Chapter I: Front Matter
THE
GREAT PROBABILITY
OF A
NORTH WEST PASSAGE.
THE
GREAT PROBABILITY
OF A
NORTH WEST PASSAGE:
DEDUCED FROM
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
Letter of Admiral DE FONTE,
Who sailed from the _Callao_ of _Lima_ on the Discovery of a
Communication
BETWEEN THE
SOUTH SEA and the ATLANTIC OCEAN;
And to intercept some Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_,
whom he met with,
Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE.
PROVING THE
AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER.
With Three Explanatory MAPS.
1st. A Copy of an authentic _Spanish_ Map of _America_, published
in 1608.
2d. The Discoveries made in _Hudson_'s Bay, by Capt. _Smith_, in
1746 and 1747.
3d. A General Map of the Discoveries of Admiral _de Fonte_.
By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King.
WITH
AN APPENDIX.
Containing the Account of a Discovery of Part of the Coast and Inland
Country of LABRADOR, made in 1753.
The Whole intended for
The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE.
LONDON:
Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Charing Cross.
MDCCLXVIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLS EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH,
_&c._ _&c._ _&c._
ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE,
FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS,
ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE
PRIVY COUNCIL, AND F.R.S.
The Discovery of a North-west Passage having deserved the particular Attention of that great Minister of State Sir _Francis Walsingham_, with the Approbation of the greatest Princess of that Age, I presumed to ask the Permission to inscribe the following Sheets, on the same Subject, to your Lordship, wrote with no View of setting any further Expeditions on Foot, or with respect to any particular System, but as a candid and impartial Enquiry, to shew the great Probability there is of a North-west Passage. The Importance of the Subject, treated with the greatest Regard to Truth, are the only Pretensions I have to merit your Patronage.
Your Lordship will appear, to the latest Posterity, in the amiable Light of being zealous for the Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of the Nation, for promoting the commercial Interests, the Happiness of his Majesty's Subjects in general, and of those in _America_ in particular. I therefore have the most grateful Sense of your Benevolence and Humanity in condescending to grant me this Favour, as it will be known for Part of that Time that I had the Honour to be
YOUR LORDSHIP'S
MOST HUMBLE AND
OBEDIENT SERVANT,
THE AUTHOR.
THE PREFACE.
The Opinion of there being a North-west Passage between the _Atlantic_ and _Southern Ocean_ hath continued for more than two Centuries; and though the Attempts made to discover this Passage have not been attended with the desired Success, yet in Consequence of such Attempts great Advantages have been received, not by the Merchant only but by the Men of Science. It must be a Satisfaction to the Adventurer, though disappointed in his principal Design, that his Labours have contributed to the Improvement of Science, and the Advancement of Commerce.
There was a Generosity with respect to the Discovery of a North-west Passage, or a Respect to the great Abilities of those who promoted the various Undertakings for making such Discovery, to the Crown which patronized them, and the Estates of the Kingdom who promised a most munificent Reward to such who should compleat such Discovery, that those who were of a contrary Opinion treated the Subject with a becoming Decency. But the Censures that have been of late made by our Countrymen, and more particularly by Foreigners, our Ancestors have been treated as so many Fools, or infatuated Persons, busied to compleat an impracticable and a merely chimerical Project, and are accused by a foreign Geographer to have proceeded so far as to forge a fictitious Account under the Title of a Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_. That the Iniquity of the _English_ Writers is not such (neither was ever known to be such) nor, was it in their Inclination, could they so easily deceive the World; and the Falshood of this Assertion could be no otherway made apparent than by considering such Letter with a just Criticism, and examining the Circumstances relating thereto. Though the present Age may not pay much Regard to these Censures, yet if they are passed unnoticed, might hereafter be considered as Truths unanswerable at the Time those Censures were made. Therefore to do Justice to the Character of our Ancestors, to the present Age in which such great Encouragement hath been given to these Undertakings, and that Posterity might not be deceived, were Motives (had they been duly considered without a Regard to the Importance of the Subject) which might incite an abler Pen to have undertaken to vindicate the Authenticity of _de Fonte_'s Letter. As for a long Time nothing of this Kind appeared, nor could I hear that any Thing was undertaken of this Sort, by any Person to whom I could freely communicate my Sentiments, and the Informations which I had collected on this Subject, as the Discovery of a North-west Passage hath been the Object of my Attention for some Years, considered myself under the disagreeable Necessity of becoming an Author in an Age of such refined Sentiments, expressed in the greatest Purity of Language: But if I have succeeded in the greater Matters, I hope to be excused in the lesser.
