W. Webster,
_Basque Legends_, pp. 36-38; A. Schiefner, _Awarische Texte_ (St.
Petersburg, 1873), No. 2, pp. 21 _sqq._; J. Rivière, _Contes
populaires de la Kabylie_, pp. 195-197.

Footnote 909:

Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, bk. iv. p. 126 (Elton’s
translation). The passage occurs on p. 158 of P. E. Müller’s edition
of Saxo.

Footnote 910:

The story of Hamlet (Amleth) is told, in a striking form, by Saxo
Grammaticus in the third and fourth books of his history. Mr. H. M.
Chadwick tells me that Hamlet stands on the border-line between legend
and history. Hence the main outlines of his story may be correct.

Footnote 911:

Herodotus, i. 7-13.

Footnote 912:

Nicolaus Damascenus, vi. frag. 49, in _Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 380.

Footnote 913:

Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Apollodorus, ii. 6. 3; Diodorus
Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64; Lucian,
_Dialogi deorum_, xiii. 2; Ovid, _Heroides_, ix. 55 _sqq._; Statius,
_Theb._ x. 646-649.

Footnote 914:

Athenaeus, _l.c._

Footnote 915:

Herodotus, i. 93; Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A B.
The Armenians also prostituted their daughters before marriage,
dedicating them for a long time to the profligate worship of the
goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532 _sq._). The custom was
probably practised as a charm to secure the fertility of the earth as
well as of man and beast. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition,
pp. 32 _sqq._

Footnote 916:

Herodotus, i. 7.

Footnote 917:

Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 31, p. 573 A B.

Footnote 918:

See E. A. Freeman, _History of the Norman Conquest of England_, i. 3rd
Ed., 410-412, 733-737. I am indebted to my friend Mr. H. M. Chadwick
both for the fact and its explanation.

Footnote 919:

Procopius, _De bello Gothico_, iv. 20 (vol. ii. p. 593, ed. J. Haury).
This and the following cases of marriage with a stepmother are cited
by K. Weinhold, _Deutsche Frauen_ 2nd Ed., (Vienna, 1882), ii. 359
_sq._

Footnote 920:

Bede, _Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum_, ii. 5. 102; compare i.
27. 63.

Footnote 921:

Prudentius Trecensis, “Annales,” anno 858, in Pertz’s _Monumenta
Germaniae historica_, i. 451; Ingulfus, _Historia_, quoted _ibid._

Footnote 922:

This is in substance the view of Dr. W. E. Hearn (_The Aryan
House-hold_, pp. 150-155) and of Prof. B. Delbrück (“Das Mutterrecht
bei den Indogermanen,” _Preussische Jahrbücher_, lxxix. (1895) pp.
14-27).

Footnote 923:

Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 2. p. 555 D; John of
Antioch, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv.
547; Charax of Pergamus _ib._ iii. 638; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on
Lycophron_, 111; _id._, _Chiliades_, v. 650-665; Suidas, _s.v._
Κέκροψ; Justin, ii. 6. 7.

Footnote 924:

Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀθηναῖος Σόλων ὁμοπατρίους ἐφεὶς ἄγεσθαι, τὰς ὁμομητρίους
ἐκώλυσεν, ὁ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτης ἔμπαλιν, τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς
ὁμογαστρίοις γάμον ἐπιτρέψας, τὸν πρὸς τὰς ὁμοπατρίους ἀπεῖπεν, Philo
Judaeus, _De specialibus legibus_, vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Th. Mangey.
See also Plutarch, _Themistocles_, 32; Cornelius Nepos, _Cimon_, 1;
Schol. on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1371; L. Beauchet, _Histoire du
droit privé de la République Athénienne_, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 165
_sqq._ Compare Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 31.

Footnote 925:

Polybius, xii. 5.

Footnote 926:

Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 _sq._; Plutarch, _De sera numinis
vindicta_, 12; and especially Lycophron, _Cassandra_, 1141 _sqq._,
with the scholia of J. Tzetzes, who refers to Timaeus and Callimachus
as his authorities.

Footnote 927:

Justin, xxi. 3. 1-6.

Footnote 928:

Strabo, iii. 4. 18.

Footnote 929:

Tacitus, _Germania_, 20. Compare L. Dargun, _Mutterrecht und Raubehe
und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben_ (Breslau, 1883), pp.
21 _sq._

Footnote 930:

A. Giraud-Teulon, _Les Origines du mariage et de la famille_, pp. 206
_sqq._; A. H. Post, _Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_, i. 13 _sqq._; Sir
Harry H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 471; A. B. Ellis, _The
Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, pp. 297 _sq._; _id._, _The
Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 207 _sqq._ Much more
evidence will be found in my _Totemism and Exogamy_.

