Chapter V: Appendix: Fall in with the Coast of Labrador 131 (4)

_De Fonte_'s Address to _Gibbons_ as the Owner, represented so on this Occasion to serve the Purpose, though the Vessel seems to have been _Alexander Shapley_'s, implies that he understood, or took the Advantage on finding they had been trading with the _Indians_, that they had two Purposes in their Undertaking, to discover a Passage, and to trade. As to the first, _de Fonte_ tells him he had an Order to make a _Prize of any People seeking a West or North-west Passage_, speaking in general Terms, not of them only, so concealing the Advice he had received as to their particular undertaking of this Discovery; nor could it be peculiarly understood as to the Subjects of _England_, for the _Danes_ also, to their immortal Honour, had before attempted the same Discovery; and in Consequence let him know that the Part he was in was of the Dominions of the Crown of _Spain_, as his Commission could be of no Force beyond the Extent of that Dominion. _De Fonte_'s Address likewise implied, that as he would consider them only as Traders, that he would not make Prisoners of them on that Account; but expected after this Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer home, for Fear of falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with the same favourable Treatment. Nevertheless he takes effectual Measures to embarrass them on their Return, and obliges them to stay no longer in those Parts, as he takes from them what _de Fonte_ calls a small Present of Provisions, which he had no Need on, but he knew they might, and as to which, the Affair of Provisions, he gave such an Attention to, through the Course of his Voyage; and though small what he accepted in respect to the Subsistance of those he had with him, yet as the Sequel will shew, was afterwards the Occasion of infinite Distress to the _Boston_ People. The Gift in return, which is pompously mentioned at twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight, when we consider the Price Things bore of this Sort where he purchased it, in _Peru_, as he estimates by Pieces of Eight, the Manner of Valuation in those Parts, would not be to _Gibbons_ a Hundred Pounds Sterling; and the Present to the Seamen must be considered as in lieu of these Provisions; and by this Means of mutual Presents countenanced what was absolutely extorted by Force, as was the Case with _Shapley_, as to his Charts and Journals, which he would not have parted with, but constrained through Fear; and by his _English_ Seamen _de Fonte_ could let them know that the Provisions, Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. He executed his Design in this Manner, that if the _Boston_ People returned there could be no proper Foundation for the Court of _England_ to take Umbrage at his Proceeding.

The Generosity of _de Fonte_ so exceeding what their Present and the Charts and Journals could be worth, would be considered as to make them some Satisfaction for their Disappointment; for the Fears they had been put into, and their being detained there; the Gift of Wine, might be from a Respect to _Major General Gibbons_, as an Officer, whom _de Fonte_ stiles modest, tho' he might perceive it to be the Effect of his Uneasiness on being thus intercepted. In all other Respects, what he gave was a Debt which the Crown of _Spain_ would pay, would be considered as Money advanced in their Service; a Sum of no Consideration with them, as he had met with these People, procured their Charts by which they got into the Secret, by what Way they had advanced so far, and probably very particular Charts and Journals of the other Voyagers whom _Gibbons_ was acquainted with; and he would endeavour to be furnished with all Materials which he could probably procure before that he set out. It would be greatly commended by the Court of _Spain_ the artful Management of _de Fonte_ in distressing these People, and not with a seeming Intention, and giving an absolute Discouragement to other Adventurers, who would be afraid of falling into the _Spaniards_ Hands, whom it would be supposed constantly frequented those Parts.

_De Fonte_ only mentions the Issue of this Affair, what would be immediately necessary for the Court to know; he mentions no intervening Circumstances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and the Presents, whether he or they sailed first, but it must be supposed they were more than a Day together, and that _de Fonte_ would see them out of those Parts, as, if they had staid longer, they might probably have supplied themselves well with Provisions, and proceeded further; but as they were circumstanced, they would be put under a Necessity to set out for home, would be glad to leave him the first Opportunity; and as _de Fonte_ seems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the sixth of _August_, and it had in the interim been fair for the _Boston_ People, they were certainly gone before that _de Fonte_ set out on his Return.

In the Ecclesiastical History of _New England_, by the Reverend _Cotton Mather_, published at _London_ in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of wonderful Sea Deliverances, Book the sixth, is _The wonderful Story of Major Gibbons_.