I have inserted the Letter of _de Fonte_, as first published in the _Monthly Miscellany_, or _Memoirs of the Curious_, in _April_ and _June_ 1708, very scarce or in very few Hands; not only as I thought it consistent with my Work, but that the Curious would be glad to have a Copy of such Letter exactly in the same Manner in which it was first published, to keep in their Collections.
As to the Observations respecting the Circumstances of the Letter of _de Fonte_, the Manner by which it was attained, its being a Copy of such Letter which the Editors procured to be translated from the _Spanish_, and as to such Matters as are to be collected from the Title of such Letter, and from the Letter in Support of its Authenticity, I submit those Observations to superior Judgments: If confuted, and it appears I have misapprehended the Matter, am not tenacious of my Opinion, but shall receive the Conviction with Pleasure, being entirely consistent with my Design, which is, That the Truth may be discovered, whether this Account is authentick or not.
In my Remarks of the Letter I have endeavoured to distinguish what was genuine, from what hath been since added by other Hands; have made an exact Calculation of the Courses; have considered the Circumstances of such Letter, giving the Reasons of the Conduct that was used in the various Parts of the Voyage, and shewing the Regularity and Consistency there is through the Whole, and without Anachronisms or Contradictions as hath been objected, part of which I was the better enabled to do from some Experience which I have had in Affairs of this Sort. I must observe, the Calculations were made without any Regard had to the Situation of _Hudson_'s or _Baffin_'s Bay; but begun at the _Callao_ of _Lima_, and pursued as the Account directs from the Westward: And it was an agreeable Surprize to find what an Agreement there was as to the Parts which, by such Courses, it appeared that the Admiral and his Captain were in, consistent with the Purpose they were sent on, and the Proximity of where they were to _Hudson_'s and _Baffin_'s Bay.
To state particularly all the Objections which have been made to this Account, I thought would have greatly increased the Bulk of the Work. There is no material Objection which I have any where met with, but is here considered. Also to have added all the Authorities which I have collected and made Use of, would have made it more prolix; so have contented myself with only giving such Quotations as appeared absolutely necessary to insert and then to mention the Authors particularly. I think I have not perverted the Meaning, or forced the Sense, of any Author made Use of, to serve my Purpose.
To shew the Probability of a Passage, have traced the Opinions relating to it from the Time such Opinions were first received; and also determined where it was always supposed to be or in what Part such Passage was: Have considered the various Evidence that there is relating to such Passage; and proposed what appears to be the properest Method at present for prosecuting the Discovery.
There are three Maps, all of which appeared necessary for the better understanding this Account. The one contains Part of _Asia_ and the _Russian_ Discoveries on the Coast of _America_; the Expedition of _de Fonte_, and clears up that seeming Inconsistency of the _Tartarian_ and _Southern Ocean_ being contiguous in that Part of _America_, from the Authority of the _Japanese_ Map of _Kempfer_, which must be of some Repute, as it is so agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries: If true in that Part, there is no Reason to suppose but it is in like Manner true as to the other Part which is introduced into this Map. This Map exhibits the Streight that _de Fuca_ went up, the Communication which there may be supposed agreeable to the Lights which the Accounts afford us between the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay with that Bay, or with the _North Sea_ by _Hudson_'s Streights, or through _Cumberland_ Isles. There is also added a second Map, to shew what Expectations may be had of a Passage from _Hudson_'s Bay, according to the Discoveries made in the Year 1747. The third Map is an exact Copy from that published in the _Monarquia Indiana de Torquemada_, in which the Sea Coast of _America_ is exhibited in a different Manner from what it usually was in the Maps of that Time, compleated by the Cosmographers of _Philip_ the Third. The Work itself is in few Hands, and the Map, as far as appears, hath been only published in that Book, is now again published, as it illustrates this Work, and may be otherwise agreeable to the Curious; having a Desire not to omit any Thing which would render the Work compleat, or that would be acceptable to the Publick.