Footnote 931:

R. H. Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 50, note 2.

Footnote 932:

Tacitus, _Germania_, 20.

Footnote 933:

A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 286 _sqq._
The _reipus_ or payment made on the remarriage of a widow is discussed
by L. Dargun, _op. cit._ pp. 141-152.

Footnote 934:

W. F. Skene held that the Picts were Celts. See his _Celtic Scotland_,
i. 194-227. On the other hand, H. Zimmer supposes them to have been
the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Islands. See his paper “Das
Mutterrecht der Pikten,” _Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für
Rechtsgeschichte_, xv. (1894) Romanistische Abtheilung, pp. 209 _sqq._

Footnote 935:

“_Cumque uxores Picti non habentes peterent a Scottis, ea solum
conditione dare consenserunt, ut ubi res perveniret in dubium, magis
de feminea regum prosapia quam de masculina regem sibi eligerent; quod
usque hodie apud Pictos constat esse servatum_,” Bede, _Historia
ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum_, ii. 1. 7.

Footnote 936:

W. F. Skene, _Celtic Scotland_, i. 232-235; J. F. McLennan, _Studies
in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 68-70; H. Zimmer, _loc. cit._

Footnote 937:

K. O. Müller, _Die Etrusker_ (Stuttgart, 1877), ii. 376 _sq._; J. J.
Bachofen, _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp. 282-290.

Footnote 938:

Θεόπομπος δ’ ἐν τῇ τεσσαρακοστῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν καὶ νόμον εἶναί
φησι παρὰ τοῖς Τυρρηνοῖς κοινὰς ὑπάρχειν τὰς γυναῖκας ... τρέφειν δὲ
τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς πάντα τὰ γινόμενα παιδία, οὐκ εἰδότας ὅτου πάτρος ἐστὶν
ἕκαστον, Athenaeus, xii. 14, p. 517 D E.

Footnote 939:

“_Non enim hic, ubi ex Tusco modo Tute tibi indigne dotem quaeras
corpore_” (Plautus, _Cistellaria_, ii. 3. 20 _sq._).

Footnote 940:

Herodotus, i. 94; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 219; Tacitus, _Annals_, iv. 55;
Timaeus, cited by Tertullian, _De spectaculis_, 5; Festus, _s.v._
“Turannos,” p. 355, ed. C. O. Müller; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2; Velleius
Paterculus, i. 1. 4; Justin, xx. 1. 7; Valerius Maximus, ii. 4. 4;
Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 67. On the other hand, Dionysius of
Halicarnassus held that the Etruscans were an indigenous Italian race,
differing from all other known peoples in language and customs (_Ant.
Rom._ i. 26-30). On this much-vexed question, see K. O. Müller, _Die
Etrusker_ (Stuttgart, 1877), i. 65 _sqq._; G. Dennis, _Cities and
Cemeteries of Etruria_, 3rd Ed., i. pp. xxxiii. _sqq._; F. Hommel,
_Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients_, 2nd Ed.,
pp. 63 _sqq._ (in Iwan von Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft_, vol. iii.).

Footnote 941:

It is doubtful whether Servius Tullius was a Latin or an Etruscan. See
above, p. 195, note 1.

Footnote 942:

“All over India the hedge-priest is very often an autochthon, his long
residence in the land being supposed to confer upon him the knowledge
of the character and peculiarities of the local gods, and to teach him
the proper mode in which they may be conciliated. Thus the Doms
preserve to the present day the animistic and demonistic beliefs of
the aboriginal races, which the Khasiyas, who have succeeded them,
temper with the worship of the village deities, the named and
localised divine entities, with the occasional languid cult of the
greater Hindu gods. The propitiation of the vague spirits of wood, or
cliff, river or lake, they are satisfied to leave in charge of their
serfs” (W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, pp. 104
_sq._). When the Israelites had been carried away captives into
Assyria, the new settlers in the desolate land of Israel were attacked
by lions, which they supposed to be sent against them by the god of
the country because, as strangers, they did not know how to propitiate
him. So they petitioned the king of Assyria and he sent them a native
Israelitish priest, who taught them how to worship the God of Israel.
See 2 Kings xvii. 24-28.