'Among remarkable _Sea Deliverances_, no less than three several Writers have published that wherein Major _Edward Gibbons_ was concerned. A Vessel bound from _Boston_ to some other Parts of _America_, was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept so long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme straits for Want of Provision, and seeing that nothing here below could afford them any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent Supplications. The Winds continuing still as they were, one of the Company made a sorrowful Motion that they should, by a _Lot_, single out _One_ to die, and by Death to satisfy the ravenous Hunger of the rest. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they came to a Result, that _it must be done_! The _Lot_ is cast; one of the Company is taken; but where is the Executioner that shall do the terrible Office upon a poor Innocent? It is a Death now to think who shall act this bloody Part in the Tragedy: But before they fall upon this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto their zealous _Prayers_; and, behold, while they were calling upon God, he answered them, for there leaped a mighty Fish into their Boat, which, to their double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hunger, but also gave them some Token of a further Deliverance: However, the Fish is quickly eaten; the horrible _Famine_ returns, the horrible Distress is renewed; a black Despair again seizes their Spirits: For another Morsel they come to a second _Lot_, which fell upon another Person; but still they cannot find an Executioner: They once again fall to their importunate Prayers; and, behold, a second Answer from above; a great Bird lights, and fixes itself on the mast; one of the Men spies it, and there it stands until he took it by the Wing with his Hand. This was a second _Life from the Dead_. This Fowl, with the Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a sweet Feast unto them. Still their Disappointments follow them; they can see no Land; they know not where they are: Irresistable Hunger once more pinches them: They have no Hope to be saved but by _a third Miracle_: They return to another _Lot_; but before they go to the Heart-breaking Talk of slaying the Person under _Designation_, they repeat their Addresses unto the God of Heaven, their former _Friend in Adversity_; and now they look and look again, but there is nothing: Their Devotions are concluded, and nothing appears; yet they hoped, yet they staid, yet they lingered: At last one of them spies a Ship, which put a new Hope and Life into them all: They bear up with their Ship; they man their Longboat; they go to board the Vessel, and are admitted. It proves a _French_ Pyrate: Major _Gibbons_ Petitions for a little Bread, and offers all for it; but the Commander was one who had formerly received considerable Kindnesses of Major _Gibbons_ at _Boston_, and now replied chearfully, Major _Gibbons_, not an Hair of you, or your Company, shall _perish if it lies in my Power to_ preserve _you_. Accordingly he supplied their Necessities, and they made a comfortable End of their Voyage.'

There are nine other Accounts, in each of which the Places the Persons were bound to are particularly mentioned. In this Account (the Design being only to shew the wonderful Deliverance of _Gibbons_) Dr. _Mather_ could not mention the Place to which the Voyage had been made in any other Manner, than _to some other Parts of America_, which hath an exact Correspondence with the Voyage in which Major _Gibbons_ was intercepted by _de Fonte_; for that Voyage was properly to several Parts, not being to one particular Part of _America_; which Parts were, at that Time, nameless. It is said further, that their Misfortune was occasioned by contrary Winds. _De Fonte_ had a fair Wind from the sixth of _August_ to the fifth of _September_, and for a longer Time, so contrary to the _Boston_ Ship; afterwards they had the Wind again contrary, when they came into the Ocean, being North-west or to Westward of it, as they could see no Land; the Land expected to be seen may be supposed the Land of _Newfoundland_, or they were to Eastward and Southward of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_: And which Account of the Weather is agreeable to the Time of the Year that they were there, the latter End of _September_, or Beginning of _October_, being the Equinoctial Gales. Also as to the Fish which must have been a Sturgeon, which Fish frequently jump into Boats; and shews, as the Boat was out, that they had then moderate Weather, but contrary; though a hard Gale succeeded, as one of the Birds of Passage, which are also then going to Southward, was blown off the Coast and tired, rested on the Mast. Far be it from me to reckon these as mere Accidents, and not the Assistances of the Almighty, but a Relief which the Almighty sent them by Contingencies which are natural: And as to the Ship, which was a _French_ Pirate, she had probably come with a fresh Wind out of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and Standing to Eastward of _Sables_ to clear that Island and _Nautuchet_, for which she had a fair Wind; and it is said the Commander had an Acquaintance with Major _Gibbons_, and received Favours from him at _Boston_; but I must add an Anecdote, to shew that there might also be another Reason assigned, which would not be suitable to be published with that Account; _Alexander Shapley_ had used to hold a Correspondence with these Kind of Gentry, as is evident from a severe Censure on him on that Account, recorded in the Council Book at _Boston_. It was a _Ship_ that Major _Gibbons_ was in when intercepted by _de Fonte_; and this Account also mentions a Ship. After the Death of _Major Gibbons_, his Family, according to the Account of a very ancient Gentlewoman at _Boston_, removed to _Bermuda_; which Lady, who was near ninety Years of Age, had some traditional Account of the _Major_ having been such a Voyage to discover a new Way to the _East Indies_, and suffered much from the Snow and Ice, went through a great many Hardships, and, she said, she thought it was from _Boston_ that he set out. The Persons discovered by Mons. _Groseliers_, at what he calls an _English_ Settlement, near Port _Nelson_, as it is now termed, were _Benjamin_ the Son of Captain _Zachary Gillam_, and some others, from _Boston_, who were the same Year taken to _Canada_, whose Journal of that Voyage the Author hath seen, and this Circumstance is mentioned in it, which Persons have been mistaken for Major _Gibbons_ and his Company.

'We arrived at the River _Parmentiers_ the 11th of _August_ 86 Leagues, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all Things well, and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had, in our Absence, treated our People with great Humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answered their Civility and Justice.'