I have used uncommon Pains to be informed as to what could be any way serviceable to render this Work more compleat; and must make this publick Acknowledgement, as to the Gentlemen of the _British Museum_, who, with great Politeness and Affability, gave me all the Assistances in their Power to find if the Copy from which the Translation was made was in their Possession, which after an accurate Search for some Weeks it did not appear to be, and also their Assistance as to any other Matters which I Supposed would be of Service. I cannot pass by Mr. _Jefferys_'s Care and Exactness in executing the Maps, whose Care and Fidelity to the Publick not to impose any Thing that is spurious, but what he hath an apparent and real Authority for, is perhaps not sufficiently known.
The Voyage, an Extract from which is added by Way of Appendix, was made from _Philadelphia_, in a Schooner of about sixty Tons, and fifteen Persons aboard, fitted out on a Subscription of the Merchants of _Maryland_, _Pennsylvania_, _New York_, and _Boston_, on a generous Plan, agreeable to Proposals made them, with no View of any Monopoly which they opposed, not to interfere with the _Hudson_'s Bay Trade, or to carry on a clandestine Trade with the Natives of _Greenland_, but to discover a North-west Passage, and explore the _Labrador_ Coast, at that Time supposed to be locked up under a pretended Right, and not frequented by the Subjects of _England_, but a successful Trade carried on by the _French_; to open a Trade there, to improve the Fishery and the Whaling on these Coasts, cultivate a Friendship with the Natives, and make them serviceable in a political Way: Which Design of theirs of a publick Nature, open and generous, was in a great Measure defeated by private Persons interfering, whose Views were more contracted.
They did not succeed the first Year as to their Attempt in discovering a North-west Passage, as it was a great Year for Ice; that it would be late in the Year before the Western Part of _Hudson_'s Bay could be attained to, and then impossible to explore the _Labrador_ that Year, therefore the first Part of the Design was dropped, and the _Labrador_ was explored. The next Year a second Attempt was made as to a Passage; but three of the People who went beyond the Place appointed by their Orders, and inadvertently to look for a Mine, Samples of which had been carried home the Year before, and this at the Instigation of a private Person before they set out from home, without the Privity of the Commander, were killed by the _Eskemaux_, and the Boat taken from them. After which Accident, with some disagreeable Circumstances consequent thereon amongst the Schooner's Company, and after an Experiment made of their Disinclination to proceed on any further Discovery, it was thought most prudent to return. This short Account is given by the Person who commanded in this Affair, to prevent any Misrepresentation hereafter of what was done on these Voyages.
CONTENTS.
Page
Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ as published in _April_ 1708 1
---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- _June_ 6
OBSERVATIONS _on the Title affixed_, &c. 11
The Reason of this Work.
The Translation made from a Copy of the Letter. Title and the
Copy of the Letter wrote in the _Spanish_ Language.
Copiest assured there was such an Expedition as this of Admiral
_de Fonte_ 12
An Account of this Expedition not published in _Spain_.
The Consequence of such Expedition not being published 14
The Knowledge or Certainty of this Expedition from Journals only 15
Mons. _de Lisle_ his Account of a Journal.
This Account by Mons. _de Lisle_ defended 17
This Translation of _de Fonte_'s Letter how considered when
first published.
Don _Francisco Seyxas y Lovera_ his Account of a Voyage of
_Thomas Peche_ 18
Observations on that Account 19
The Tradition of there being a Passage between the _Atlantic_
and _Southern Ocean_ credible 20
Accounts received from various Persons relating thereto not to be
discredited.