Footnote 943:

H. Jordan, _Die Könige im alten Italien_ (Berlin, 1884), pp. 15-25.

Footnote 944:

Livy, i. 56. 7; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ iv. 68. 1.

Footnote 945:

Livy, i. 34. 2 _sq._, i. 38. 1, i. 57. 6; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
_Ant. Rom._ iv. 64.

Footnote 946:

I owe to Mr. A. B. Cook the interesting suggestion that the double
consulship was a revival of a double kingship.

Footnote 947:

As to the _Regifugium_ see below, pp. 308-310.

Footnote 948:

Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; G. Gilbert, _Handbuch der griech.
Staatsalterthümer_, i. 2nd Ed., 122 _sq._

Footnote 949:

The two supreme magistrates who replaced the kings were at first
called praetors. See Livy, iii. 55. 12; B. G. Niebuhr, _History of
Rome_, 3rd Ed., i. 520 _sq._; Th. Mommsen, _Römisches Staatsrecht_,
ii. 3rd Ed., 74 _sqq._ That the power of the first consuls was, with
the limitations indicated in the text, that of the old kings is fully
recognised by Livy (ii. 1. 7 _sq._).

Footnote 950:

It was a disputed point whether Tarquin the Proud was the son or
grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Most writers, and Livy (i. 46. 4) among
them, held that he was a son. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the other
hand, argued that he must have been a grandson; he insists strongly on
the chronological difficulties to which the ordinary hypothesis is
exposed if Servius Tullius reigned, as he is said to have reigned,
forty-four years. See Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 6 _sq._

Footnote 951:

Livy, i. 48. 2; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 31 _sq._ and 46.

Footnote 952:

Livy, i. 56; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ iv. 67-69, 77; Valerius
Maximus, vii. 3. 2; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustribus_, x. The
murder of Brutus’s father and brother is recorded by Dionysius; the
other writers mention the assassination of his brother only. The
resemblance between Brutus and Hamlet has been pointed out before. See
F. York Powell, in Elton’s translation of Saxo Grammaticus’s _Danish
History_ (London, 1894), pp. 405-410.

Footnote 953:

D. Livingstone, _Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_,
pp. 617 _sq._ Many more examples are given by A. H. Post,
_Afrikanische Jurisprudenz_ (Oldenburg and Leipsic), i. 134 _sqq._

Footnote 954:

D. Livingstone, _op. cit._ p. 434.

Footnote 955:

H. Hecquard, _Reise an die Küste und in das Innere von West-Afrika_
(Leipsic, 1854), p. 104. This and the preceding example are cited by
A. H. Post, _l.c._

Footnote 956:

J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga
and Wiwa,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. 36 (July 1910), p.
384.

Footnote 957:

J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 784 _sq._

Footnote 958:

Sir William MacGregor, “Lagos, Abeokuta, and the Alake,” _Journal of
the African Society_, No. 12 (July 1904), pp. 470 _sq._

Footnote 959:

C. Partridge, “The Burial of the Atta of Igaraland, and the
‘Coronation’ of his Successor,” _Blackwood’s Magazine_, September
1904, pp. 329 _sq._ Mr. Partridge kindly gave me some details as to
the election of the king in a letter dated 24th October 1904. He is
Assistant District Commissioner in Southern Nigeria.

Footnote 960:

Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 66-75.

Footnote 961:

Livy, i. 17; Cicero, _De re publica_, ii. 17. 31.

Footnote 962:

As to the nomination of the King of the Sacred Rites see Livy, xl. 42;
Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ v. 1. 4. The latter writer says that the
augurs co-operated with the pontiff in the nomination.

Footnote 963:

Th. Mommsen, _Römisches Staatsrecht_, ii. 3rd Ed., 6-8; A. H. J.
Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, pp. 45 _sqq._ Mr. Greenidge thinks
that the king was regularly nominated by his predecessor and only
occasionally by an interim king. Mommsen holds that he was always
nominated by the latter.

Footnote 964:

Compare Lucretius, v. 1108 _sqq._:

“_Condere coeperunt urbis arcemque locare
Praesidium reges ipsi sibi perfugiumque,
Et pecus atque agros divisere atque dedere
Pro facie cujusque et viribus ingenioque;
Nam facies multum valuit viresque vigentes._”

Footnote 965:

Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Frag.
Histor. Graec._ ed. C. Müller, iii. 463). Other writers say simply
that the tallest, strongest, or handsomest man was chosen king. See
Herodotus, iii. 20; Aristotle, _Politics_, iv. 4; Athenaeus, xiii. 20,
p. 566 c.

