Chapter II: Appendix: Fall in with the Coast of Labrador 131 (1)

Stand more to Southward.

Tokens of the Land 132

Meet with the _Eskemaux_.

Enter a Harbour 133

The Country described.

People sent to the Head of the Harbour report they had seen a
House 134

A more particular Account.

The Report of Persons sent to survey the Country.

Proceed on a further Discovery 136

Enter up an Inlet.

Prevented proceeding in the Schooner by Falls 137

Proceed in a Boat, meet with Falls.

Description of the Country.

Sail out of the Inlet and go to Northward 139

See Smokes and go in Pursuit of the Natives 140

Proceed up a third Inlet.

See Smokes again.

Enter a fourth Inlet.

Meet with a _Snow_ from _England_ 143

The Captain of the _Snow_, his Account and other Particulars.

Observations as to the _Eskemaux_ 145

_Snow_ had joined Company with a _Sloop_ from _Rhode Island_.

An Account of where the _Eskemaux_ trade 147

_Eskemaux_ come along-side 147

_Schooner_ leaves the _Snow_.

_Eskemaux_ come aboard the Schooner 148

Mate of _Snow_ comes aboard the _Schooner_, and his Account 150

Why mentioned 151

The Trade in these Parts could only be established by the
Regulations of the _Government_.

_Eskemaux_ coming to trade with the Schooner intercepted.

The Inlet searched 152

Pass into three other Inlets.

An Account of them and the Country.

Reasons for leaving off the Discovery 153

_Fishing Bank_ sought for and discovered.

An Island of Ice of a surprising Magnitude and Depth.

MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: April 1708.]

_A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili; _giving an Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries, to find out if there was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian Sea._

The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having advice from the Court of _Spain_, that the several Attempts of the _English_, both in the Reigns of Queen _Elizabeth_, King _James_, and of Capt. _Hudson_ and Capt. _James_, in the 2d, 3d and 4th Years of King _Charles_, was in the 14th Year of the said King _Charles_, A. D. 1639, undertaken from some Industrious Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_, upon which I Admiral _de Fonte_ received Orders from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to Equip four Ships of Force, and being ready we put to Sea the 3d of _April_ 1640, from the Calo of _Lima_, I Admiral _Bartholomew de Fonte_ in the Ship _St Spiritus_, the Vice-Admiral _Don Diego Pennelossa_, in the Ship _St Lucia_, _Pedro de Bonardæ_, in the Ship _Rosaria_, _Philip de Ronquillo_ in the _King Philip_. The 7th of _April_ at 5 in the Afternoon, we had the length of _St Helen_, two hundred Leagues on the _North_ side of the Bay of _Guajaquil_, in 2 Degrees of _South_ Lat. and anchored in the Port _St Helena_, within the Cape, where each Ship's Company took in a quantity of _Betumen_, called vulgarly _Tar_, of a dark colour with a cast of Green, an excellent Remedy against the Scurvy and Dropsie, and is used as Tar for Shipping, but we took it in for Medicine; it Boils out of the Earth, and is there plenty. The _10th_ we pass'd the Equinoctial by Cape _del Passao_, the _11th_ Cape _St Francisco_, in one Degree and seven Minutes of Latitude North from the Equator, and anchor'd in the Mouth of the [1]River _St Jago_, where with a Sea-Net we catch'd abundance of good Fish; and several of each Ship's Company went ashoar, and kill'd some Goats and Swine, which are there wild and in plenty; and others bought of some Natives, 20 dozen of _Turkey_ Cocks and Hens, Ducks, and much excellent Fruit, at a Village two _Spanish_ Leagues, six Mile and a half, up the River _St Jago_, on the Larboard side or the Left hand. The River is Navigable for small Vessels from the Sea, about 14 _Spanish_ Leagues _South East_, about half way to the fair City of _Quita_, in 22 Minutes of _South_ Latitude, a City that is very Rich. The _16th_ of _April_ we sailed from the River _St Jago_ to the Port and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, in about 11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St Miguel_ on the Larboard side, and Point _Cazamina_ on the Starboard side. The Port of _Raleo_ is a safe Port, is covered from the Sea by the Islands _Ampallo_ and _Mangreza_, both well inhabited with Native _Indians_, and 3 other small Islands. [2]_Raleo_ is but 4 Miles over Land from the head of the Lake _Nigaragua_, that falls into the North Sea in 12 Degrees of North Latitude, near the Corn or Pearl Islands. Here at the Town of _Raleo_, where is abundance of excellent close grain'd Timber, a reddish Cedar, and all Materials for building Shipping; we bought 4 long well sail'd Shallops, built express for sailing and riding at Anchor and rowing, about 12 Tuns each, of 32 foot Keel. The _26th_, we sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_, within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, and the Port is often call'd by the _Spaniards_ after that Name; in 17 Degrees 31 Minutes of North Latitude, 480 Leagues North West and by West, a little Westerly from _Raleo_. From the Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at _Saragua_, and from _Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to Trade with the Natives on the East side of _California_ for Pearl; the Natives catch'd on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos St Juan_, in 24 Degrees of North Latitude 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape St _Lucas_, the South East point of _California_. The Master Admiral _de Fonte_ had hir'd, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral, that 200 Leagues North from Cape St _Lucas_, a Flood from the North, met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and _Don Diego Pennelossa_ (Sisters Son of [3]_Don Lewis de Haro_) a young Nobleman of great Knowledge and Address in Cosmography and Navigation, and undertook to discover whether _California_ was an Island or not; for before it was not known whether it was an Island or a _Peninsula_; with his Ship and the 4 Shallops they brought at _Raleo_, and the Master and Mariners they hir'd at _Salagua_, but Admiral _de Fonte_ with the other 3 Ships sailed from them within the Islands _Chamily_ the _10th_ of _May_ 1640. and having the length of Cape _Abel_, on the W. S. W. side of _California_ in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Isles _Chamily_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E. a steady Gale, that from the _26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_, he had sail'd to the River _los Reyes_ in 53 Degrees of N. Latitude, not having occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N. W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_ to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to _Rio los Reyes_, all the time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260 Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the [4]_Archipelagus de St Lazarus_; where his Ships Boats sail'd a mile a head, sounding to see what Water, Rocks and Sands there was. The 22d of _June_, Admiral _Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream and deep Water, went first N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants, a Friendly honest People in this Lake; he named Lake _Valasco_, where Captain _Barnarda_ left his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very large white Pearch, some of two foot long; and with 3 large _Indian_ Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two large Trees 50 and 60 foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his Ships in the Lake _Valasco_, one hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatch'd Captain _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and East part of the _Tartarian_ Sea, the Admiral sail'd up a very Navigable River, which he named _Rio los Reyes_, that run nearest North East, but on several Points of the Compass 60 Leagues at low Water, in a fair Navigable Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flow'd in both Rivers near the same Water, in the River _los Reyes_, 24 foot Full and Change of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flow'd in the River _de Haro_ 22 foot and a half Full and Change. They had two [5]Jesuits with them that had been on their Mission to the 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and had made curious Observations. The Admiral _de Fonte_ received a Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the Island _Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it went down a River from the Lake, 3 falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the _Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Degrees, with the Pater Jesuits and 36 Natives in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the Land trended away North East; that they should want no Provisions, the Country abounding with Venison of 3 sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oyl and Brandy they carry'd with them) that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town called _Conosset_, on the South-side the Lake _Belle_, where the two Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place. The Admiral with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_, an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Catract, and 4 or 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 generally in the Lake _Belle_, there is a little fall of Water till half Flood, and an Hour and quarter before high Water the Flood begins to set gently into the Lake _Belle_; the River is fresh at 20 Leagues distance from the Mouth, or Entrance of the River _los Reyes_. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon, Salmon-Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other sorts of Fish peculiar to that River, admirable good, and Lake _Belle_; also abounds with all those sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_ says, the Mullets catch'd in _Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any part of the World.

The rest shall be incerted in our next.

[1] _Eighty Leagues N. N. W. and 25 Leagues E. and by S._

[2] _The great Ships that are built in_ New Spain _are built in_ Raleo.

[3] Don Lewis de Haro _was great Minister of_ Spain.

[4] _So named by_ de Fonte, _he being the first that made that Discovery._

[5] _One of those that went with Capt._ Barnarda _on his Discovery._

MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: June 1708.]

_The Remainder of Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte'_s Letter; giving an Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries to find out if there was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian Sea; which for want of Room we could not possibly avoid postponing._

[Sidenote: _See the Memoirs for April 1708, and you'll find the beginning of this Curious Discovery._]

We concluded with giving an Account of a Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. on his Discovery in the Lake _Valasco_. The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port cover'd by a fine Island, before the Town _Conosset_ from thence to a River I named _Parmentiers_, in honour of my Industrious Judicious Comrade, Mr _Parmentiers_, who had most exactly mark'd every thing in and about that River; we pass'd 8 Falls, in all 32 foot, perpendicular from its Sourse out of _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake _de Fonte_, at which place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake is 160 Leagues long and 60 broad, the length is E. N. E. and W. S. W. to 20 or 30, in some places 60 Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed, there are several very large Islands and 10 small ones; they are covered with shrubby Woods, the Moss grows 6 or 7 foot long, with which the Moose, a very large sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer, as Fallow, _&c._ There are abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries, Hurtleberries, and wild Currants, and also of wild Fowl Heath Cocks and Hens, likewise Partridges and Turkeys, and Sea Fowl in great plenty on the South side: The Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and Fur-Trees, very large and tall.

The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the E. N. E. end of the Lake _de Fonte_, and pass'd a Lake I named _Estricho de Ronquillo_, 34 Leagues long, 2 or 3 Leagues broad, 20, 26, and 28 Fathom of Water; we pass'd this strait in 10 hours, having a stout Gale of Wind and whole Ebb. As we sailed more Easterly, the Country grew very sensibly worse, as it is in the North and South parts of _America_, from 36 to the extream Parts North or South, the West differs not only in Fertility but in Temperature of Air, at least 10 Degrees, and it is warmer on the West side than on the East, as the best _Spanish_ Discoverers found it, whose business it was in the time of the Emperor _Charles_ the V. to _Philip_ the III. as is noted by _Aloares_ and a _Costa_ and _Mariana_, &c.

The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our Interpreter Mr _Parmentiers_, that a little way from us lay a great Ship where there had never been one before; we sailed to them, and found only one Man advanced in years, and a Youth; the Man was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks I had ever met with; my second Mate was an _English_ Man, an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at _Campechy_, as well as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of _New England_, from a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole Ships Company came on board the 30th, and the Navigator of the Ship, Capt. _Shapley_, told me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largest Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_; so I received him like a Gentleman, and told him, my Commission was to make Prize of any People seeking a North West or West Passage into the South Sea but I would look upon them as Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters, and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which cost me 1200 Pieces of Eight, (which the modest Gentleman received with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator, Capt. _Shapley_ for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship, _Seimor Gibbons_ a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine, and the 10 Seamen each 20 Pieces of Eight, the 6th of _August_, with as much Wind as we could fly before, and a Currant, we arrived at the first Fall of the River _Parmentiers_, the 11th of _August_, 86 Leagues, and was on the South side of the Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all things well; and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had in our absence treated our People with great humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answer'd their Civility and Justice.

The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_ on the Lake _Belle_, from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 11th of _August_, where he sent me word he was returned from his Cold Expedition, and did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Strait; for the Natives had conducted one of his Seamen to the head of _Davis_ Strait, which terminated in a fresh Lake of about 30 Mile in circumference, in the 80th Degree of North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it, besides the North West from that Lake, the Ice was so fix'd, that from the Shore to 100 Fathom Water, for ought he knew from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near the North and South Poles; he writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and then the Land trended North, and the Ice rested on the Land. I received afterwards a second Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated from _Minhanset_, informing me, that he made the Port of _Arena_, 20 Leagues up the River _los Reyes_ on the 29th of _August_, where he waited my Commands. I having store of good Salt Provisions, of Venison and Fish, that Capt. _de Ronquillo_ had salted (by my order) in my absence, and 100 Hogsheads of _Indian_ Wheat or Mais, sailed the 2d of _September_ 1640. accompanied with many of the honest Natives of _Conosset_, and the 5th of _September_ in the Morning about 8, was at an Anchor betwixt _Arena_ and _Mynhanset_, in the River _los Reyes_, sailing down that River to the North East part of the South Sea; after that returned home, having found that there was no Passage into the South Sea by that they call the North West Passage. The Chart will make this much more demonstrable.

_Tho the Style of the foregoing Piece is not altogether so Polite, (being writ like a Man, whose livelihood depended on another way) but with abundance of Experience and a Traveller, yet there are so many Curious, and hitherto unknown Discoveries, that it was thought worthy a place in these_ Memoirs; _and 'tis humbly presum'd it will not be unacceptable to those who have either been in those Parts, or will give themselves the trouble of reviewing the Chart._

OBSERVATIONS

ON

_The Title affixed, and on other Circumstances relating to the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte, _shewing the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account therein contained._

Observations have been made by several Geographers of different Nations on the Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_, to shew that such Letter is not deserving of Credit, is to be thought of as a mere Fiction or Romance, and is a Forgery composed by some Person to serve a particular Purpose. But it will appear, as we proceed in a more particular Consideration of the Title and Circumstances relative to the Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ than hath been hitherto used, and from the following Remarks on the Subject of such Letter[6], That those Observations made by the Geographers have many of them no just Foundation, the rest afford not a sufficient Evidence to invalidate the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account it contains.

[6] Memoires et Observations Geographiques et Critiques sur la Situation de Pays Septientrionaux, &c. a Lausanne, 1765.--Pa. 115, &c.

It is only from a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ that the Translation hath been made, which is now published, as is plain from a Title being affixed, _A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili. As _Prince_ is never used in this Sense with us, it is apparently a literal Translation of the _Spanish_ Word _Principe_, consequently this Title was wrote in the _Spanish_ Language, and we cannot otherwise conclude but in the same Language with the Letter. From this and other Defects of the like Sort, which will be noticed as we proceed in our Observations, the Translator must be acquitted from all Suspicion of being any way concerned in this pretended Forgery.

By the Copiest affixing this Title, it is evident he was well assured that there had been such an Expedition.

The Anecdotes, as to the Vice-admiral _Pennelossa_, in the Body of the Letter, what is therein mentioned as to the Jesuits, evidence that a minute and particular Inquiry was made by the Copiest; that he had thoroughly informed himself of every Particular of this Affair; that he was assured that the Account by him copied contained the most material Transactions in a Journal of _de Fonte_'s, and that _de Fonte_ was then, probably from his advanced Age, in the Service of the Government in another Station.

This Expedition not being solely to intercept the Navigators from _Boston_, but also to discover whether there was a Passage in those Parts thro' which the _English_ expected to make a Passage, _viz._ by the back Part of _Virginia_, by _Hudson_'s or by _Baffin_'s Bay; it was an Undertaking which required that the Person who had the conducting of it should not only be a Man of good Understanding, but a judicious and experienced Seaman. The Time required to attain such Qualifications implies, that _de Fonte_ must have been of a mature Age when he went on this Command; and _de Fonte_ being alive at the Time that the Copy was taken, it must have been taken within twenty Years, or in a less Time after such Expedition, as the Copiest speaks of _Pennelossa_ as a young Nobleman. The Copiest therefore could not be imposed on, as his Inquiries were made in such a Time, either with respect to the Persons concerned, or with respect to the Letter not being a genuine Account of the Voyage.

A Person might be so circumstanced as to attain the Favour of copying such Letter, induced by some private Motive, without an Intention of making it publick, as Publications were not at that Time so frequent as of late Days; neither is it less probable that a Copy so taken may, in Process of Time, come into other Hands and then be published.

Mr. _Gage_ observes, in his Dedication to Lord _Fairfax_, 'The Reason of his publishing a New Survey of the _West Indies_ to be, because that nothing had been written of these Parts for these hundred Years last past, which is almost ever since from the first Conquest thereof by the _Spaniards_, who are contented to lose the Honour of that Wealth and Felicity, which they have since purchased by their great Endeavours, so that they may enjoy the Safety of retaining what they have formerly gotten in Peace and Security.' And though _de Fonte_ declares that there was no North-west Passage, yet that there should be no Publication of the Account of the Voyage is consistent with this established Maxim.

The North-west Passage he mentions is not to be understood, in an unlimited Sense, for a Passage between the _Atlantick_ and Western Ocean to the Northward, but the Meaning is confined to that Passage expected by _Hudson_'s Bay: For _de Fonte_ says, that he was to make a Prize of _any seeking a North-west or West Passage_[7]; by the latter he meant where _Pennelossa_ was sent to search; and _Bernarda_ says, there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; and there was an Extent of Coast which _de Fonte_ only ran along, and had, but at Times, a distant View of; and as to the Jesuits, by whatever Means they got into those Parts, it is evident they had not seen all the intermediate Country. Therefore tho' the Court of _Spain_ was satisfied that the Passage was not where _de Fonte_ had searched; yet there might be a Passage where he had not searched, and publishing this Account of the Voyage would be an Assistance to the Adventurers, as it would confine them in their Searches to those other Parts which were cursorily passed by _de Fonte_, and where perhaps they might succeed: Or this Account particularly describing the Northern and Western Part of _America_, not hitherto known, would be of great Service to Rovers, who had already found their Way into those Seas, by directing them to the Coast and Harbours, and giving them an Account of a Country where they could retire to with tolerable Security from any Interruption from the _Spaniards_, a good Climate, hospitable People, and a Plenty of Provisions to be had; Circumstances which might enable them to continue their cruizing in those Seas much longer than without such Lights as they would receive from this Account they would be enabled to do.

[7] Vide Letter.

It is well known that the _Spaniards_ claimed all to the Northward as their Dominion, which they intended in due Time to acquire the Possession of, and the Publication might give an Insight to the _English_; Settlers in _America_ to be beforehand with them in attaining a Settlement in those Parts.

Their Attempt to intercept the _English_ Subjects, when made Publick to the World, would have given Umbrage to the Court and People of _England_, which the _Spaniards_ would not unnecessarily, and especially at a Time when they had their Hands full of a War with the _French_, who had also incited the _Catalonians_ to rebel, and had joined them with their Troops. The _Spaniards_ were, at the same Time, endeavouring to recover the Dominions of _Portugal_. And _de Fonte_ had respect to the critical Situation their Affairs were in, even before he set out on his Voyage, hence his political Behaviour when he met with the Navigators from _Boston_, committed no Act of Hostility, yet made Use of the most effective Means to prevent their proceeding further.

As no Publication was permitted of this Expedition, this therefore could come but to the Knowledge only of a very few Persons in _Old Spain_. Such a singular Transaction being soon, from their Attention to other Matters, and their Ministry soon after entirely changed, no more talked of, unless it should have been revived by something of the like Nature again happening on the Part of the _English_. As no Attempt was made by the _English_ for almost a Century, this Transaction, in that Time, fell into Oblivion. At the Time such Attempt was renewed, then the _Spaniards_ were better acquainted with the Purpose of our settling in _America_, they had altered their Designs of extending their own Possessions, there was also another Power who might pretend that such Passage, if made, was Part in their Dominion, so obstruct our free proceeding and interrupt our settling; the _Spaniards_ therefore having no immediate Occasion for any Researches back to the Records to acquaint themselves as to the Practicability or Impracticability of our Attempts, or to take Directions for their own Proceedings, the Remembrance of this Expedition continued dormant.

In _New Spain_, the fitting four Ships to go on Discovery, as such Undertakings had been very frequent, it would not engage any extraordinary Attention of the Publick there; it often happened that what was done on such Voyages was kept a Secret. The more curious and inquisitive Persons would attain but an imperfect Account, by Inquiry from the People on board the Ships, as the Ships were divided, and they would receive no satisfactory Information of what was most material, and the principal Object of their Inquiry by those who went in the Boats, as Seamen delighting in Stories often tell what they neither heard or saw. The Consequences of the Voyage not known, because not understood, a weak Tradition of this Expedition would remain to Posterity; and the only Knowledge or Certainty to be acquired, as to this Expedition, would be from Journals accidentally preserved, of some Persons who had gone the Voyage.

Mons. _de Lisle_ gives us an Extract of a Letter from Mons. _Antonio de Ulloa_, wrote from _Aranguer_ the 19th of _June_ in the Year 1753[8], to Mons. _Bouguer e le Mounier_, to answer the Queries they had made on the Subject of the Letter of Admiral _de Fuente_. That curious and able _Spanish_ Officer sent them in Answer, That in the Year 1742 he commanded a Ship of War the _Rose_, in the South Sea; he had on board him a Lieutenant of the Vessel named _Don Manuel Morel_, an antient Seaman, who shewed him a Manuscript; _Mons. Ulloa_ forgot the Author's Name, but believes it to be _Barthelemi de Fuentes_, the Author in that Manuscript reported, that in Consequence of an Order which he had received from the then Viceroy of _Peru_, that he had been to the Northward of _California_, to discover whether there was a Passage by which there was a Communication between the North and South Sea; but having reached a certain Northern Latitude, which _Mons. Ulloa_ did not recollect, and having found nothing that indicated such Passage, he returned to the Port of _Callao_, &c. _Mons. Ulloa_ adds, he had a Copy of such Relation, but he lost it when he was taken by the _English_ on his return from _America_.

[8] Novelles Cartes des Decovertes de L'Amiral de Fonte, et autres Navigateurs, &c. Par de Lisle. Paris 1753.--P. 30.

It is evident, from this Account being seen in 1742, it is not the same from which the Translation is made which we now have, that being published in 1708. And as _Mons. de Lisle_ asserts, that the Letter is conformable with what _Mons. Ulloa_ said at _Paris_ three Years before, with this Difference only, that he said positively at that Time, that the Relation which he had seen at _Peru_, and of which he had taken a Copy, was of Admiral _de Fonte_, this Manuscript, which contained the Account of the Voyage, may rather be supposed to be a Relation, or Journal kept by some Person, who was aboard Admiral _de Fonte_'s Ship, a Friend or Ancestor of _Morel_, than a Copy the same with this Letter, as it only mentioned the Purport of the Voyage, seems not to have the particular Circumstances as to intercepting the _Boston_ Men. This Account is an Evidence so far in Favour of this Letter, as it proves that this Letter is not the only Account that there is of this Voyage, and that another Account was seen and copied at _Peru_ many Years after this Letter was published in _England_. But if it be supposed that it is one and the same Account, and that from the _English_, it would not have been accepted of and kept by _Morel_, and shewed as a Curiosity, unless he was satisfied that it was a true genuine Account of such Voyage, and as to which he would naturally inquire, being on the Spot, where he might probably be informed, and unless he was at a Certainty that what that Account contained was true, would he have produced the Manuscript, or permitted his Captain to take a Copy of it as genuine; yet we may with greater Probability suppose, that this Manuscript which _Morel_ had was no Translation from the _English_, but in itself an Original. Mons. _Ulloa_ speaking of _Morel_ as an antient Seaman, cannot mean that he was in the Expedition of _de Fonte_, only implies his being acquainted with some one who was, with whom, from his Course of Years, he might have sailed, and attained this Journal.

What is said in the Letter of Mons. _Ulloa_, that he forgot the Name of the Author of the Manuscript, but believes it was _Bartelemi de Fuentes_, that the Author of that Manuscript gave an Account of. It must be considered, that when Mons. _Ulloa_ wrote he was in _Old Spain_, many Years after he had seen the Account, and three Years after he was at _Paris_; and though he genteelly answers the Inquiries sent him, agreeable to his Conversation at _Paris_, yet does not express himself so positively as when at _Paris_, as in the Letter he only believes it to be _Bartelemi de Fonte_. _Mons. Ulloa_ would sooner not have answered the Letter than deny what he had formerly said; and if Mons. _de Lisle_ had advanced that for which he had no proper Authority, both as a Gentleman and an Officer he would not have submitted to such a Falshood: But from Mons. _Ulloa_ being tender in the Account, being of a Matter which might not make any great Impression on him at the Time he received it, ten Years since, out of his Hands, and three Years after he was at _Paris_, this Account is more worthy of Credit, and he might be more cautious, now he was to give it under his Hand, to soften the Reproach of his Countrymen for his not acting like a true _Spaniard_, in being so communicative in this Matter. The Account which Mons. _de Lisle_ hath given, was with a Permission of Mons. _Ulloa_ to make Use of his Name, as the Letter Mons. _Ulloa_ sent testifies. Where Mons. _de Lisle_ hath not the Liberty to mention the Name of his Author, he only says, that there was a Person equally curious, and as well instructed in the Affair as Mons. _de Ulloa_, who assured him positively that there was such a Relation.

Though Mons. _de Lisle_ had a particular System to support, yet, at the same Time, he had a great publick Character to preserve. Mons. _Bougier_, _Mounier_, and _Ulloa_, were living at the Time he gave this Account to the Publick; they would be asked as to what they knew of the Affair; and a more particular Inquiry would be made of Mons. _de Lisle_, as to the Information he received from the nameless Person; and as there were several of his Countrymen who did not adopt his System, a Trip in this Affair, as to the Evidence he brings in Support of the Authority of this Account of _de Fonte_, would have given them an Advantage which they would not have neglected, and have done Justice to the Publick, by letting them know there was little of Truth in this Account; but as no Reflections have appeared, we have no Reason to question the Veracity of Mons. _de Lisle_ in this Relation, on any Surmises of Strangers, on no better Authority than meer Opinion, without a single Reason produced in Support of what they insinuate.

This Letter, when published in 1708, was considered only as an Account that was curious; was looked on as of no Importance, and did not engage the Attention of the Publick until the Discovery of the North-west Passage became the Topick of common Conversation, and would have lain, without having any further Notice taken of it, had not the Attempts to discover a North-west Passage been revived. It is from their being produced in a proper Season, that Accounts of this Sort become permanent, assisting in some favourite Design, being thus useful they are preserved from Obscurity and Oblivion. We have an Account, the Author Captain _Don Francisco de Seixas_, a Captain in the _Spanish_ Navy, and is frequently quoted by the _Spanish_ Writers, though he is little known amongst us.--He says, P. 71. '_Thomas Peche_, an _Englishman_, having been at Sea twenty-eight Years, and made eight Voyages to the _East-Indies_ and _China_ during sixteen Years of that Time, spent the other twelve in Trading and Piracies in the _West-Indies_, from whence he returned to _England_ in 1669; and, after continuing there four Years, in 1673, with other Companions, fitted out at the Port of _Bristol_ one Ship of five hundred Tons, with forty-four Guns, and two light Frigates of one hundred and fifty Tons, and in each eighteen Guns, giving out that he was bound on a trading Voyage to the _Canaries_; whence they bore away with the three Vessels, and went through the Streight _Le Maire_, with two hundred and seventy Men, which he carried directly to trade at the _Moluccas_ and _Philippinas_.

'And after continuing in those Parts twenty-six Months and some Days, it appearing to the said _Thomas Peche_ that from the _Philippinas_ he could return to _England_ in a shorter Time by the Streight of _Anian_ than by the East or Streight _Magellan_, he determined to pass this Rout with his large Ship, and one small one, the other having lost Company by bad Weather, or worse Design in those who commanded it.

'And having, as he says, sailed one hundred and twenty Leagues within the Streights of _Anian_, relates, that as the Month of _October_ was far advanced, in which the northerly Winds reign much, and drove the Waters from the North to the South, that the Currents of the said Streight of _Anian_ were such, and so strong, that had they continued longer they must, without Doubt, have been lost; wherefore, finding it necessary to return back, sailing along the Coast of _California_ (after having sailed out of the Channel of _Anian_) and those of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, he went through the Streight of _Magellan_ into the North Sea in sixteen Hundred and seventy-seven, with the Vessels and much Riches, great Part whereof was of a _Spanish_ Vessel which they took on the Coast of _Lugan_.'

Wherefore passing over all the rest of what the Author says in his Voyage, only mentioning what regarded the Currents, he relates, that when he entered into the Streight of _Anian_ he found, from Cape _Mendocino_ in _California_, for above twenty Leagues within the Channel, the Currents set to the N. E. all which and much more the Curious will find in the Voyage of the said _Thomas Peche_, which in sixteen Hundred and seventy-nine was printed in _French_ and _English_, in many Parts of _Holland_, _France_, and _England_, in less than twenty Sheets Quarto: And (he adds) further I can affirm, that I have seen the Author many Times in the Year eighty-two, three and four in _Holland_, who had along with him a _Spanish_ Mestize born in the _Philippinas_, together with a _Chinese_.

It can scarce be imagined the Whole is without Foundation, though no such Voyage is at present to be come at, _Seyxas_ publishing his Work soon after the Publication by _Peche_, to which he particularly refers, seems to obviate all Doubt of his Sincerity; and there are too many Circumstances, which are collateral Evidence, mentioned, to imagine he could be entirely deceived. He published his Work at _Madrid_ in sixteen Hundred and eighty-eight, dedicated to the King, as President in his Royal Council of the _Indies_, and to the Marquis _de les Velez_; the Work intituled, _Theatro Naval Hydrographico de Los Fluxos_, &c. This Account was received as a true and faithful Relation of a Voyage performed, as it was published in various Languages; yet the Want of this Account is a Particular, some Reason for Exception with us, that we cannot receive it as a Certainty. And we are more suspicious as to the Truth of any Accounts that we have received relating to the North-west Part of _America_, than to any other Part of the Globe. Our Opinion being in a great Measure influenced by the System we embrace, as, Whether there is a North-west Passage, or not? And for this Reason only, no Part of the Globe hath more engaged the Attention of the Geographers, and with respect to which they had more different Opinions. Those whose Opinion it was that _Asia_ and _America_ were contiguous, had, for many Years, their Opinion rejected, but now confirmed to be true by the _Russian_ Discoveries; and we may conclude they had a good Authority for what they advanced, which was not transmitted down to us, as they had such an Assurance of what they had advanced, as they supposed there could never be the least Doubt of it. Those who advanced that there was Passage between the _Atlantick_ and Southern Ocean, by a Streight in the Northern and Western Parts of _America_, and very likely on a good Authority, have their Opinion opposed, all Accounts of Voyagers treated as fabulous, and for the same Reason that the Opinion of _Asia_ and _America_ being contiguous was rejected, as they could produce nothing further for it than Tradition, and as to which the Tradition now appears to have had its Foundation in Truth. Soon after _America_ was discovered, and the _Spaniards_ had settled in _New Spain_, the Report of there being a Streight prevailed, the Truth of this Report hath not been disproved, and we have no just Reason to reject this Tradition for positive Assertions which are produced without any Evidence, but that our Attempts have not succeeded. Which is an Inference deduced from a false Principle, for our not having had the expected Success hitherto, doth not imply that we may not succeed hereafter, as we proceed in our future Attempts; and all that hath been said, as to there being no North-west Passage, is not adequate to the Tradition of there being such a Passage. This Tradition is also supported by a few Accounts, which we reject too absolutely. These Accounts are given by various Persons, at different Times, without any Concern, Connection, or even Acquaintance the one with the other; which Accounts shew that the Opinion of their being such a Streight prevailed. These Accounts were given by Foreigners; we could not receive them from any other, as we did not frequent those Seas, and at present have no ready Access to them. And as it was but occasionally that any Persons went into those Parts, it is but by a few Persons only we could receive any Information respecting thereto. Nor could we attain such Information as we have in another Manner, than from what our own Countrymen accidentally picked up, as a regular Publication of such Account was not permitted, and as some thought themselves interested to keep the most material Part a Secret, in hopes to turn it to Advantage, by being employed, or receiving a Gratuity for their Discovery. And Allowances should be made, without declaring a Person immediately too credulous, who reports what he hears only in Conversation from another; he may, in such Conversation, omit many Circumstances which it would have been necessary for him to be informed of, in order to give that Satisfaction to others to whom he reports this Information, which he himself received of the Truth of what was related to him at the Time of the Conversation. And we have no Reason to censure those as too credulous who have published these Accounts, until we get a more perfect Information as to the North-west Parts of _America_, which at present remain unknown. A Dispute arises as to the Situation of such a Streight; and Accounts given by _Indians_ are produced to prove that the Streight cannot be in such a Part, where it is supposed to be so far to the Southward as to have its Entrance from the South Sea, in Latitude 51; whereas, on a little Examination, it would appear that those _Indians_, whose Accounts are produced, are almost equal Strangers as to those Parts with the _Europeans_. They do not seek inhospitable Countries, where there is little Produce, no Plenty of Fuel, great and frequent Waters, Mountains and Swamps, having no Inducement from Trade or on Account of War, as they would not go into those Parts to seek their Enemy, whom, with less Hazard and a greater Certainty of finding them, they could attack when returned from their Summer hunting and fishing to their Retirements, where they live more comfortably than in those Parts into which, by Necessity, they are obliged to go on Account of the Chace, as they could not otherwise subsist themselves and Families. And on due Examination it will appear all the Accounts we have from the _Indians_ are erroneously made use of, to evince that there is no Streight in the Part that is contended for. Instead of too severe a Censure on the Credulity of others, we should be cautious that our Diffidence does not lead us into an unreasonable Incredulity, and prevent our using such Testimony as is presented to us so candidly as we ought to do, and prevent our getting a true Insight into an Affair of such Importance; and the utmost that can be said of it is, that it is a Point yet undetermined, whether there is a North-west Passage or not.

As to the original Letter of _de Fonte_, we interest ourselves in the important Matter it contains, and therefore become more suspicious and diffident, as to its Authenticity, than upon a due Use of our Reason it will appear that we ought to be. As we have no Reason, as is apparent from what hath been said, that the original Letter should ever come to our Hands; and if it appear, as we proceed, that it is rather to be attributed to inevitable Accidents, than there not having been such a Letter, that we cannot attain any particular Information respecting thereto. If it is considered that we have a Publication of such Letter, the Deficiencies in which are not, as it will appear, any other than the Errors of the Translator and Printer. That there are a great many concurring Circumstances in Support of and conformable with what the Letter contains. And the Account is composed of such Particulars as exceed the Industry and Ingenuity of those who employ their Fancy in composing ingenious Fictions. These various Branches of Evidence cannot be rejected, if we make a fair Judgment in this Matter: There must be a Prepossession from common Fame, a Prejudice from a prior Opinion, or an Interest and Design to support a particular System, that prevents our accepting of it, as a Probability next to a Certainty, of this being a true Account; and there is only wanting, to our receiving it absolutely as such, that the Copy be produced from which the Translation was made, or a full and compleat Evidence as to what is become of such Copy.

Why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Letter of _de Fonte_, appears from the Account, which shews that the Court of _Spain_ had a secret Intelligence of this Undertaking. And as that Court would not openly declare that they had such an Information, or how they intended to defeat the Design, the Orders sent, and consequently the Account of the Execution of those Orders, and whatever related thereto, would be _secret_ Papers, and as such kept in a Manner that few Persons would have a free Access; and by those few who had, as the publick Business did not require it, might never be taken in Hand, unless they accidentally catched the Eye of some who was particularly curious. Thus neglected, in a Century of Time it might not be known, if the Subject was revived, where they were deposited, and being so few in Number would take up but a small Space, which might make it difficult to find them.

The Politeness and Civility which prevail in this Age, will not admit of such a Complaisance to curious Inquirers as to gratify them in that, which, in Policy, from good Reasons of State, might as well be omitted. There are Instances of late Discoveries being made, as to the Whole of which, from particular Views, as it is said, the Curious have not been gratified. And if this Expedition of _de Fonte_ was remembered, and the Papers relating thereto could be brought to light, it might immediately encourage us to proceed on making a further Attempt for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, therefore we can have no Reason to expect the Court of _Spain_ would assist us with what might determine us to a Proceeding at which they must take Umbrage, as we are now become the only Power who share _North America_ with them, from the Advantages that such a Discovery would give us in case of a future Rupture between the two Crowns; though our present Intention is to increase our Commerce, by opening a Trade to _Japan_, and carrying on a Trade in a more advantageous Manner to _China_.

We cannot be assured, if full Permission was given to find these Papers, and more particular Pains and Application used, than is customary with People in publick Offices, when the Occasion of the Search being to little other Purpose than satisfying Curiosity, whether such Search might not be rendered unsuccessful, by such Papers being burnt amongst many other State Papers, in the Fire in the _Escurial_, the common Depository for State Papers at that Time.

If we consider the Changes that have happened, as to the Succession to the Crown of _Spain_, the Changes in the Ministry, Foreigners introduced into their Ministry, there must have been many Particulars, not only of this but of other Kinds, which they are not at present acquainted with, the Ministry having no Occasion to give themselves any Concern about them. _Don Olivarez_, who was the Minister at this Time, was known to do his Business by Juntos of particular People, as the Resolutions of Government thereby remained an inviolable Secret, which was not always the Case when the Business was managed by publick Councils. They also gave their Advice in a particular Manner, by written Billets, which were handed to the King, that every Thing was conducted in a very mysterious Manner during the Time that he was in the Ministry, contrary to the former Practice, and which was also disused afterwards.

If Inquiry hath been made by the most intelligent amongst the _Spaniards_ as to this Expedition, and the Commands of the Monarch to make Discovery of these Papers, and the Orders relating thereto, have been duly executed, but they cannot be found. The Reasons are apparent, the Voyage being scarce spoke of at the Time, went soon out of Remembrance, and whatever may be in private Hands relating thereto, is not immediately recollected by the Possessors, and the Originals, if not secreted or mislaid, are burnt in the _Escurial_ in the Year 1671, the usual Residence of the Court, and therefore where this Letter may be supposed to be received and lodged. For the Evidence relative to this Account, which the Distance of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains. If _de Fonte_ was Governor or President of _Chili_, from the Nature of his Office it must appear, amongst some Records or Instruments of Writing, and we accordingly are informed, that there was a Person in that Office named _Fuente_, which is synonymous. That we have not more minute Particulars, is by reason that the Account is from those Parts where we have not a free and ready Access to make our Enquiries, and from a People, excepting a few Individuals, who are not very communicative to Foreigners. But where we have not laboured under the like Disadvantage, we have found that there was one _Gibbons_, also _Shapley_, Persons exactly circumstanced as the Letter mentions, upon the Authority of Records, the Tradition of antient Men, in those Parts where they had lived, and also other Accounts, supporting the Authenticity of this Letter, as will be shewn when we proceed to consider of the Subject of the Letter. There is therefore just Reason to conclude, was it possible to have the like Pains taken in _New Spain_ or _Peru_, we might meet with Particulars respecting this Matter, which would put the Truth of this Account out of all Doubt; and any Failure in the Inquiries there, may be owing to their not having been made with an equal Industry, and which it is not in our Power to procure in those Parts so distant and inaccessable.

The Circumstances of the Inhabitants of _Boston_, and the neighbouring Provinces, during this Period of Time since the Expedition of _de Fonte_, have been very different, they have not been subjected to the like fatal Accidents with the People of _Lima_, and that Neighbourhood, who several Times have had their City laid in Ruins, and almost entirely depopulated by Earthquakes, particularly in _April_ 1687, and in the Year 1746. The Buildings becoming an entire Heap of Ruins, and many People perishing, must lessen the Force of Tradition, and affect, in some sort, the publick Records; and if the Marine Office was at the _Calloa_ of _Lima_, the _Calloa_ having been twice overwhelmed by the Sea, then there is no Reason to expect from _New Spain_ an authenticated Account of the Equipment of this Fleet under the Command of Admiral _de Fonte_.