_Indians_, their Account of the Situation of such Streight
how to be considered 21
The Reasons why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to
the original Letter of _de Fonte_ 22
Evidence relating to this Account of _de Fonte_, which Distance
of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains 24
No authenticated Account of the Equipment of the Fleet to be
expected from _New Spain_ 25
This Account of _de Fonte_ authentick, and no Forgery.
The Editors published this Account as authentick 26
The Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some
_Englishman_ obviated 27
The Design in publishing this Translation.
The Purpose of _de Fonte_'s writing this Letter not understood
by the Editors 28
The Editors unjustly reproached with a Want of Integrity.
The Censures as to the Inauthenticity of this Account of _de Fonte_
not founded on Facts.
Invalidity of the Objection that no Original hath been produced.
The Suspicion of the Account being a Deceit or Forgery from
whence.
The original Letter was in the _Spanish_ Language 29
Observations as to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_ 30
_De Fonte_ was a Man of Family 31
The _Spanish_ Marine not in so low a Condition as they were
under a Necessity to apply to _Portugal_ for Sea Officers to
supply the principal Posts.
What is to be understood of _de Fonte_ being President of
_Chili_ 31
REMARKS _on the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte.
The Advice of the Attempt from _Boston_, in what Manner transmitted
from _Old Spain_ to the Viceroys.
The Appellation of industrious Navigators conformable to the
Characters of the Persons concerned.
The Court of _Spain_ knew that the Attempt was to be by _Hudson_'s
Bay.
This Attempt particularly commanded the Attention of the Court
of _Spain_ 34
As to the Computation by the Years of the Reign of King _Charles_.
The Times mentioned in the Letter do not refer to the Times the
Voyage was set out on.
There was sufficient Time to equip the four Ships 35
How the Design of this Attempt might come to the Knowledge of
the Court of _Spain_.
Reasons why both Viceroys should be informed 36
_De Fonte_ received his Orders from _Old Spain_.
Wrote his Letter to the Court of _Spain_.
_De Fonte_ and the Viceroys did not receive their Orders from the
same Persons 37
What is the Purpose of the introductory Part of this Letter.
The Names of the Ships agreeable to the _Spanish_ Manner.
_From_ Callao _to_ St. Helena.
Observations as to the Computation of Course and Distance in the
Voyage of _de Fonte_ 38
From whence _de Fonte_ takes his Departure.
As to the Distance between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St. Helena_, no
Fault in the Impression.
An Account of the Latitude and Longitude made Use of, which
agrees with _de Fonte_'s Voyage.
Remarks as to the Expression, anchored in the Port of
_St. Helena_ within the Cape 39
An Interpolation of what is not in the original Letter.
Observations as to the taking the Betumen aboard.
An Error as to Latitude corrected 40
An Error as to the Course corrected.
_From_ St. Helena _to the River_ St. Jago.
Observations as to _de Fonte_ taking fresh Provision aboard at
the River _St. Jago_ 41
A Comment or spurious Interpolation.
The Course _de Fonte_ sailed from the River _St. Jago_.
_From_ St. Jago _to_ Realejo.
A Proof that Glosses and Comments have been added to the original
Text 42
The Latitude not mentioned in the original Letter of _de Fonte_.
The Times that _de Fonte_ is sailing between the respective Ports
from the _Callao_ to _Realejo_ no Objection to the Authenticity
of this Account.
Boats provided for _de Fonte_ before he arrived at _Realejo_ 43
_From_ Realejo _to the Port of_ Salagua.
Observations as to the Islands of _Chiametla_.
---- ---- ---- Port of _Salagua_.
---- ---- ---- Master and Mariners 44
An Interpolation or Comment added.
The Translator not exact as to his Translation.
Remark as to the Information _de Fonte_ received as to the Tide
at the Head of the Bay of _California_ 45
_Pennelossa_ appointed to discover whether _California_ was
an Island.
The Account given of _Pennelossa_, as to his Descent, not in
the original Letter.