Footnote 966:

Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 25.

Footnote 967:

J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_, pp. 4 _sq._ Compare D. Livingstone,
_Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa_, p. 186; W. Max
Müller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), p. 110.

Footnote 968:

Zenobius, _Cent._ v. 25.

Footnote 969:

Strabo, xi. 21, p. 492.

Footnote 970:

Hippocrates, _De aere locis et aquis_ (vol. i. pp. 550 _sq._ ed.
Kühn).

Footnote 971:

Captain Guy Burrows, _The Land of the Pigmies_ (London, 1898), p. 95.
Speaking of this tribe, Emin Pasha observes: “The most curious custom,
however, and one which is particularly observed in the ruling
families, is bandaging the heads of infants. By means of these
bandages a lengthening of the head along its horizontal axis is
produced; and whereas the ordinary Monbutto people have rather round
heads, the form of the head in the better classes shows an
extraordinary increase in length, which certainly very well suits
their style of hair and of hats.” See _Emin Pasha in Central Africa,
being a Collection of Letters and Journals_ (London, 1888), p. 212.

Footnote 972:

Lewis and Clark, _Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri_, ch. 23,
vol. ii. 327 _sq._ (reprinted at London, 1905); D. W. Harmon, quoted
by Rev. J. Morse, _Report to the Secretary of War of the United States
on Indian Affairs_ (Newhaven, 1822), Appendix, p. 346; H. R.
Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, ii. 325 _sq._; R. C. Mayne, _Four Years
in British Columbia_, p. 277; G. M. Sproat, _Scenes and Studies of
Savage Life_, pp. 28-30; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific
States_, i. 180.

Footnote 973:

C. Hill-Tout, _The Far West, the Home of the Salish and Déné_ (London,
1907), p. 40. As to the custom in general among these tribes, see
_ibid._ pp. 38-41. In Melanesia the practice of artificially
lengthening the head into a cone by means of bandages applied in
infancy is observed by the natives of Malikolo (Malekula) in the New
Hebrides and also by the natives of the south coast of New Britain,
from Cape Roebuck to Cape Bedder. See Beatrice Grimshaw, _From Fiji to
the Cannibal Islands_ (London, 1907), pp. 258-260; R. Parkinson,
_Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 204-206.

Footnote 974:

V. Fric and P. Radin, “Contributions to the Study of the Bororo
Indians,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906)
pp. 388 _sq._

Footnote 975:

See _The Spectator_, Nos. 18 and 20.

Footnote 976:

Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Fragmenta
Historic. Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 463).

Footnote 977:

Simon Grunau, _Preussische Chronik_, Tract. ii. cap. iii. § 2, p. 66,
ed. M. Perlbach. This passage was pointed out to me by Mr. H. M.
Chadwick.

Footnote 978:

Pausanias, v. 1. 4, vi. 20. 9.

Footnote 979:

Apollodorus, _Epitoma_, ii. 4-9, ed. R. Wagner (Apollodorus,
_Bibliotheca_, ed. R. Wagner, pp. 183 _sq._); Diodorus Siculus, iv.
73; Pausanias, v. 1. 6 _sq._, v. 10. 6 _sq._, v. 14. 7, v. 17. 7
_sq._, v. 20. 6 _sq._, vi. 21. 7-11.

Footnote 980:

Pausanias, vi. 21. 3.

Footnote 981:

Pausanias, v. 13. 1-6, vi. 20. 7.

Footnote 982:

Pausanias, iii. 12. 1, 20. 10 _sq._

Footnote 983:

Pindar, _Pyth._ ix. 181-220, with the Scholia.

Footnote 984:

Pindar, _Pyth._ ix. 195 _sqq._; Pausanias, iii. 12. 2.

Footnote 985:

Apollodorus, iii. 9. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 185; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 560
_sqq._

Footnote 986:

E. Schuyler, _Turkistan_ (London, 1876), i. 42 _sq._ This and the four
following examples of the bride-race have been already cited by J. F.
McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 15 _sq._,
181-184. He supposes them to be relics of a custom of capturing women
from another community.

Footnote 987:

E. D. Clarke, _Travels in Various Countries_, i. (London, 1810), p.
333. In the fourth octavo edition of Clarke’s _Travels_ (vol. i.,
London, 1816), from which McLennan seems to have quoted, there are a
few verbal changes.