We have been before told, that the Admiral went sixty Leagues up _Los Reyes_, which I take to be the whole Distance between the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ in Lake _Belle_; and if we transpose the above Words, 'arrived at _Parmentiers_ the eleventh of _August_, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ eighty-six Leagues on board our Ships the sixteenth of _August_,' then we have the Distances respecting every Part of _de Fonte_'s Course thro' Land, from _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ sixty Leagues, from _Conosset_ to Lake _de Fonte_ _eighty-six Leagues_, from the Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ to the Streight of _Ronquillo_ one Hundred and sixty Leagues, from the Entrance of the Streight of _Ronquillo_ to the Sea thirty-six Leagues. The Time that _de Fonte_ was passing down the River of _Parmentiers_, and the Time he took to return, are equal, which is plainly owing to his being obliged to wait the Tides for getting over the Falls both Ways. The sixth of _July_ they had entered the Lake _de Fonte_, and by the fifteenth were through the Streights of _Ronquillo_, and at the _Indian_ Town the seventeenth, so they were eleven Days from their Entrance into the Lake _de Fonte_; but in their return the same Way only five, favoured by a strong Current which the Wind occasioned to set into the Lake, and having as much Wind as they could fly before, and now came directly back; whereas in their Passage out they had made some Delays. The Course to _Conosset_ being nearest North-east, I compute it to be in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118° 2´ from _London_. The Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ (supposing the Course of the River _Parmentiers_ and from _Conosset_ East North East) in Lat. 59° 4´. Long. 113°. The Entrance of the Streights of _Ronquillo_ East North East, in Lat. 61 Deg. 8 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 48 Min. the Course through the Streights to enter the Sea North by East, such Entrance to be in Lat. 62 Deg. 48 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 2 Min. which Course must be consistent with _de Fonte_'s Account that a strong Current set in, as by this Course such Current must be accelerated, if it set to the Southward, by the Wind from the Northward, or if it was from the Southward, would be opposed in going to the Northward.

_De Fonte_ proceeds to give an Account of the good Estate in which he found all Things on his Return; mentions the Honesty and Humanity of the Natives, and the prudent Conduct of Captain _Ronquillo_, who answered their Civility and Justice. For they had, during the Time of _de Fonte_'s Absence, procured, by dealing with the Natives, Store of good Provisions to salt, Venison, Fish; also one Hundred Hogsheads of _Indian_ Maiz; besides the Service this would be of on their Return, procured pursuant to _de Fonte_'s Order, it employed the People, with the other necessary Work about the Ships after so long a Run, and kept them from brangling with the Natives. The Natives were also employed to their Interest, which preserved them in good Humour; and a Justice in dealing preserved their Friendship.

'The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_, on the Lake _Belle_, from Captain _Bernarda_, dated the 11th of _August_, where he sent me Word he was returned from his cold Expedition, and did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; for the Natives had conducted one of his Seamen to the Head of _Davis_ Streight, which terminated in a fresh Lake, of about 30 Mile in Circumference, in the 80th Degree of North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it, besides the North-west from that Lake the Ice was so fixed, that from the Shore to 100 Fathom of Water, for ought he knew from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, near the North and South Poles: He writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and the Land trended North, and the Ice rested on the Land.'

The Orders _Bernarda_ received were to sail up a River North and North East, North and North West, which River I suppose to have emptied itself near to _Los Reyes_ into the South-east Part of the _South Sea_; and it is not uncommon, in _America_, that two great Rivers should have their Entrances contiguous to each other; and I suppose _Conabasset_, afterwards called _Basset_, to be in Lat. 58 Deg. 10 Min. to the Westward of _Los Reyes_ in Long. 122 Deg. 9 Min. from _London_. The Course up the River _Haro_ North 14 Deg. West; and as _Conosset_ is laid down in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118 Deg. 2 Min. the Distance from _Basset_ to _Conosset_ is one Hundred and seventy-seven Miles; the Course North 46 Deg. West. The Letter by the first Messenger was dated the 27th of _June_, and is received the fourth Day, as he could not come a direct Course, we may suppose he travelled fifty Miles a Day, which is an extraordinary Allowance, the greatest Part by Water, and Light most of the Night. We know he would go Part by Water in Lake _Belle_, and Lake _Belle_ issuing its Waters both by _Los Reyes_ and the River _Parmentiers_, must receive some considerable Influx of Waters by which it is formed, as well as to give a constant Supply of the Waters that issue from it, and which must be principally or only from the Northward, for it cannot be supposed to receive its Waters from the Southward, and discharge them there again, and which the Messenger would make Use of as soon as possible, and come down Stream. The second Messenger, who is expresly mentioned to be an _Indian_, is nine Days a coming. But _Bernarda_ mentions nothing as to his Ship or People in this Account, only says he is returned from his cold Expedition, therefore probably he sent away the _Indian_ as soon as he could after he entered the River, which ran into the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Lat. 61. If this was the Case, we may suppose that the Waters which came into the Lake _Belle_ head a great Way up in the Country.

_Bernarda_ had Directions, after he left Lake _Valasco_, to sail one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then four Hundred and thirty Leagues North East by East to seventy-seven Degrees of Latitude. _Bernarda_, in his Letter of the 27th of _June_ observes, there was a River eighty Leagues in Length, not comprehended in his Instructions or Orders, and emptied itself in the _Tartarian_ Sea; and says, in his Letter of the 11th of _August_, that he sailed from the Island _Basset_ North-east; with that Course, when he entered the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Latitude 61, his Longitude would be 116 Deg. he then begins the Course _de Fonte_ directed him, one Hundred and forty Leagues East North East; and he mentions on his Return he had steered that Course, keeping the Land aboard. So that _West_ and the Land trending _North East_, are Mistakes in the Publication in _April_; but the mentioning how the Land trended, shews he was then entering the Sea; for to talk of Land, with respect to a River, is absurd; and with the Course and Distance he steered would be in Lat. 63 Deg. 39 Min. and Long. 110 Deg. from _London_: Then he steers four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues North East and by East, and that brings him into Latitude 79 Deg. Long. 87 Deg. from _London_. But the Land trending North, and with Ice, which would be dangerous for the _Periagos_; and as the Land trended North, where he was appearing to him to be the nearest Part he could attain to to go to the Head of _Davis_ Streight; and as to the Distance over Land, and the Propriety of sending a Messenger, the _Indians_ would inform him; he sends a Seaman over with an _Indian_ to take a Survey of the Head of such Streights, by us called _Baffin_'s Bay; which Name was not at that Time generally received. Which Seaman reports, that it terminated in the eightieth Degree of Latitude, in a Lake of about thirty Miles in Circumference, with prodigious Mountains North of it, which indeed formed that Lake, or is a Sound, as that of Sir _James Lancaster_ and of _Alderman Jones_; and along the Shore, from the Lake North-west, the Ice was fixed, lying a great Distance out, which was very consistent with there being no Inlets there, the Waters from which would have set it off. The Distance that the _Indian_ and Sailor travelled would not exceed fifty Miles; and their mentioning the high Mountains to Northward imply, that they were in a more level Country where they were to take this View. Light all Night, the Snow off the Ground, and the Heighth of Summer there. It is no vain Conjecture to suppose that the Journey was practicable, even if performed all the Way by Land, and much easier, which is not the least improbable, if they had an Opportunity of making Part of it by Water. _Bernarda_ proceeding thus far in the _Tartarian_ Sea, and entering in Latitude 61, is no Way contradictory to the _Russian_ Discoveries; and by the _Tartarian_ Sea is meant, the Sea which washes the Northern Coasts of _Tartary_, and is supposed to extend round the Pole. Those Discoveries are agreeable to the _Japanese_ Map, as to the North-east Parts of _Asia_, and North-west Parts of _America_, brought over by _Kemper_, and in which Map there is expressed a Branch of the _Tartarian_ Sea or Gulph, extending to the Southward, agreeable to this Account of _de Fonte_. Who calls it, with respect to _Asia_, the North and East Part of the _Tartarian_ Sea. Which compared with what _de Fonte_ says, as to sailing down the River to the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, these Expressions cast a mutual Light on each other, and that the _Archipelagus of Saint Lazarus_ is a Gulph or Branch of the Sea, in the like Manner.

Places which are in one and the same Latitude, have not an equal Degree of Heat or Cold, or are equally fertile or barren, the Difference in these Respects chiefly consists in their Situation. The Country of _Labrador_, which is to Eastward of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, in Latitude 56, almost as high a Latitude as Port _Nelson_, is a Country capable of being improved by Agriculture, and would supply all the Necessaries of Life, though intermixed with rugged and craggy Mountains. The Winter's not so severe as in the more Southern Parts of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, as the Earth is not froze there, as it is in the same and lower Latitudes about that Bay: Also People have wintered in the _Labrador_, wearing only their usual Cloathing: Therefore drawing a Parallel between Port _Nelson_ and _Conosset_, as to the Infertility of one, therefore the other being in the same Latitude, could not produce Maiz to supply _Ronquillo_, is an Objection which hath no Foundation in it. The higher the Latitude the quicker is the Vegetation; and as _Indian Corn_ or _Maiz_ may be planted and gathered in three Months in lower Latitudes, it may be in an equal or less Time in higher Latitudes, in a good Soil. As to Port _Nelson_, or _York Fort_, in _Hudson_'s _Bay_, it is a low Country through which two large Rivers pass, with the Bay in Front, and nothing is certainly known of the more inland Parts.

The physical Obstacles that are produced against our giving Credit to this Account of _de Fonte_, from the Depth of the Falls at the Entrance of Lake _Belle_ in the River _Parmentiers_, and from the River _Bernarda_ passed up, are, from not understanding what is expressed by the Word Falls amongst the _Americans_. They mean by a Fall wherever there is the least Declivity of the Water; and the Fall of thirty-two Feet in the River _Parmentiers_, doth not mean a perpendicular Fall, as the Objector would have it understood, however ridiculous to suppose it, but eight gradual Descents, from the Beginning of which to the Extremity of the last there was a Difference of thirty-two Feet, and which became level or even at the Time of high Water.

What _Bernarda_ says as to his cold Expedition, a Person used to the Climate of _Peru_ might justly say so, of the Nights and Evenings and Mornings, at that Time of the Year, in the Latitude of seventy-nine, though temperate in Latitude fifty-six; and the whole Disposition of the Country, the immense high Lands, their barren and desert Aspect, in Places their Summits covered with perpetual Snow, the Ice fixed to the Shores, Sheets of floating Ice in the Waters, the immense Islands, frequently seeing Whales, Sea-horse, and a great Variety of the Inhabitants of those Waters, which do not frequent the Southern Parts: The Whole a Scene so different from the Verdure and Delights of the Plains about _Lima_, and from the pleasing Views that present themselves on running along the Coasts of _Peru_, _Bernarda_ might well be affected with such Scene as to express himself, that Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near the North and the South Poles. But he was not so ignorant as to report, that he saw Mountains of Ice on the Land, as well as in the Sea, though he might see them forming between Points of Land, which jetted out into the Sea; and such a Column of Ice would appear to him as something very curious.

That these Parts were inhabited does not appear, for it was a Native of _Conibasset_ that conducted the Seaman over the Land; and, at that Season of the Year, the fresh Waters are thawed, no Snow on the low and level Lands, only on the extreme Summits of the Hills.

What is objected as to the Affability of the Inhabitants, that it is not consistent with the Character of the _Indians_. Hospitality is the Characteristick of the _Indians_ towards Strangers, until such Time as they are prejudiced from some ill Treatment; and by the Account given by Sir _Francis Drake_, as to the _Indians_ of _California_, and by the _Spaniards_ who surveyed the Western Coasts, and the Islands lying off, they are represented in general as a kind, tractable People, and of a docile Temper.

As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses, or their Runners as they term them, to carry Messages from one Nation to another, they will gird themselves up with the Rhind of Trees, and keep going incessantly great Distances with a surprising Agility Night and Day, taking little either of Sleep or other Refreshments, and keep a direct Course, and in the Night steer either by the Moon or Stars. Nor is there any Thing miraculous in these Journeys, which the Expresses performed, either as to Distance or as to Time, especially as they passed through a Country abounding with Waters, and which Country being inhabited they could be supplied with Canoes, or they would find Floats at the Places where they usually pass the Waters.

_Bernarda_ meeting _de Fonte_ at a Port up the River _Rio los Reyes_, shews he had Persons aboard who could direct him there, therefore must have been previously there; and they can be supposed to be no other than the Jesuits, which is a further Proof of the Jesuits having been before in these Parts. It was consistent that the Ships should join and return home together. From where _Bernarda_ came to with his Ship was one Hundred and twenty Miles to _Conosset_: His Letter from thence was dated the 29th of _August_, and _de Fonte_ sailed the second of _September_: It may be supposed the Letter came to Hand the first of _September_, which is four Days, and the Express had now all the Way by Water, and mostly against Stream. _De Fonte_, to shew that he had preserved the Affection of the Natives, mentions that he was accompanied with them; and they were of Assistance to him in the Pilotage down the River. _De Fonte_ adds, he had sent a Chart with the Letter, which is misunderstood, as if such Chart had come to the Hands of the Editors; _which will make this much more demonstrative_, were Words added by them; but it was usual in all the Naval Expeditions to have Persons aboard whom they called _Cosmographers_, to take Draughts of Places, and compose their Charts, and at that Time a very reputable Employment.

_Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, published at _Madrid_ in 1758, a Natural and Civil History of _California_; a Translation of which was published in _London_ in 1759, in two Volumes; and Vol. i. P. 185, says, 'To this Æra (the last Voyage he mentions was in 1636) belongs the Contents of a Paper published at _London_, under the Title of the Narrative of _Bartholomew de Fuentes_, Commander in Chief of the Navy in _New Spain_ and _Peru_, and President of _Chili_, giving an Account of the most remarkable Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage, for the Discovery of a Passage from the _South Sea_, to that of the North in the Northern Hemisphere, by Order of the Viceroy of _Peru_ in the Year 1640. This Writing contains several Accounts relating to _California_; but without entering into long Disputes, let it suffice to say, that little Credit is to be given to this Narrative. For the same Reason we have before omitted the Accounts of Voyages made from the _South Sea_ to the North round beyond _California_, and those of a contrary Direction, of which an Account is given by Captain _Seixas_ and _Lobero_, in _Theatro Naval_, in _Spanish_ and _French_; and particularly of that _Spaniard_ who is supposed, in three Months, to have come from _Puerto de Navidad_ and _Cabo Corientes_ to _Lisbon_. These and other Accounts dispersed in different Books, we designedly omit, as they want the necessary Authenticity.'

This Work was published with a Design to induce the Court of _Spain_ to a further Conquest of, an intire Reduction of, and the full settling of _California_, as of the utmost Importance to Religion and the State; and one of the Arguments is, for their immediate putting what he recommends in Execution, the repeated Attempts of the _English_ to find a Passage into the _South Sea_. And observes, 'Should they one Day succeed in this, why may not the _English_ come down through their Conquests, and even make themselves Masters of _New Mexico_, _&c._' which implies, that he did not look on such an Attempt as void of all Hopes of Success; and he again says, 'Whoever is acquainted with the present Disposition of the _English_ Nation, and has heard with what Zeal and Ardour the Project for a North-west Passage has been espoused by many considerable Persons, will be convinced that the Scheme is not romantick, and it would not be surprizing if the Execution of it should one Day come under Deliberation.' Thus artfully hints, should the Scheme come under Deliberation, the Event would be to be feared; and though he ascribes his Opinion of its not being romantick, is, to many considerable Persons having espoused the Scheme, yet he tacitly applies to their own Knowledge, to what the Court of _Spain_ knows as to this Passage. He then proceeds, 'If this should ever happen,' the Deliberation, 'what would be the Condition of our Possessions?' The Deliberation would, from Consequences that would follow on such a Deliberation, endanger our Possessions.

_Don Cortez_ informed the King, by a Letter of the 15th of _October_ 1524, that he was building two Ships, to get a Knowledge of the Coast yet undiscovered between the River of _Panaco_ and _Florida_, and from thence to the Northern Coast of the said Country of _Florida_, as far as the _Baccaloo_, 'It being certain, as he expresses himself, that on that Coast is a Streight running into the _South Sea_'--'God grant that the Squadron may compass the End for which it is designed, namely, to discover the Streight, which I am fully persuaded they will do, because in the Royal Concerns of your Majesty nothing can be concealed; and no Diligence or Necessaries shall be wanting in me to effect it.' Again, 'I hereby inform your Majesty, that by the Intelligence I have received of the Countries on the upper Coast of the sending the Ships along, it will be attended with great Advantage to me, and no less to your Majesty. But acquainted as I am with your Majesty's Desire of knowing this Streight, and likewise of the great Service it would be to your Royal Crown.' Vol. i. P. 130.

Agreeable to this Letter several Attempts were made by Sea to discover whether _Florida_ was Part of the Continent, or separated by a Streight; but whether _Cortez_ pursued his Design by searching between _Florida_ along the Coast of _Baccaloos_, _Newfoundland_, and the _Terra de Labrador_, for a Streight, by which there was a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_ is uncertain. _Florida_ comprehended the Country from the Cape of _Labrador_ to the Cape _de los Martires_, or of _Martyrs_, opposite to the Island of _Cuba_. From thence to the Streights of _Magellan_ was called _Peruan Part_.

The King of _Portugal_, with a View of finding a shorter Passage to those Parts of the _Indies_, which he had discovered, than by the Cape of _Good Hope_, sent, in the Year fifteen Hundred, _Gasper de Corte Real_ to the North of _America_, who landed on the _Terra de Labrador_; also gave his Name to a Promontory on that Coast which he called _Promonterium Corteriale_. The Name of _Labrador_ implies a fertile Country, and given in Distinction from the high barren mountainous Country to Northward, which _Gasper_ discovered in Latitude sixty, and to the Southward of it. But this Distinction seems to have been soon lost, and the Name of _Labrador_ is now given to the whole Coast.

From the Knowledge we have of these Parts we may conclude, that the _Promonterium Corteriale_ was what we at present name _Cape Chidley_, and the Islands _de Demonios_, where _Gasper_ lost a Vessel, those Islands now named _Button_'s Islands; and it was _Hudson_'s Streights to which he gave the Name of the River of the _Three Brothers_, though the Reason of his giving that Name is not known to us.

We may perceive from this Account of _Gasper_'s Voyage, who did not proceed to Westward to make a Passage, but coasted down the main Land, the Accounts of their being a _Portuguese_ who made a Voyage through the Streights of _Anian_, calling a Promontory after his Name _Promonterium Corteriale_, hath had some Foundation in Truth; and in what is said by _Frisius_, an antient Geographer, calling it the Streights of _Three Brothers_, or _Anian_ (which that Word imports) because three Brothers had passed through a Streight from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. It is also apparent that the Name of _Anian_ was first given by _Gasper Corterialis_ (for some particular Reason unknown to us) to that Part, which is now _Hudson_'s Streights. Though in Time this became a proper Name to express a Streight by which there is a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_, and is contended for to be the proper Name of the Streight that divides _Asia_ from _America_, by which there is a Communication with the _Tartarian_ and _Southern Ocean_. After a Discovery of these Coasts had been made to Northward, the following Year the King of _Portugal_ sent _Americus Vespusino_ to Southward, to discover the Land there.

_Cortez_'s Designs seem to have their Foundation in these Expeditions of the _Portuguese_; but it was not until after the Year 1513, that the _South Sea_ was discovered, and the _Portugueze_ had discovered the _Moluccas_, that the finding a Streight to the Northward, by which a Passage might be made to the _South Sea_, became a Matter of particular Attention, and was the first and principal Object of _Cortez_'s Attention after he had become Master of the Capital of _Mexico_ in 1521; and this Opinion of a Passage to Northward continued during the Reign of _Charles_ the Fifth. Who in the Year 1524 sent from _Old Spain_ to discover a Passage to the _Moluccas_ by the North of _America_, without Success; but _Esteven Gomez_, who was sent on that Expedition, brought some _Indians_ home with him. Then in the Year 1526 _Charles_ the Fifth wrote to _Cortez_, in Answer to his Letters, and orders him to send the Ships at _Zacapila_ to discover a Passage from _New Spain_ to the _Moluccas_.

From this Time, the Year 1526, the Opinion of there being a Streight was generally received, though on what Foundation does not appear. It was certainly on some better Reason than _Gasper_'s Discoveries; and a Consideration of the Importance such a Passage would be of to the King of _Spain_ with respect to the _Spice_ Islands. It is not consistent with the Characters of the Emperor _Charles_ the Fifth, and of _Cortez_, when there were so many other solid Projects to pursue and this was preferred, to suppose that they should go, at that Time, on a meer visionary Scheme.

The same Opinion of a Passage to Northward prevailed in the Time of _Philip_ the Second, and in the Year 1596 he sent Orders to the Viceroy of _Mexico_ for discovering and making Settlements in proper Parts of _California_, and one Reason assigned was, 'There was much Talk about the Streight of _Anian_, through which the _South Sea_ was said to communicate with that of the _North_, near _Newfoundland_; and should the _English_ find out a practicable Passage on that Side, our Dominions, which then included all _Portuguese India_, would be no longer secure, all the Coast from _Acapulco_ to _Culiacan_ being quite defenceless, and from _Culiacan_ Northward, not one single Settlement was made on the whole Coast.' Hist. Cal. V. i. P. 163. That now not only the Opinion of there being a Streight prevailed, but it was also fixed as to the Part, and had the Name of _Anian_.

The Opinion of a Passage still existed in the Reign of _Philip_ the Third; and the same political Motives induced him to order the Conquest of _California_ to be undertaken with all possible Expedition; and one Reason assigned is, 'His Majesty also found among other Papers a Narrative delivered by some Foreigners to his Father, giving an Account of many remarkable Particulars which they saw in that Country, when driven thither by Stress of Weather from the Coast of _Newfoundland_; adding, they had passed from the _North Sea_ to the _South_, by the Streight of _Anian_, which lies beyond Cape _Mendocino_; and that they had arrived at a populous and opulent City, walled and well fortified, the Inhabitants living under a regular Policy, and were a sensible and courteous People; with many other Particulars well worth a further Enquiry.' It must be considered this is given us in the History of _California_, V. ii. P. 239, from the _Monarchia Indiana_ of _Juan Torquemada_, a learned _Franciscan_, published at _Madrid_ in 1613, and republished in 1723, Vol. i. P. 629, That a Paper of this Sort was found in the Cabinet of _Philip_ the Second, was thought deserving the Attention of _Philip_ the Third. However the Matter of it is represented here, for nothing could be published but what was first perused and altered, so as to make it consistent with the Interest of Holy Church, the State, or good Manners, before it was licensed, such Paper must have contained some material Intelligence as to a Passage; and if is said to have contained _some remarkable Particulars_. Neither would the Work have been licensed, if what is related as to their having been such a Paper, had not been true.

_Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 20, quotes _Francisco Lopez de Gomara_, deemed a careful Writer, and Author of the History of the _Indies_. Who says the Snowy Mountains are in forty Degrees, and the furthermost Land that is laid down in our Maps; but the Coast runs to the Northward until it comes to form an Island by the _Labrador_, or as separated from _Greenland_; and this Extremity of the Land is five Hundred and ten Leagues in Length.

As to what is said as to the Latitude of forty Degrees in this Quotation from _Gomara_, _Torquemada_ hath prefixed a Map to his Work, _agreeable_ to that formed by the King's Cosmographers, in which he hath made the most Western and Northern Part of the Land in almost forty-seven Degrees, and then the Land trends to the Eastward, and the _Serras Nevadas_ are represented to extend a great Length along the Coast, and to Latitude 57 Degrees. Mentions, Vol. i. P. 16, the Royal Cosmographers do not insert any Thing in their Charts of the Sea Coasts but what they have upon Oath, or from creditable Persons; and 'They make a Supputation in the Northern Parts of Islands, which do not lie near or contiguous to the Lands of _Europe_; as to which Islands, not long since discovered, the one is called _Iceland_, the other _Greenland_, which are the Bounds, Limits, or Marks, that divide the Land of the _Indies_ from any other Part howsoever situated or disposed;' afterwards observes, which Islands are not far from the _Labrador_; from which it is plain he calls _America_ an Island. And this is agreeable to what _Acosta_ says, in the Sense which I understand him, that _Quivira_ and _Anian_ extend to the Western Extremity of _America_; and that the Extremity of the Kingdom of _Anian_ to the North extends under the _Polar_ or _Artick_ Circle, and, if the Sea did not prevent it, would be found to join the Countries of _Tartary_ and _China_; and the Streight of _Anian_ takes its Course through the Northern Region, under the Polar Circle, towards _Greenland_, _Iceland_, _England_, and to the Northern Parts of _Spain_. By _Greenland_ I understand the Land to Northward, which is the North Part of _Hudson_'s Streights, and _Cumberland_ Isles; and that this Streight should determine here is agreeable to what _Cortez_ says he would send to search as far as the _Baccallaos_, (which was a Name given by _Cabot_ in 1496) for the Streight by which he expected a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. By _Iceland_ is meant, as is apparent from a View of such Map hereunto annexed, the Land to Northward of Cape _Farewel_, or the _Proper Greenland_. _Gomara_ mentions these Islands had not been long discovered. It is apparent from the Map, that they had a very imperfect Account of these Discoveries, which were made by _Frobisher_ and _Davis_, who also were far from being exact in their Computations of the Longitude.

In this Map prefixed to _Torquemada_'s Work, and here annexed, the Southern Part of _Newfoundland_ is laid down in Lat. 55, nine Degrees more to the Northward than it ought to be, for which Reason the _Labrador_, _Greenland_, and _Iceland_, are placed much further to Northward than they ought to be placed, and are made to extend beyond the Polar Circle. It is from this Supposition of _Newfoundland_ being in so high a Latitude that _Acosta_ says, _the Streight of Anian_ takes its Course through the Northern Region under the Polar Circle towards _Greenland_ and _Iceland_. In the same Map the extremest Point of _California_, answerable to Cape _St. Lucas_, is laid down in Longitude 105 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_, and the Extremity of the Land to Westward a Cape to Northward of Cape _Fortunes_, but to which no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed in 135 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_; the Difference of Longitude is 30 Degrees. This Map, published by _Torquemada_, was constructed before the Year 1612, therefore prior to a Map published in _Holland_ in 1619, under the Title of _Nova Totius Orbis Descriptio_, prefixed to the Voyage of _George Spilbergen_, in which the Errors of _Torquemada_'s Map, as to the Situation of _Newfoundland_, and the Places to Northward are corrected; yet great Errors are committed as to the Parts to Westward of _America_, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land to Westward and Northward in Lat. 42; and ninety-five Degrees between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land nearest to _Asia_. The Reason of this Difference is plain, they both err with respect to those Parts, of which they had not authenticated Accounts.

_Cortez_ wrote to the Emperor that he had sent People on Discovery, both by Land and Water, it was not designed that their Discoveries should be communicated, as _Cortez_ intended to turn them to his own private Advantage. But when _Mendoza_ fitted out two Armaments, one by Land under the Command of _Coronado_, and the other by Sea under _Alarcon_; _Alarcon_ was ordered to Latitude 53, to join the Land Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coast, and see if there was a Passage or a Communication by Water through those Countries which _Coronado_ was to discover and subdue, with the _South Sea_. As to _Coronado_, the _Franciscans_ had been before in those Parts, and they gave Information and Direction as to his Part of the Expedition; but as to the Part that _Alarcon_ had, on what Information he was ordered to go to Latitude 53, and what Probability there was that it was possible for him to find such Passage, and join the Land Forces, does not appear. But from his not finding such Passage, not joining the Land Forces, and proceeding no further than the Lat. 36, though his Reason for not going further is, that the Land then trended to the Northward, which he supposed would put him further off from the Army, whom he knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excuse of Sickness and ill Condition of his Vessels, occasioned him to return before his Time; yet his Conduct threw the whole Disgrace of the ill Success of that Expedition on _Alarcon_, both with the Emperor and the Viceroy: And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote to the Emperor, 'That it was for him only, and not in Subordination to the Viceroy, that he had conquered, discovered, and entered on the _Californias_, and all those Lands on the Coasts of the _South Sea_; that he had learnt that some of those Lands were not far from the Coasts of _Grand China_; that there was but a small Navigation to the _Spice_ Islands, which he knew was wished for at that Time; that it engaged all his Thoughts, and was his most ardent Desire to undertake such Navigation.' _Torquem._ Vol. i. P. 609.

On _Alarcon_'s Return _Juan Rodrique de Cabrillo_ was fitted out, who went as far as Lat. 44. Sickness, Want of Provisions, and his Ships not being of sufficient Strength for those Northern Seas, obliged him to return, though he was designed to go further to Northward. The Ships returning from the _Philippines_, which was also an Expedition in the Time of Viceroyship of _Mendoza_, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and found it all to be _Terra Firma_, from a Cape there, which they named _Mendocino_ to the Port of _La Navidad_. In 1602 _Vizcaino_ went, and then the Discovery was made by _Martin de Aguilar_; and _Torquemada_ tells us, Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only fourteen healthy Persons when they were at Cape _Blanco_, they were resolved to pass thro' the Streight, which they named _Anian_, and which Streight is said to be there; and P. 719, speaking of the Entrance of _Martin Aguilar_, it is understood to be a River, by which you may pass to a great City, which the _Hollanders_ discovered coming through the Streight, which is the Streight of _Anian_, and which City, he says, was named _Quivira_.

These Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have furnished the Cosmographers the principal Materials for composing their Map, and it must have been agreeable to those Materials, besides the Accounts of these Voyages sent to _Old Spain_, that they set down the utmost Limits of the Western Coast to be in the Longitude of 135 Decrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_. Therefore it was their Opinion at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight of _Anian_ in the _South Sea_, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian of _Ferro_. For which Reason the _Spaniards_ can never be understood to mean by the Streight of _Anian_ the Streight which separates _Asia_ and _America_, now named _Beering_'s _Streight_, and by which there is a Communication between the Sea of _Tartary_, or the _Frozen Ocean_, and the _South Sea_.

It is something remarkable, and supports what hath been before said as to Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records, what Jesuit _Venegas_, the Author of the History of _California_, says, Vol. ii. P. 228, 'I was extremely desirous of finding Capt. _Sebastian Vizcaino_'s Narrative, and the Representations of the Council to his Majesty _Philip_ the Third, especially the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage and Discoveries, in order to communicate the Whole to the Publick. Accordingly at my Request Search was made in the Secretary's Office of the Council of the _Indies_: But in this Intention of being serviceable to the Publick I have been disappointed.' And he again observes, on the Governor of _Cinaloa_ being ordered to pass over and take a Survey of the Coasts, Islands, Bays, Creeks, and the Disposition of the Ground of _California_, in the Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, 'There would have been little Occasion, says he, for this preparatory Survey, after so many others which had been continually making for above a Century, had the Reports, Narratives, Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or should have been made, by so many Discoveries still continued in being. But these are the Effects of a Want of a proper Care in preserving Papers, a Fault to be regretted by Persons in Power, to whom they would be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Persons, on the Account of their Interest, or as Entertainments of a commendable Curiosity.'--'But by the Loss of some Papers, either thro' a Change in the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole Advantage of an Expedition is lost.'