_From the Port of_ Salagua _to the_ Archipelagus _of_ St. Lazarus
_and_ Rio Los Reyes.
_De Fonte_ leaves _Pennelossa_ within the Shoals of _Chiametla_ 46
Course corrected.
Remark as to Cape _Abel_.
---- as to the Weather and the Time he was running eight Hundred
and sixty Leagues 47
A Neglect as to inserting a Course.
Computation of Longitude altered 48
The Course _de Fonte_ steered, he accounts as to the Land being
in a Latitude and Longitude agreeable to the late _Russian_
Discoveries. Acts with great Judgment as a Seaman.
The Agreement of the Table of Latitude and Longitude with the
_Russian_ Discoveries. And the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_
not laid down on a vague Calculation 49
Former Authorities for it.
So named by the _Spaniards_.
A superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_ and of _de Fuca_.
The _Archipelago_ of _St. Lazarus_, properly so named by
_de Fonte_.
A North-east Part of the _South Sea_ that _de Fonte_ passed up 50
His Instructions were to fall in with the Islands which formed
the _Archipelago_, and not the main Land.
_Rio los Reyes_, in what Longitude.
A further Proof that his Course was to the Eastward 51
_Proceedings of Admiral_ de Fonte _after his Arrival at_ Rio
de los Reyes.
The Translation very inaccurate in this Part.
The Date of the 22d of _June_ an Error.
_De Fonte_ dispatches one of his Captains to _Bernarda_ with
Orders.
Jesuits had been in those Parts, from whose Accounts the
Instructions were formed 52
Remarks as to the Orders sent _Bernarda_.
De Fonte _sails up_ Rio de los Reyes.
_De Fonte_ sets out on his Part of the Expedition 53
Was at the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ the 14th of _June_.
Observed the Tides in _Los Reyes_ and _Haro_.
Precaution to be used in going up the River.
An additional Note as to the Jesuits.
Observations as to the Jesuits.
Knew not of a Streight 54
Could not publish their Mission without Leave.
De Fonte _arrives at_ Conosset.
Receives a Letter from _Bernarda_ dated 27th of _June_ 55
The 22d of _June_ was not the Time _Bernarda_ received his Dispatches.
The Letter is an Answer to the Dispatches he received from _de Fonte_.
Remarks on the Letter.
Alters the Course directed by _de Fonte_.
Assures _de Fonte_ he will do what was possible, and is under
no Apprehension as to a Want of Provisions 56
The Name of _Haro_, and of the Lake _Velasco_, a particular
Compliment.
This Letter of _de Fonte_ wrote in _Spanish_.
_Description of_ Rio de los Reyes _and Lake_ Belle.
_De Fonte_ not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_ 57
Very particular in his Account.
Shews how far the Tides came to from Westward.
De Fonte _leaves his Ships before the Town of_ Conosset.
The Time _de Fonte_ had staid at _Conosset_ 58
Was before acquainted with the Practicability of _Bernarda_ sending
a Letter.
How the Letter from _Bernarda_ was sent.
_De Fonte_ waited to receive the Letter before he proceeded.
_Parmentiers_, whom he was.
_Frenchmen_ were admitted into _Peru_.
Reasons for the Jesuits coming into these Parts without passing
the intermediate Country 59
_Parmentiers_ had been before in these Parts.
His Motive for going into those Parts, and surveying the River
_Parmentiers_ 60
The People Captain _Tchinkow_ met with, no Objection to the
Character of the _Indians_ in these Parts.
_Parmentiers_ not a general Interpreter 61
Voyages had been made to these Parts.
An Omission in the Translator.
_A Description of the River_ Parmentiers, _Lake_ de Fonte,
_and the adjacent Country._
The Form of the Letter again observed by the Translator 62
Lake _de Fonte_, so named in Compliment to the Family he was of.
Lake _de Fonte_ a Salt Water Lake.
A Comparison of the Country with other Parts.
Why _de Fonte_ stopped at the Island South of the Lake 63
De Fonte _sails out of the East North-east End of the Lake_
de Fonte, _and passes the Streight of_ Ronquillo.
An additional Comment.
_De Fonte_'s Observation as to the Country altering for the worse.
A purposed Silence as to the Part come into after passing the Streight
of _Ronquillo_.
De Fonte _arrives at the_ Indian _Town, and receives an Account
of the Ship._
A further Instance of _Parmentiers_ having been in these Parts 64
_De Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry.
_The Proceedings of_ de Fonte _after meeting with the Ship._
The Reason of the Ship's Company retiring to the Woods 65
_De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_.
_Shapley_, the Navigator of the Ship, first waits on the Admiral.
Particulars as to _Shapley_.
A Disappointment of the Intelligence the Author hoped to attain 66
A Tradition amongst the antient People of there having been such
a Voyage.
_Major Gibbons_, an Account of him 67
_Seimar Gibbons_, a Mistake of the Translator 68
_Massachusets_, the largest Colony in _New England_ at that Time.
The Ship fitted out from _Boston_.
Remarks on _de Fonte_'s Address to _Major Gibbons_, and Conduct
on this Occasion.
_De Fonte_ only mentions what is immediately necessary for the
Court to know 70
The _Boston_ Ship returned before _de Fonte_ left those Parts.
A remarkable Anecdote from the Ecclesiastical History of _New
England_.
The Circumstances of which Account agree with this Voyage 72
A further Tradition as to _Major Gibbons_.
That the Persons met by _Groseliers_ were not _Major Gibbons_
and his Company.
De Fonte _returns to_ Conosset.
The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ from _Rio de los Reyes_
to the Sea to the Eastward of _Ronquillo_ 73
The prudent Conduct observed in the Absence of the Admiral 74
De Fonte _receives a Letter from_ Bernarda.
The Latitude and Longitude of _Conibasset_, &c. 75
Observations as to the Messenger who carried the first Letter from
_Bernarda_.
Observations as to the Messenger with the second Letter 76
The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ that _Bernarda_ went.
The Probability of sending a Seaman over Land to _Baffin_'s Bay.
Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman 77
_Bernarda_ going up the _Tartarian Sea_ is agreeable to the
_Japanese_ Map.
A Parallel drawn between _Conosset_ and Port _Nelson_.
The physical Obstacles considered 78
_Bernarda_'s Observations as to the Parts he had been in.
Whether the Parts about _Baffin_'s Bay were inhabited 79
An Objection as to the Affability of the Inhabitants further
considered.
As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses.
_Bernarda_ directed by the Jesuits as to the Harbour where he meets
_de Fonte_.
_De Fonte_ sent a Chart with his Letter 80
_Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, his Observation as to the
Account of _de Fonte_'s Voyage, _&c._
The Design with which his Work was published.
Arguments for putting into immediate Execution what he
recommends 81
_Don Cortez_ informs the King of _Spain_ that there is a Streight
on the Coast of the _Baccaloos_.
Attempts made by _Cortez_ 82
What is comprehended under the Name of _Florida_.
King of _Portugal_ sends _Gasper Corterealis_ on Discovery.
The Name _Labrador_, what it means.
_Promonterum Cortereale_, what Part so named.
_Hudson_'s Streights named the River of _Three Brothers_ or _Anian_.
When the finding a Streight to Northward became a Matter of
particular Attention of the _Spaniards_ 83
Undertaken by the Emperor.
By _Philip_ the Second.
By _Philip_ the Third, and the Reasons 84
The Opinions of _Geographers_ as to the North Part of _America_.
How the Maps were constructed at that Time 85
Unacquainted with what _Cortez_ knew of the Streight 86
Instanced by the Voyage of _Alarcon_ that the Land was thought to
extend farther to Northward than afterwards supposed by the
Voyage of _Juan Roderique de Cabrillo_ 87
_Vizcaino_, his Voyage, and the Discovery of _Aguilar_.
_Spaniards_ never meant by the Streights of _Anian_,
_Beerings_ Streight 88
Remarks on the Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records.
Uncertainty of attaining any Evidence from such Records.
Father _Kimo_'s Map of _California_ altered by Geographers 90
The Objection of _Venegas_ as to the Authenticity of
_de Fonte_'s Account considered 91
Misrepresents the Title of the Letter 92
Doth not deny but that there was such a Person as _de Fonte_.
The _Jesuits_ and _Parmentiers_ having been before in these
Parts not improbable 93
Master and Mariners mentioned by _de Fonte_, a probable Account.
Whence the Tide came at the Head of the Gulph of _California_ 94
_De Fonte_ retires, Command taken by Admiral _Cassanate_.
_Seyxas y Lovera_, the Authority of his Account defended 95
_Venegas_ omits some Accounts for Want of necessary Authenticity.
Most of the Discoveries are reported to be made by Ships from
the _Moluccas_ 96
What Ships from the _Moluccas_ or _Philippines_ were forced to do
in case of bad Weather.
The Probability of a Discovery made by a Ship from the _Philippines_
or _Moluccas_.
The People of the _Philippine_ Islands those who most talked of a
Passage.
_Salvatierra_, his Account of a North-west Passage discovered 97
This Account gained Credit 98
Was the Foundation of _Frobisher_'s Expedition.
_Thomas Cowles_, his Account defended 99
_Juan de Fuca_, his Account 100
Remarks on that Account 101
Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order correspond in Time
with the Attempts for Discovery from _England_ 103
The Discovery of the Coast of _California_ for a Harbour for the
_Aquapulco_ Ship not the Sole Design 104
Reasons that induced _Aguilar_ to think the Opening where he was
was the Streight of _Anian_ 105
Observation on the preceding Accounts.
Have no certain Account of what Expeditions were in those Parts 106
An exact Survey of those Coasts not known to have been made
until the Year 1745.
The Streight of _Anian_ at present acknowledged 107
The first Discoverers gave faithful Accounts.
Reasons for _de Fonte_'s Account being true 108
Accounts of Voyages not being to be obtained no just Objection
to their Authenticity.
As to the Inference in _de Fonte_'s Letter of there being no
North-west Passage 109
The Proximity of the _Western Ocean_ supposed by all
Discoverers 111
Observations on the Northern Parts of _America_ being intermixed
with Waters.
The Objection as to the Distance between the _Ocean_ and the
_Sea_ at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay 112
Reasons why a Passage hath not been discovered.
A great Channel to Westward by which the Ice and Land Waters
are vented.
Accounts of _de Fonte_, _de Fuca_, and _Chacke_, agree 113
_Indians_ mentioned by _de Fonte_ and those by _de Fuca_ not
the same.
Why _de Fonte_ did not pass up the North-east Part of the
_South Sea_ 114
The Persons who were in those Parts got no Information of a
Streight 115
The Representation of the _Jesuits_ the Foundation of _de Fonte_'s
Instructions.
The Court of _Spain_ not of the same Opinion with _de Fonte_
or the Jesuits on his Return 116
There is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay 117
_Joseph le France_, his Account considered 118
Agrees with the Account of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_ 119
Improbability of the _Tete Plat_ inhabiting near the Ocean 120
Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made the Passage, uncertain.
Whether through _Hudson_'s Bay 122
Observations as to _Chesterfield_'s Inlet.
As to _Pistol_ Bay and _Cumberland_ Isles 123
A Quotation from _Seyxas y Lovera_.
Observations thereon 124
Observations as to its having been the constant Opinion that
there was a North-west Passage 125
The great Degree of Credibility there is from the Circumstances
of _de Fonte_'s Voyage.
What Foundation those who argue against a North-west Passage
have for their Argument 126
Where the Passage is supposed, and an Explanation of the Map 127
Remarks as to Expeditions to be made purposely for the Discovery.
The Inconveniencies which attended on former Expeditions.
Prevented for the future by a Discovery of the Coast of _Labrador_.
The advantageous Consequences of that Attempt 128
Method to be pursued in making the Discovery.
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The great probability of a North West PassageChapter I: Front Matter
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