Footnote 988:

J. McLennan, _op. cit._ pp. 183 _sq._, referring to Kennan’s _Tent
Life in Siberia_ (1870), which I have not seen. Compare W. Jochelson,
“The Koryak” (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 742 (_Memoir of the
American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, vol. vi.).

Footnote 989:

Letter of the missionary Bigandet, dated March 1847, in _Annales de la
Propagation de la Foi_, xx. (1848) p. 431. A similar account of the
ceremony is given by M. Bourien, “Wild Tribes of the Malay Peninsula,”
_Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. iii. (1865)
p. 81. See further W. W. Skeat and C.O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the
Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii. 68, 77 _sq._, 79 _sq._, 82 _sq._

Footnote 990:

J. Cameron, _Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India_ (London,
1865), pp. 116 _sq._

Footnote 991:

Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 219.

Footnote 992:

Middle High German _brûtlouf_, modern German _Brautlauf_, Anglo-Saxon
_brydhléap_, old Norse _brudhlaup_, modern Norse _bryllup_. See Grimm,
_Deutsches Wörterbuch_, _s.v._ “Brautlauf”; K. Weinhold, _Deutsche
Frauen_, 2nd Ed., i. 407. The latter writer supposes the word to refer
merely to the procession from the house of the bride to the house of
the bridegroom. But Grimm is most probably right in holding that
originally it applied to a real race for the bride. This is the view
also of K. Simrock (_Deutsche Mythologie_, 5th Ed. pp. 598 _sq._).
Another writer sees in it a trace of marriage by capture (L. Dargun,
_Mutterrecht und Raubehe_ (Breslau, 1883), p. 130). Compare K.
Schmidt, _Jus primae noctis_ (Freiburg i. B. 1881), p. 129.

Footnote 993:

A. Kuhn, _Märkische Sagen und Märchen_ (Berlin, 1843), p. 358.

Footnote 994:

W. Kolbe, _Hessische Volks-sitten und Gebräuche_ (Marburg, 1888), pp.
150 _sq._

Footnote 995:

Lentner and Dahn, in _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs
Bayern_, i. (Munich, 1860) pp. 398 _sq._

Footnote 996:

J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 153-155 (Bohn’s edition); J.
Jamieson, _Dictionary of the Scottish Language_, _s.v._ “Broose.”

Footnote 997:

E. Herrmann, “Über Lieder und Bräuche bei Hochzeiten in Kärnten,”
_Archiv für Anthropologie_, xix. (1891) p. 169.

Footnote 998:

Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41;
_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 457.

Footnote 999:

Strabo, v. 4. 12, p. 250.

Footnote 1000:

Arthur Young, “Tour in Ireland,” in Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_,
iii. 860.

Footnote 1001:

_Mahabharata_, condensed into English by Romesch Dutt (London, 1898),
pp. 15 _sqq._; J. C. Oman, _The Great Indian Epics_, pp. 109 _sqq._

Footnote 1002:

J. D. Mayne, _A Treatise on Hindu Law and Usage_ 3rd Ed., (Madras and
London, 1883), p. 56; _The Vikramânkadevacharita_, edited by G. Bühler
(Bombay, 1875), pp. 38-40; A. Holtzmann, _Das Mahābharata und seine
Theile_, i. (Kiel, 1895), pp. 21 _sq._; J. Jolly, _Recht und Sitte_,
pp. 50 _sq._ (in G. Bühler’s _Grundriss der indo-arischen
Philologie_).

Footnote 1003:

_The Book of Ser Marco Polo._, Yule’s translation, 2nd Ed., bk. iv.
ch. 4, vol. ii. pp. 461-463.

Footnote 1004:

_The Lay of the Nibelungs_, translated by Alice Horton (London, 1898),
Adventures vi. and vii.

Footnote 1005:

Parthenius, _Narrat. Amat._ vi. This passage was pointed out to me by
Mr. A. B. Cook, who has himself discussed the contest for the
kingship. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” _Folk-lore_, xv.
(1904) pp. 376 _sqq._

Footnote 1006:

Herodotus, vi. 126-130. It is to be observed that in this and other of
the examples cited above the succession to the kingdom did not pass
with the hand of the princess.

Footnote 1007:

See above, pp. 69, 84, 90 _sq._ These customs were observed at
Whitsuntide, not on May Day. But the Whitsuntide king and queen are
obviously equivalent to the King and Queen of May. Hence I allow
myself to use the latter and more familiar titles so as to include the
former.

Footnote 1008:

Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 685 _sqq._; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 63; J.
Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii. 2nd Ed., 323 _sq._; W.
Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, pp. 327
_sqq._

Footnote 1009:

Another proposed explanation of the _regifugium_ is that the king fled
because at the sacrifice he had incurred the guilt of slaying a sacred
animal. See W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the Period of the
Republic_, pp. 328 _sqq._ The best-known example of such a ritual
flight is that of the men who slew the ox at the Athenian festival of
the _Bouphonia_. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, ii. 294.
Amongst the Pawnees the four men who assisted at the sacrifice of a
girl to Ti-ra’-wa used to run away very fast after the deed was done
and wash themselves in the river. See G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero
Stories and Folk-Tales_ (New York, 1889), pp. 365 _sq._ Among the
ancient Egyptians the man whose duty it was to slit open a corpse for
the purpose of embalming it fled as soon as he had done his part,
pursued by all the persons present, who pelted him with stones and
cursed him, “turning as it were the pollution on him; for they suppose
that any one who violates or wounds or does any harm to the person of
a fellow-tribesman is hateful” (Diodorus Siculus, i. 91. 4). Similarly
in the western islands of Torres Straits the man whose duty it was to
decapitate a corpse for the purpose of preserving the skull was shot
at with arrows by the relatives of the deceased as an expiation for
the injury he had done to the corpse of their kinsman. See _Reports of
the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v.
(Cambridge, 1904) pp. 249, 251. This explanation of the _regifugium_
certainly deserves to be considered. But on this as on so many other
points of ancient ritual we can hardly hope ever to attain to
certainty.

Footnote 1010:

F. Cumont, “Les Actes de S. Dasius,” _Analecta Bollandiana_, xvi.
(1897) pp. 5-16. See further Messrs. Parmentier and Cumont, “Le Roi
des Saturnales,” _Revue de Philologie_, xxi. (1897) pp. 143-153; _The
Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 138 _sqq._ The tomb of St. Dasius,
a Christian soldier who was put to death at Durostorum in 303 A.D.
after refusing to play the part of Saturn at the festival, has since
been discovered at Ancona. A Greek inscription on the tomb records
that the martyr’s remains were brought thither from Durostorum. See F.
Cumont, “Le Tombeau de S. Dasius de Durostorum,” _Analecta
Bollandiana_, xxvii. (1908) pp. 369-372. Professor A. Erhard of
Strasburg, who has been engaged for years in preparing an edition of
the _Acta Martyrum_ for the Berlin Corpus of Greek Fathers, informed
me in conversation at Cambridge in the summer of 1910 that he ranks
the Acts of St. Dasius among the authentic documents of their class.
The plain unvarnished narrative bears indeed the stamp of truth on its
face.

Footnote 1011:

Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 15; Arrian, _Epicteti dissert._ i. 25. 8;
Lucian, _Saturnalia_, 4.

Footnote 1012:

As to these temporary kings see _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition,
ii. 24 _sqq._

Footnote 1013:

Varro, _Rerum rusticarum_, iii. 1. 5; Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 324;
Tibullus, i. 3. 35; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 19. Compare
Wissowa, in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_,
iv. 433 _sq._

Footnote 1014:

On Saturn as the god of sowing and the derivation of his name from a
root meaning “to sow,” from which comes _satus_ “sowing,” see Varro,
_De lingua Latina_, v. 64; Festus, _s.v._ “Opima spolia,” p. 186, ed.
C. O. Müller; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 2, 3. 13, 15;
Wissowa, in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_,
iv. 428. The derivation is confirmed by the form Saeturnus which
occurs in an inscription (_Saeturni pocolom_, H. Dessau, _Inscript.
Latinae selectae_, No. 2966). As to the Saturnalia see L. Preller,
_Römische Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., ii. 15 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _Römische
Staatsverwaltung_, 2nd Ed., pp. 586 _sqq._; Dezobry, _Rome au siècle
d’Auguste_, iii. 143 _sqq._; W. Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals of the
Period of the Republic_, pp. 268 _sqq._ The festival was held from the
seventeenth to the twenty-third of December. I formerly argued that in
the old days, when the Roman year began with March instead of with
January, the Saturnalia may have been held from the seventeenth to the
twenty-third of February, in which case the festival must have
immediately preceded the Flight of the King, which fell on February
the twenty-fourth. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 144
_sqq._; _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, p. 266. But
this attempt to bring the ancient Saturnalia into immediate
juxtaposition to the King’s Flight breaks down when we observe, as my
friend Mr. W. Warde Fowler has pointed out to me, that the Saturnalia
fell in December under the Republic, long before Caesar, in his reform
of the calendar, had shifted the commencement of the year from March
to January. See Livy, xxii. 1. 19 _sq._

Footnote 1015:

Roman farmers sowed wheat, spelt, and barley in December, flax up to
the seventh of that month, and beans up to the eleventh (the festival
of Septimontium). See Palladius, _De re rustica_, xiii. 1. In the
lowlands of Sicily at the present day November and December are the
months of sowing, but in the highlands August and September. See G.
Pitrè, _Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_,
iii. (Palermo, 1889) pp. 132 _sqq._ Hence we may suppose that in the
Roman Campagna of old the last sowing of autumn was over before the
middle of December, when the Saturnalia began.

Footnote 1016:

This temporary liberty accorded to slaves was one of the most
remarkable features of the Saturnalia and kindred festivals in
antiquity. See _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 139 _sqq._

Footnote 1017:

The learned Swiss scholar, J. J. Bachofen long ago drew out in minute
detail the parallel between these birth legends of the Roman kings and
licentious festivals like the Roman Saturnalia and the Babylonian
Sacaea. See his book _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp.
133 _sqq._ To be frank, I have not had the patience to read through
his long dissertation.

Footnote 1018:

Livy, i. 16; Dionysius Halic. _Ant. Rom._ ii. 56; Plutarch, _Romulus_,
27; Florus, i. 1. 16 _sq._ See above, pp. 181 _sq._

Footnote 1019:

Varro, _De lingua Latina_, vi. 18; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 29; _id._,
_Camillus_, 33; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 11. 36-40. The analogy of this
festival to the Babylonian Sacaea was long ago pointed out by J. J.
Bachofen. See his book _Die Sage von Tanaquil_ (Heidelberg, 1870), pp.
172 _sqq._

Footnote 1020:

Aristotle, _Hist. anim._ v. 32, p. 557_b_, ed. Bekker; Theophrastus,
_Hist. Plant._ ii. 8; _id._, _De causis plantarum_, ii. 9; Plutarch,
_Quaest. conviv._ vii. 2. 2; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 79-81, xvi. 114,
xvii. 256; Palladius, iv. 10. 28, vii. 5. 2; Columella, xi. 2. 56;
_Geoponica_, iii. 6, x. 48. As to the practice in modern Greece and
the fig-growing districts of Asia Minor, see P. de Tournefort,
_Relation d’un voyage du Levant_ (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 130; W. R.
Paton, “The _Pharmakoi_ and the Story of the Fall,” _Revue
archéologique_, IVème Série, ix. (1907) p. 51. For an elaborate
examination of the process and its relation to the domestication and
spread of the fig-tree, see Graf zu Solms-Laubach, “Die Herkunft,
Domestication und Verbreitung des gewöhnlichen Feigenbaums (_Ficus
Carica_, L.),” _Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Göttingen_, xxviii. (1882) pp. 1-106. This last
writer thinks that the operation was not practised by Italian
husbandmen, because it is not mentioned by Cato and Varro. But their
silence can hardly outweigh the express mention and recommendation of
it by Palladius and Columella. Theophrastus, it is true, says that the
process was not in use in Italy (_Hist. Plantarum_, ii. 8. 1), but he
can scarcely have had exact information on this subject.
_Caprificatio_, as this artificial fertilisation of fig-trees is
called, is still employed by the Neapolitan peasantry, though it seems
to be unknown in northern Italy. Pliny’s account has no independent
value, as he merely copies from Theophrastus. The name “goat-fig”
(_caprificus_) applied to the wild fig-tree may be derived from the
notion that the tree is a male who mounts the female as the he-goat
mounts the she-goat. Similarly the Messenians called the tree simply
“he-goat” (τράγος). See Pausanias, iv. 20. 1-3.

Footnote 1021:

G. Pitrè, _Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano_,
iii. 113.

Footnote 1022:

Budgett Meakin, _The Moors_ (London, 1902), p. 258; E. Doutté, _Magie
et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), p. 568.

Footnote 1023:

A. Engler, in V. Hehn’s _Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere_, 7th Ed.,
(Berlin, 1902), p. 99. Compare Graf zu Solms-Laubach, _op. cit._;
_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Fig-tree,” vol. iv. 1519. The
ancients were well aware of the production of these insects in the
wild fig-tree and their transference to the cultivated fig-tree.
Sometimes instead of fertilising the trees by hand they contented
themselves with planting wild fig-trees near cultivated fig-trees, so
that the fertilisation was effected by the wind, which blew the
insects from the male to the female trees. See Aristotle, _l.c._;
Theophrastus, _De causis plantarum_, ii. 9; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv.
79-81; Palladius, iv. 10. 28. On subject of the fertilisation of the
fig the late Professor H. Marshall Ward of Cambridge kindly furnished
me with the following note, which will serve to supplement and correct
the brief account in the text:—“The fig is a hollow case full of
flowers. In the wild fig a small gall wasp (_Cynips psenes_) lays its
eggs: this kind of fig is still called _Caprificus_. The eggs hatch in
the female flowers at the base of the hollow fig: at the top, near the
ostiole observable on any ripe fig, are the male flowers. When the
eggs hatch, and the little insects creep through the ostiole, the male
flowers dust the wasp with pollen, and the insect flies to another
flower (to lay its eggs), and so fertilises many of the female flowers
in return for the nursery afforded its eggs. Now, the cultivated fig
is apt to be barren of male flowers. Hence the hanging of branches
bearing wild figs enables the escaping wasps to do the trick. The
ancients knew the fact that the propinquity of the _Caprificus_ helped
the fertility of the cultivated fig, but, of course, they did not know
the details of the process. The further complexities are, chiefly,
that the fig bears two kinds of female flowers: one especially fitted
for the wasp’s convenience, the other not. The _Caprificus_ figs are
inedible. In Naples three crops of them are borne every year, viz.
_Mamme_ (in April), _Profichi_ (in June), and _Mammoni_ (in August).
It is the June crop that bears most male flowers and is most useful.”
The suggestion that the festival of the seventh of July was connected
with this horticultural operation is due to L. Preller (_Römische
Mythologie_, 3rd Ed., i. 287).

Footnote 1024:

See above, pp. 24 _sq._

Footnote 1025:

1 Kings iv. 25; 2 Kings xviii. 31; Isaiah xxxvi. 16; Micah iv. 4;
Zechariah iii. 10; Judges ix. 10 _sq._; H. B. Tristram, _The Natural
History of the Bible_ 9th Ed. (London, 1898), pp. 350 _sqq._;
_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Fig Tree,” vol. ii. 1519 _sq._

Footnote 1026:

Herodotus, i. 71.

Footnote 1027:

Zamachschar, cited by Graf zu Solms-Laubach, _op. cit._ p. 82. For
more evidence as to the fig in antiquity see V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen
und Hausthiere_, 7th Ed., pp. 94 _sqq._

Footnote 1028:

Letter of Mr. C. W. Hobley to me, dated Nairobi, British East Africa,
July 27th, 1910. This interesting information was given spontaneously
and not in answer to any questions of mine.

Footnote 1029:

C. W. Hobley, _The Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_
(Cambridge, 1910), pp. 85, 89 _sq._ In British Central Africa “every
village has its ‘prayer-tree,’ under which the sacrifices are offered.
It stands (usually) in the _bwalo_, the open space which Mr. Macdonald
calls the ‘forum,’ and is, sometimes, at any rate, a wild fig-tree.”
“This is the principal tree used for making bark-cloth. Livingstone
says, ‘It is a sacred tree all over Africa and India’; and I learn
from M. Auguste Chevalier that it is found in every village of Senegal
and French Guinea, and looked on as ‘a fetich-tree’” (Miss A. Werner,
_The Natives of British Central Africa_, pp. 62 _sq._).

Footnote 1030:

From the unpublished papers of the Rev. John Roscoe, which he has
kindly placed at my disposal.

Footnote 1031:

Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 54; Livy, i. 4. 5; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii.
411 _sq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xv. 77; Festus, pp. 266, 270, 271, ed.
C. O. Müller; Tacitus, _Annals_, xiii. 58; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._
viii. 90; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 4; _id._, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 57;
Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates Romanae_, iii. 71. 5. All the
Roman writers speak of the tree as a cultivated fig (_ficus_), not a
wild fig (_caprificus_), and Dionysius agrees with them. Plutarch
alone (_Romulus_, 4) describes it as a wild fig-tree (ἐρινεός). See
also above, p. 10.

Footnote 1032:

Festus, p. 266, ed. C. O. Müller; Ettore Pais, _Ancient Legends of
Roman History_ (London, 1906), pp. 55 _sqq._ Festus indeed treats the
derivation as an absurdity, and many people will be inclined to agree
with him.

Footnote 1033: