Chapter VI: Appendix: Fall in with the Coast of Labrador 131 (5)

From this Declaration by one who being a Jesuit, and of _Mexico_, composing a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direction of the Jesuits; by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers which were thought interesting as to the Work he was composing; and his last Reflection is not confined to the Records of _Old Spain_ only; it is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from such Records, as to the Discoveries made in the first Century after the Conquest of _Mexico_, and for a long Time after. The Narrative of _Vizcaino_'s Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any remaining Records might have become disputable, had not _Torquemada_ collected it, and published it amongst other Accounts; yet what _Torquemada_ hath preserved is but imperfect, as is apparent from a Journal of that Voyage, preserved in a private Hand at _Manilla_, and a Sight of large Extracts from which the Author hath been favoured by a Gentleman in _London_. It is owing to what _Torquemada_ and some others have collected of the Accounts which the Religious were the Authors of, that the Publick have the Accounts of those Parts; but such Voyages and Accounts as have not met with the same Means of being preserved, the Publick, from such Neglect, know nothing of them. It is plain from _Gomara_'s Account, also from _Acosta_'s, that great Discoveries had been made in these Parts, but as to many of such Discoveries, by whom is not known; and _Venegas_ says, Vol. i. P. 30, the River _Santo Thome_ was discovered in the Year 1684; 'And tho' I do not find, says he, in the Narratives of that Expedition (of Admiral _Otondo_) that _Otondo_ ever went ashore only to visit the Harbours of the Eastern Coast and the Gulph; yet from the ardent Curiosity of Father _Kino_, and the great Concern he had in the Affairs of _California_, I cannot think that he should be mistaken in any Particular relating to the Discovery: That Father _Kino_, both in his large Manuscript Map, and likewise in the lesser Impression, places the River of _Santo Thome_ as rising between the 26th and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after crossing the whole Peninsula, discharging itself into the _South Sea_, in the 26th Deg. and forming at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he calls _Puerto de Anno Nuevo_, being discovered in the Year 1685. On both Sides the River are Christian Villages, as is evident from their Names; _Santiago_, _Santo Innocentes_, _&c._ yet, in the Accounts of that Time, I do not meet with any Intelligence of this Discovery; to which I must add, that in the subsequent Relations no mention is made of any such River, Settlements or Harbours, though even little Brooks, are taken Notice of.' And he observes many other Difficulties occur about this Coast. This Harbour made by the River _Santo Thome_, is evidently that which _de Fonte_ and others call _Christabel_. Some Settlements had been made there, as these Names were given, but either deserted from the Barrenness of the Country, or had been only frequented by those who went out private Adventurers, in order to trade with the Natives. But as to which River, Settlements and Harbour, were not the Names preserved by Father _Kino_, it would not have been known that any Persons had been in those interior Parts of _California_, or that there were such River and Harbour. Father _Kino_ looked upon it as a Thing so well known, as he had no Occasion to defend himself, by giving the Reason of his inserting those Names to protect himself from the Reproach of Posterity. And _Venegas_ before tells us, that as to the Discoveries which had been made for a Century passed, the Papers were lost.

Between the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and the Time of _Venegas_'s Publication, though in the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, it was well known that there was such a River as _St. Thome_, this River is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers, on Account of the Uncertainty; not duly considering that there was as full a Proof as could be required with respect to so unfrequented a Part. The Account being from a Person whose Business it was to make Observations there, who had been so laborious and accurate as to discover, what had been so long desired to be known, whether _California_ was an Island or not, as to which he was believed; and the Truth hath been confirmed by later Observations of what he had reported, That it was not an Island. Therefore there was no Foundation for any Uncertainty in this Case, the same as with respect to the Letter of _de Fonte_, owing to the Neglect of a proper Enquiry into the Circumstances relating to it, by such an Inquiry the Uncertainty would have been removed.

What hath been said is to shew that the Argument on which so great a Stress is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongst the _Spanish_ Records, is an Argument of no Weight against the Authenticity of this Account; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not permitted, an Account of such Voyage could not be perpetuated by the Religious, the only probable Means at that Time of preferring it from Oblivion. As it was intended what was the Effect of this Expedition should be kept a Secret, it is not consistent there should be many written Accounts of it; the Officers concerned would be cautious of letting Transcripts be made from their Journals; and it may be attributed to an extraordinary Accident, rather than to what could be expected, that a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ should ever come into the Possession of the _English_.

These Observations being previously made, we are better enabled to consider, what we have before inserted, the Objection of _Venegas_ for not inserting this Account of _de Fonte_, as being of little Credit; but he seems rather to wish that we would be of his Opinion, than to imagine that he could convince us by any Arguments; therefore excuses himself as to the Length of the Dispute he might be engaged in. His Manner of expressing himself with respect to this Disappointment in the Secretary's Office, shews he hath a Manner of Address that his Words will admit of a further constructive Meaning than what is set down. The principal Object of his Writing is to incite the Court of _Spain_ to prepare in Time against the ill Consequences of the _English_ making a Discovery of a Passage; and he is to be understood, that it is not only his Opinion that the finding of such a Passage is practicable, but he apprehends it is of the Opinion of the Court also. Declares, that such Opinion hath prevailed from the first settling of _Mexico_, and that there really is a Passage in such a Manner as a Person who published an Account of this Sort would be permitted to express himself, to have it pass the Approbation of the Licenser; and does not desire to suppress the Account of _de Fonte_, as it is an absolute Contradiction to what he would infer, there being a Passage, and in such Letter it is declared there is no North-west Passage. For he must have had further and better Authorities for his Assertions of there being a Passage than such, as that single Assertion would prevail against. But desired to suppress this Account, as it was an Account which he knew it was more consistent with the Designs of the Court, it should be continued in Oblivion than revived. Mentions it therefore as the _Contents of a_ Paper published in _London_, which contained a Narrative of little Credit; and to give the better Authority to what he says, as he could not trust to the Opinion that might be had of such Account on a fair Representation of the Title; to support the Character he gave of it, therefore uses Art, misrepresenting such Title; says it was _by Order of the Viceroy of_ Peru, _in the Year_ 1640, and _giving an Account of the most material Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage_. Was the Letter so entituled, the _Transactions_ and _Adventures_ of a Commander in Chief of the Navy, in _New Spain_, he would not be singular in his Opinion, but it would be understood by every one as a Romance, and not deserving of Credit.

This Misrepresentation is intentionally done; for if he never saw the Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could he assert it was of little Credit; and that it would engage him in a long Dispute, a Dispute which his Sagacity would point out to him how to determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no such Person as _de Fonte_, Admiral of _New Spain_; which it was in his Power to do had it been the Case. But what he mentions is so far from a Denial of there being such a Person Admiral of _New Spain_, that he gives us the Name, and sets forth the Character _de Fonte_ was in, in a more proper Manner than we have it expressed in the Title of the Letter. _Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New Spain and Peru, and President of Chili_; and he is to be understood not to mean that there was no such Person, but that the Narrative is not credible as to any such Voyage having been made by Admiral _de Fonte_.

By a Schedule of the King of _Spain_ in 1606 to the Governor of the _Philippines_, _Vizcaino_ was to be again fitted out to discover a Harbour on the Western Coast of _California_, for the Reception of the _Aquapulco_ Ship; but the Death of _Vizcaino_ prevented that Design being carried into Execution; as the Court had found so many Disappointments, and such ill Success in these Undertakings, they did not think proper to entrust it to any other Person in the _Philippines_ or _New Spain_. And _Venegas_ says, Hist of _Cal._ Vol. i. P. 180. 'During the succeeding nine Years inconsiderable Voyages only were made to _California_, and these rather to fish for Pearls, or procure them by Barter, than to make any Settlement, and therefore they have been thought below any separate Account, especially as in the subsequent Royal Commissions they are only mentioned in general without any Circumstances.' Though Commissions were given to go into these Parts, without any Account remaining to whom, and on what particular Occasion; it is not to be doubted as in all Commissions of this Nature they would be under an Obligation to make a Report to the Court, and it is not to be understood that these Commissions were continued for nine Years only; and therefore what hath been said as to _Parmentiers_ and the Jesuits, their having been in these Parts, is not the least improbable. By these Commissions they were not confined to the Gulph of _California_, is evident from Father _Kino_, as already mentioned, giving Names in his Map to Villages, or occasional Settlements rather, on the River _Santo Thome_: And he says, P. 299, what made Father _Kino_ desirous of discovering whether _California_ was an Island or not, 'That all the Moderns had placed it as an Island, there being extant also some Journals of Mariners, according to which they went round _California_ through a Streight, and gave the Parts and Places through which they passed their own Names.' It appears from this Account they were permitted, by these Commissions, to rove about, though not to make Settlements, induced by their private Advantage, and the Advantage to the Government was from their Discoveries. Also Vol. i. P. 182, he mentions, 'That a great many private Persons, from the Coast of _Culiacan_ and _Chametla_, made Trips in small Boats to the Coast of _California_, either to fish for Pearls, or purchase them of the _Indians_;' which is agreeable to _de Fonte_'s Account of the Master and Mariners he procured at _Zalagua_ and _Compostilo_. We may also observe what the Missionaries say, as to the Tides at the Head of the Bay, which still adds to the Authenticity of this Account. 'In those Parts the Tide shifts every six Hours; the Flood, with a frightful Impetuosity, rises from three to seven Fathoms, overflowing the flat Country for some Leagues, and the Ebb necessarily returns with the same dangerous Violence.--However the Pilot went on Shore in the Pinnace, at several Parts, in order to make a complete Drawing of it for his Chart; was equally convinced that this Cape was the Extremity of the Gulph of _California_, and that the Waters beyond it were those of the River _Colorado_.' Therefore it was, from the exact Observation of the Tide which this Pilot took so much Pains to make, an unsettled Point from whence the Tide proceeded. Which, at the Time of _de Fonte_'s Expedition, was said to come from the Northward, agreeable to the then prevailing Opinion of _California_ being an Island. According to the usual Practice, though the true Cause of a Phænomena is unknown, to quote that Phænomena that favours a System which there is a Desire to establish as a Truth, not only in support of but to confirm such System, as to render the Truth of it unquestionable.

After _Vizcaino_'s Death, and though the Court of _Spain_ was disappointed as to finding able and sufficient Persons in _New Spain_ whom they could intrust, yet Adventures were made by private Persons, at their own Expence, both for Discovery and Settlements; yet these could not be undertaken without the Permission of his Majesty, who had taken it into his own Hand to grant such Commissions, and mostly required a Voyage to _Old Spain_ to attain them; and the next Expedition that was made, at the Crown's Expence, was conducted by an Admiral from _Old Spain_, who arrived in _New Spain_ in 1643, Admiral _Cassanate_, with full Power and Necessaries to equip a Fleet, and make Settlements in _California_; and he sailed on such Expedition in 1644. By which it is apparent that there were Ships at that Time in _New Spain_ proper for such Expeditions. As he came into these Parts within three Years after _de Fonte_'s Expedition, and took the Command as Admiral of _New Spain_ when he arrived, it is to be supposed the Expedition _Cassanate_ was sent on was too fatiguing for _de Fonte_, who was therefore retired to his Government of _Chili_. In the Year 1649 Admiral _Cassanate_, in Reward for his Services, being after the same Manner promoted to the Government of _Chili_, _de Fonte_ must be dead at that Time. This Circumstance fixes the Period in which the Copy of this Letter was taken.

As what _Venegas_ says as to the Account (which Account hath been before mentioned) given by _Seyxas y Lovera_, as to its wanting the necessary Authenticity. Besides the usual Licences, wherein the Licencers declare there is nothing contrary to good Manners, and besides being dedicated to the King in his Royal and Supreme Council of the _Indies_, _Seyxas_'s Book hath the Licence and Approbation of the Professor of Divinity in the University of _Alcara_, Preacher to the King, and Principal of a College of Jesuits in _Madrid_. Hath also the Approbation and Licence of the Professor of Erudition and Mathematicks in the Imperial College of the Company of the Jesuits at _Madrid_. What unfavourable Opinion soever we may entertain of the Principles of these Persons, we must have such an Opinion of their Prudence, that they would not sign their Approbation to a Book while it contained an unnecessary Lie, which could be easily expunged, or until they were satisfied as to the Authenticity of this Account which _Seyxas_ gives of _Peche_'s Voyage, having been published in various Places. And it is indisputable from the Countenance his Book received, he was looked on at that Time as a deserving honest Man.

_Venegas_ designedly omits other Accounts dispersed in various Books for Want of necessary Authenticity; but it is not to be understood that he absolutely denies that such Accounts are true. Neither is there so great an Improbability in such Discoveries having been made, as some of these Accounts mention, as is imagined, when such Accounts are duly considered.

We have already mentioned one Account which engaged the Attention of the King of _Spain_, therefore must have been of some Authority. There is another Account (unless it be the same Account differently represented) of a Ship that, to the Northward of Cape _Blanco_, on the Coast of _California_, passed through the Streight into the _North Sea_, and to _Old Spain_, which was also made known to the King of _Spain_, mentioned by _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 725.

Most of the Discoveries are reported to have been made by Ships coming from the _Moluccas_, or from the _Philippine_ Islands to the Eastward, and which have met with bad Weather. And what, in those Times, Ships were necessitated to do, if there was a Continuance of hard Gales of Wind, we may learn from the Schedule of _Philip_ the Third, History of _California_, Vol. i. P. 175, after mentioning a Harbour found by _Vizcaino_, on the Western Coast of _California_, adds, 'And lies very convenient for Ships returning from the _Philippine_ Islands to put into, and thus, in case of Storms, avoid the Necessity of making for _Japan_, as they have several Times done, and expended great Sums of Money. Besides, they usually have Sight of the Coast of _China_, which is an additional Benefit, as knowing where they are, they will not as formerly, in case of bad Weather, make for _Japan_, or those Islands, as the same Winds which would carry them thither, bring them into this Harbour. Again, P. 177, considering how much it concerns the Security of Ships coming from those Islands, in a Voyage of no less than 2000 Leagues, on a wide and tempestuous Sea, that they should be provided with a Port where they might put in and furnish themselves with Water, Wood, and Provisions: That the said Port of _Monterey_ lies in 37 Degrees, nearly about half Way the Voyage.'

A Ship flying before the Wind, and the People steering her towards the Coast of _America_, to avoid _Japan_ and the Islands, making a Cape Land on the Coast of _California_, would run for what they supposed a Harbour, and the bad Weather continuing might proceed up the Bay or Opening they were then in, to meet with the Inhabitants, in order to obtain Refreshments, and to learn where they were, by which Means find a Passage. As Ships were distressed in hard Gales of Wind, in the Manner the Schedule mentions, there is no Improbability of a Passage being first accidentally discovered by a single Ship coming from Sea with a leading Wind into a large Opening, in Expectation of a Harbour, though such Discovery hath not been made by Ships intentionally sent along Shore for that Purpose.

It is to be observed, the People of the _Philippine_ Islands are those who most talked of a Passage: They informed _Peche_ and others; and it is easily accounted for why they should do so: For if the _Portugueze_ made the Discovery in a Ship from the _Moluccas_, there was a constant Intercourse between them and the People of the _Philippines_; and whether the Discovery was made by the _Spaniards_ or _Portugueze_, some of the Company who were aboard such Ship as had passed through the Streight from the _South_ to the _North Sea_, would return to the _Moluccas_ or the _Philippines_; and others would meet their Acquaintance from thence in _Portugal_ or _Old Spain_; who would take Pleasure in relating to them the Accounts of their Voyage, and which they who heard those Accounts would be equally fond of communicating to others, especially when they returned back to the _Indies_. By which Means it would be known that there had been such a Discovery; and it would be out of the Power of the King of _Spain_ or _Portugal_ to prevent its being so far known, but could prevent the Account of such Discovery being published, or the Particulars communicated to Foreigners.

In the Year 1568 _Salvatierra_, a Gentleman of _Spain_, who had accidentally landed in _Ireland_ from the _West Indies_, gave an Account of a Passage having been made by one _Andrew Urdanietta_, and by the Circumstances of that Account it was about the Year 1556 or 1557. This _Urdanietta_ was a Friar, was with and greatly assisted _Andrew Miguel Lopez de Legaspi_ in the Expedition to the _Philippine_ Islands in the Year 1564, and was called the celebrated Religious _Andrew de Urdanietta_. His being thus employed, and so serviceable in this Expedition to the _Philippine_ Islands, as he is said to have been, implies, that he had a prior Knowledge of those Parts, and must have been there before; and the Character that _Salvatierra_ gave of him to Sir _Hugh Sydney_, then Lord Deputy of _Ireland_, and Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, was, that he was the greatest Discoverer by Sea that was in that Age.

_Salvatierra_ said that _a North-west Passage_ was constantly believed to be in _America_ navigable; and that _Urdanietta_ had shewed him at _Mexico_ eight Years before _Salvatierra_ arrived in _Ireland_, a Chart made from his own Observations in a Voyage in which he came from _Mare del Zur_ into _Germany_, through this North-west Passage, wherein such Passage was expressed, agreeing with _Ortelius_'s Map: That _Urdanietta_ had told the King of _Portugal_ of it as he came there from _Germany_ in his return home; but the King earnestly intreated him not to discover this Secret to any Nation: _For that_ (said he) _if_ England _had once a Knowledge and Experience of it, it would greatly hinder the King of_ Spain _and me_. And _Salvatierra_ was himself persuaded of a Passage by the Friar _Urdanietta_, and by the common Opinion of the _Spaniards_ inhabiting _America_.

It was this Account with some other that gained the Attention of the greatest Men of that Age to pursue the Discovery of a North-west Passage. Neither would _Dudley_, _Walsingham_, or Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, and other honourable Persons about the Court, be deceived with fictitious Stories, and pursue a Phantom. Could the great Abilities and Penetration of a _Walsingham_ be defective in this Respect, which was so perfect in all other Respects, as to be the Admiration of the present Age. Those who condemn this Account, and some other Accounts of this Sort, have not considered, that upon a slight Surmise or Suspicion only they put their Judgments in Competition with and in Contradiction to the Judgments of those great Men, who embraced no Opinion as to any Matter but what was founded in Reason, and all the Circumstances relating to which they had first fully considered, and which Opinion they adhered to. As to a North-west Passage, making a Distinction between the Disappointments as to the effecting the Discovery of a Passage, and the Probability there was of their being such Passage. The King of _Spain_ was equally successless as to the Execution, and at the same Time as much assured of the Practicability of making it; for which Reason Secretary _Walsingham_ was concerned at his Death, as the Attention of the Publick was drawn to a _North-east_ Passage, by which nothing more was proposed than a Trade to _Cathæy_ or _China_, and that a North-west Passage was neglected on the Part of the _English_.

It was an Opinion received in _England_ in the Year 1560, or earlier, that there was such a Passage; and before the _Philippines_ were settled by the _Spaniards_. Soon after the Discovery of _Urdanietta_, _Frobisher_, who set out in 1576, is said to have projected his Design, and made an Application for fifteen Years before. Did not succeed in the City probably, as they might not see any certain Advantage; but when he applied to the Court he succeeded. On what Plan he went is also evident, to find an Entrance to Northward of the _Labrador_; for when he fell in with the South-west Part of _Greenland_, it was supposed by him to be the _Labrador_ Coast.

There is another Account on the Oath of _Thomas Cowles_ of _Bedmester_, taken the 9th of _April_ 1579, at a Time when Oaths were considered by all People as solemn and sacred Obligations to declare the Truth. He says that six Years before, he heard a _Portugueze_ read a Book which he set out six Years before in print in the _Portugal_ Tongue, declaring that he, _Martin Chacke_, had found, now twelve Years past, a Way from the _Portugal Indies_ through the Gulph of _Newfoundland_, which he thought to be in Latitude 59° of the North Pole, by Means that he being in the said _Indies_ with four Ships of great Burthen, and he himself being in a small Ship of eighty Ton, far driven from the Company of the other four Ships with a West Wind; after that he had passed along by a great Number of Islands, which were in the Gulph of the said _Newfoundland_, and after that he overshot the Gulph, he set no more Sight on any other Land, until he fell in with the North-west Part of _Ireland_; and from thence he took his Course homeward, and by that Means came to _Lisbon_ four or five Weeks before the other Ships. But the Books were afterwards called in by the King's Order.

This Passage was made about ten Years after that of _Urdanietta_; and it is probable _Chacke_ was encouraged to proceed through such Passage, from the Report or an Account which he had heard of such Passage having been before made. It is evident he met with some Difficulties in such Passage which delayed him, as the Ships were at _Lisbon_ so soon after him, and as he expresses that he was far driven from the other four Ships he left them in a low Latitude, and being got to the Northward, without any Expectation of rejoining them, proceeded intentionally to make his Voyage by the Passage; which he would not have done to the Hazard of losing his Vessel and Cargo, for he was not on Discovery, but returning to _Lisbon_ in Company with other loaden Vessels, from whom he was separated, unless he had been assured that what he undertook was practicable, and a Passage had been made by some Vessel before that Time. This Account was received as a Truth by the principal People of the Kingdom, who certainly made a due Enquiry as to the Character of the Person who made the Affidavit with respect to his Capacity, there would be a proper Precaution also, at the Time of administering such Affidavit, that it was exact and only what he knew positively as to this Matter, tho' there might be other Circumstances which he was not so positive in. And as this Account was at that Time believed, it must have been on better Reasons than can be at present urged by any one to call the Veracity of this Account in Question.

_Juan de Fuca_ (the Account is from _Purchase_ and _North-west Fox_) was an ancient Pilot, who had been in the _West India_ of _Spain_ for near forty Years, and had sailed as Mariner and Pilot to many Places thereof in Service of the _Spaniards_.

He was Pilot of three small Ships which the _Viceroy_ of _Mexico_ sent from thence, armed with a hundred Soldiers, under a _Spaniard_ Captain, to discover the Streights of _Anian_ along the Coast of the _South Sea_, and to fortify in that Streight, to resist the Passage of the _English_ Nation, but by Reason of a Mutiny which happened amongst the Soldiers, for some ill Practices of the Captain, the Voyage was overset, and they returned to _New Spain_.

The Viceroy sent _de Fuca_ out again in 1592, with a small Caravel and Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, for the Discovery of the said Streights. Finding the Land to trend North and North-east, with a broad Inlet between 47 and 48, he entered it, and sailing therein more than twenty Days, found the Land trending still, sometimes North-west, sometimes North-east, and also South-eastward, far broader Sea than at the said Entrance; and passed by diverse Islands in that Entrance.

He went upon Land in several Places, and saw some People on Land, clad in Beasts Skins; and that the Land was very fruitful, and rich of Gold and Silver, and Pearls, and other Things like _Nova Hispania_.

Being entered thus far in the said Streight, and come into the _North Sea_ already, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be about thirty or forty Leagues wide in the Streight where he entered; he thought he had well discharged his Office, and done the Thing he was sent to do; and that he not being armed to resist the Force of the savage People, that might happen to assault him, therefore set sail and returned to _Nova Hispania_, where he arrived at _Aquapulco, Anno 1592_, hoping to be well rewarded by the Viceroy for his Voyage so performed.

The Viceroy received him kindly, and gave him Promises; but after an Expectation of two Years the Viceroy wished him to go to _Spain_, where the King would reward him; and he accordingly went.

He was well received at Court; but after long Suit could get no Reward to his Content, so stole away and came to _Italy_, to live amongst his Kindred in his own Country, being very old, a _Greek_ by Birth, born in the Island of _Sepholonica_, and his proper Name _Apostollos Valerianos_.

_De Fuca_ went first to _Leghorn_, then to _Florence_, where he met one _John Dowlass_, an _Englishman_, a famous Mariner, ready coming for _Venice_, to be a Pilot for a _Venetian_ Ship to _England_; they went in Company to _Venice_. _Dowlass_ being acquainted with Mr. _Lock_, at least a considerable Merchant if not a Consul there; gave him an Account of this _de Fuca_, and introduced him to Mr. _Lock_, who gave Mr. _Lock_ the preceding Account; and made a Proposal, if Queen _Elizabeth_ would make up the Loss which he had sustained aboard the _Aquapulco_ Ship taken by Captain _Cavendish_, which was to the Value of sixty Thousand Ducats, he would go to _England_, and serve her Majesty to discover the _North-west Passage_ into the _South Sea_, and engage his Life for the Performance, with a Ship of forty Tons and a Pinnace. They had two several Meetings on this Occasion; and _Lock_, at _de Fuca_'s Request, wrote to the old Lord _Treasurer Cecil_, Sir _Walter Rawleigh_, and Mr. _Richard Hackluit_, the Cosmographer, desiring a Hundred Pounds for to pay his Passage to _England_. His Friends wrote _Lock_ Word, the Action was very well liked, if the Money could be procured. As no great Expectations were to be had from this Answer, _de Fuca_ left _Venice_ in a Fortnight after, pursued his Design of going to _Greece_, and there died.

There is nothing in this Relation but what is very natural and simple. _De Fuca_'s Demand was excessive, for which Reason, probably, as a Man who over-rated his Services, he was not rewarded by the _Viceroy_ or the _King_; yet the _Viceroy_ availed himself of him, by sending him to Court to give an Account of his Voyage, which he might be ordered to do, as another Expedition was desired, and a Representation for that Purpose made by the Viceroy _Luis Velasco_, as is mentioned in the Schedule of the King. History of _California_, P. 173.

It did not appear that he could certainly perform what he undertook, concluding he was in the _North Sea_, from such Sea returned back to _New Spain_, therefore had not acquired a Knowledge of the Entrance into the Streights from the Eastward; which was the Difficulty that obstructed this Discovery on the Part of the _English_, and had been so much sought after, but unsuccessfully. His Age was also a very material Objection, that he would scarce be able to bear the Fatigue of such a Voyage, his Desire to undertake which immediately proceeded from his Avarice: Nor was it confident that the Hundred Pounds should be sent over to bring him to _England_, if the other Part of the Terms could not be complied with; which seems to be the Meaning of the Expression, the Action is well liked of if the Money could be procured. And _de Fuca_, whose Motive for proposing this Undertaking, was to be satisfied for his Loss by Captain _Cavendish_, would not have altered his Design of going into his own Country, and proceeded to _England_, unless he was assured of his being so gratified on a Performance of what he undertook.

_Dowlass_, who was a good Mariner, as he travelled with him, and kept his Company, would have had particular and frequent Conversation with _de Fuca_, and who, as a Mariner, was more capable of finding out if his Account was true, and was thoroughly satisfied it was so, as he spoke to Mr. _Lock_ about him. Neither _Lock_ nor _Dowlass_ could have any sinister Views, but only animated by a publick Spirit to do their Country so acceptable a Service, which it was thought to be in _England_, as it is said the Action is well liked of.

As to _de Fuca_ being taken Prisoner by Captain _Cavendish_, and how did he escape out of the Hands of the _English_? When the Ship was taken all the People were put ashore on the Coast of _California_, the Goods were taken out, and then the Ship was set a Fire, which burnt to the Water Mark, the Wreck floated ashore, they erected Jury-masts in her, and fortunately got to _Aquapulco_.

_De Fuca_ says, the Cause he thought of the ill Reward he had of the _Spaniards_ was, that they understood very well the _English_ Nation had now given over all their Voyages for the Discovery of a _North-west Passage_, wherefore they feared not them to come any more that Way into the _South Sea_; and therefore they needed not his Service therein any more: Which is so far agreeable to the Accounts of those Times, that, after the Death of Sir _Francis Walsingham_, the Discovery of a North-west Passage had no Patron at Court; and Sir _Francis_ had particularly interested himself in procuring _Davis_ to go on his last Expedition. The Discovery was not re-assumed until the Year 1602, by the _Muscovy_ Company, who had never engaged as a Company in this Discovery; but having made some successless Attempts, as to the North-east Passage, fitted out Capt. _George Weymouth_ for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which it is observable was the same Year with _Vizcaino_'s Expedition. And it is observable the next Expedition for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, was not until the Year 1606, when Mr. _John Knight_ was fitted out; and the same Year the King of _Spain_ orders _Vizcaino_ on a third Expedition, but _Vizcaino_ died, though in the interim _Vizcaino_ had been to _Old Spain_, to make Application to make a fresh Attempt, at his own Expence, and he could not obtain Permission of his Majesty. As the Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order peremptorily to be undertaken, correspond as to the Time with those from _England_, shews a Jealousy on the Part of the King of _Spain_ that the _English_ might succeed as to a Passage through the Streights. And though it is mentioned as the principal Design in the Expeditions by Order of the King of _Spain_, is the Discovery of a Harbour for the _Aquapulco_ Ship, the Publick understood there was yet a farther Design, and as much may be collected from the King of _Spain_'s Schedule in 1606. Count _de Monterey_, 'by pursuing the Discovery intended by _Don Luis de Velasco_, wrote to me concerning, and was of Opinion that small Vessels from the Harbour of _Aquapulco_ were the fittest; and that in the Discovery might be included the Coasts and Bays of the Gulph of _California_, and of the Fishery, to which, in my Letter of the 27th of _September_ 1599, I ordered to be answered, that the Discovery, and making Draughts, with Observations of that Coast, and the Bays along it, having appeared to me _highly convenient_, it was my Will he should immediately put it in Execution, without troubling himself about _California_, unless occasionally--And _Sebastian Vizcaino_ carefully informed himself of these _Indians_, and many others, whom he discovered along the Coast for above eight Hundred Leagues; and they all told him, that up the Country there were large Towns, Silver, and Gold; whence he is inclined to believe that great Riches may be discovered, especially as, in some Parts of the Land, Veins of Metal are to be seen; and that the Time of their Summer being known, a farther Discovery might be made of them by _going within_ the Country, and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coast, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Though these Orders were received in _Mexico_ in 1599, no Voyage was set out on until 1602, the Time that _Weymouth_ sailed, then probably enforced by additional Orders from the Court of _Spain_. The Expedition which was overturned by the Mutiny of the Soldiers, seems to have been about the Time of Captain _Davis_'s Expedition; for _de Fuca_ says, after the Voyage was so ill ended, the Viceroy set him out again in 1592, which implies a Distance of Time between the first and second Voyage.

The Instructions _Vizcaino_ had in the first Voyage were given by the Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took a Course to Westward and Southward of West. And the Maps were constructed agreeable thereto, therefore the King says, '_Vizcaino_ had represented to him that the Coast, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North-west and South-east, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes up the 42 Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, says, 'and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coasts, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Therefore when _Martin Aguilar_ got to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coast was represented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and Charts in Use, that this must be the desired Streights; and therefore said on their Return, 'they should have performed a great deal more, had their Health not failed them; for it is certain that only fourteen Persons enjoyed it at _Cape Blanco_. The General and those that were with him had a mind to go through the Streight, which they call of _Anian_, and is said to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the foreign Ship, who gave Intelligence of it to the King, describing its Situation, and how through that Passage one might reach the _North Sea_, and then sail back to _Spain_, along _Newfoundland_ and the Islands of _Baccalaos_, to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majesty.' _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 725. But it is very plain the King had another Information of this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward. _Luis de Velasco_ was the Viceroy in whose Time the Expedition of _de Fuca_ was; and the Expedition of _Vizcaino_ was under the Direction of the Count _de Monterey_, who was either not informed of what had been done by _de Fuca_, or might not think _de Fuca_'s Account of sufficient Authority to justify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Instructions agreeable thereto; contrary to the general Opinion of the Cosmographers at that Time, and the Description they gave of the Coasts in their Maps.

It must appear from what hath been said that there are no such great Improbabilities in the Accounts of _Salvatierre_, _Chacke_, or _de Fuca_, as hath been represented. It is also evident that the _English_ had great Expectations of succeeding; and the Court of _Spain_ had great Apprehensions we should meet with Success, and be enabled to attain a Passage by the Streight of _Anian_ into the _South Sea_; for which there must have been some reasonable Foundation both on the Part of the one and the other. The _English_ were first induced to attempt the Discovery of such a Passage, from the Accounts which they had from _Spain_ of there being such a Passage. The Court of _Spain_ entertained, as hath been shewn, an Opinion of there being such a Passage from the Time they conquered _Mexico_; and, agreeable to what _Torquemada_ says, had a certain Account of it, or at least an Account which appeared to the King to be authentick. What that Account really contained we do not know, nor was it consistent that it should be made publick; therefore what is said as to the Particulars of it are but Conjecture, and Representations upon Reports, for which the Reporters could have no real Authority. As _Vizcaino_ regretted being prevented, by the Sickness of his People that he could not go round the World, and have carried home to _Old Spain_ his Account of his Expedition. This firm Persuasion that he should have accomplished his Passage to _Old Spain_, by the Streight of _Anian_, must have been from some Information which he had received before he set out, that such Passage was practicable: Neither is it mentioned as if he proposed making a Discovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It was the Opinion of all those who were with him, that it was practicable; which is agreeable to what _Salvatierra_ informed Sir _Hugh Sydney_, and Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, That a _North-west Passage from us to_ Cathay _was constantly believed in_ America _navigable_. _Vizcaino_, who is represented as a Commander of great Conduct and Discretion (and which the Account of his Voyage expresses him to have been) would not have attempted to make a Passage thro' such Streights, to the Hazard, perhaps entire Loss, of the King's Ships, and what he had before done rendered of no Effect, unless he had a discretionary Power either to pass to _Old Spain_ by these Streights, or return to _Aquapulco_.

After the Expedition of _Knight_ failed, and _Vizcaino_ died, we hear of no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the positive Order of the Court of _Spain_ until that of Admiral _Cassanate_, who went the third Year after the Expedition of _de Fonte_, to make a Survey of the Coast of _California_; yet we have no Reason to conclude there were no other Expeditions, but it is rather to be supposed that, after the _English_ had proceeded in their Discoveries as far as _Hudson_'s Bay, the Court of _Spain_ thought it necessary, and found an effectual Way of keeping their Expeditions, both in respect to their Equipment and what was done on such Expeditions a Secret, by sending Officers from _Old Spain_ to conduct them, and as to which the Religious would not think themselves at Liberty to make any Publication without the Permission of the Court.

Having no Intercourse by Trade with those Parts, we cannot be acquainted with what is transacted in those Parts, any further than what the _Spanish_ Writers are permitted to inform us, and the imperfect and uncertain Intelligence of those who have been cruizing in those Seas. The _Spanish_ Nation have been particularly cautious of keeping the Knowledge of their Coast secret: Neither was it known, in the Year 1745, that an exact Survey was made of those Coasts until _Pasco Thomas_ annexed to his Account of Lord _Anson_'s Expedition, published in 1745, a Copy of a Manuscript, which Manuscript contained an Account of the Latitudes and Longitudes of all the most noted Places in the _South Sea_, corrected from the latest Observations by _Manuel Monz Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, and are composed with as much Precision and Exactness, as Tables of that Sort are usually made; but when these Coasts were surveyed to the Northward, to attain a Knowledge of which was formerly attended with such immense Difficulty; and to what Purpose and what Trade is carried on there, we are at present entire Strangers to. It is by Accident only that we have this Account; and if the _Spanish_ Nation have used this Precaution, with respect to the Knowledge of their Coasts, undoubtedly they would use the same Caution with respect to giving us any Insight as to how we might find a more ready Access to such Coasts by a _North-west_ Passage.

The Point of _Sueste del Estrech d'Anian_, inserted in such Tables, shews the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded; but it is acknowledged by the Geographers of _Peru_ and _New Spain_, at the present Time, that there are such Streights. The naming the _South Point_ of the _Streight_ implies there is Land to the Northward, as to which it doth not seem to be consistent with the Purpose of the Person who composed this Table to take any Notice, but that there is such Land is confirmed by the _Russian_ Discoveries.

The Extent of _America_ to Northward and Westward, that _America_ and _Asia_ were contiguous and only separated by a Streight, that _California_ was an Island, that a _Passage_ by the _North-east_ was practicable, have been by later _Geographers_ treated as _Chimeras_, contrary to the earliest Accounts, and the Reports of the first Discoverers, and which, by later Accounts, the Consequence of actual Observations are found to be true. There was a Simplicity and Honour in the People of that Age; there was no Motive for telling the Lie, that they faithfully reported the Discoveries they made, and if a Falshood was discovered it might be dangerous in the Consequences; their Voyages were not lucrative Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of which they formed their Accounts accordingly. There was no particular System to support, for the Parts they went to were entirely unknown, that a Reward and Reputation should be procured through a prevailing Interest to such as spoke in Favour of the System. While those to whose Fidelity and Assiduity alone it would be owing that such Discoveries were made, though repeated Endeavours were used to render the Undertaking ineffectual; and through whose Means alone the Truth would be made known to the Publick; should be ill spoken of, accused of Bribery, discountenanced, and the whole Merit ascribed to, where it would be least deserved, and, in Truth, where there could not be the least Pretension. Nevertheless the Reward given would be an Instance of a generous Regard in those who had Power to bestow of rewarding Merit, though they were inevitably deceived as to the proper Persons to whom such Reward should have been given.

No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or History which oppose the Probability of there being a North-west Passage, or the Reality of this Account of _de Fonte_, which the more we examine the less there appears to be of a Falsity, the Circumstances of it so consistent and united, and there are so many extra Circumstances which concur with that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an incontestable Truth. We have not had a full Account of the Voyages and Expeditions of the _Spaniards_ in _New Spain_, as some of them have not been permitted to be published. _Venegas_ particularly mentions, Vol. i. P. 14, and in other Parts, There are also Accounts of Voyages made to other Parts of the World, which are only preserved in the Collections of the Curious, and it is known but to few Persons that such Voyages were ever made. There are some Voyages which are mentioned to have been made, but cannot, after the most diligent Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no just Objection to the Authenticity of such Voyages, or as to their not having been made. What the first Discoverers represented as to the Extent of _America_, its being contiguous to _Asia_, as to _California_, and as to a North-east Passage, being in all Respects found to be true, there is the greatest Reason to believe that there is a North-west Passage; and it is consistent with that Precaution which the _Spanish_ Nation have made Use of, that we should not have any authentick Accounts relating to such Passage, which they were desirous of discovering as a shorter Way to the _Spice_ Islands and the _Indies_. But when the King of _Portugal_ and _Spain_ came to an Agreement as to the _Moluccas_, the principal Reason for making such Discovery was determined, and it became their mutual Interest that it should not be known that there was such a Passage. Their continued Silence with respect to such Passage, implies they are acquainted with there being such a Passage, though not to an Exactness. It cannot imply they are dubious, when we consider the Number of Circumstances there are already mentioned, which express the contrary.

There are Circumstances in _de Fonte_'s Account which shew the Inference of there being no _North-west Passage_ is not just, though just as far as it appeared to _de Fonte_, as the River _Parmentiers_ was not navigable for Shipping. One Circumstance is, that in the River _Haro_, and Lake _Velasco_, there were Salmon Trouts and large white Perch; also in _Los Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, but in Lake _de Fonte_ excellent Cod and Ling; which are Fish that always abide in the Salt Water, the others come out of the Salt Water into the fresh Waters to spawn. Which _de Fonte_ would account for that they came into the Lake _de Fonte_ from the _North Sea_, and when he passed the Streight of _Ronquillo_, supposed himself to be in that Sea, or from the Intelligence that he obtained from _Shapley_ that he was in a Gulph or Branch of it. Another Circumstance, as it flowed in the River _Los Reyes_ twenty-two Feet, and in _Haro_ twenty-four, and but a small Tide went into Lake _Belle_, _de Fonte_ concluded that the Western Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rose to such a Heighth at the Entrance of those Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which confined these Waters and occasioned their rise at such Entrances of the Rivers. That the Tides in _Parmentiers_, Lake _de Fonte_, and the Streights of _Ronquillo_, were from the _North Sea_. But by later Observations of the Rise of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed from _Hudson_'s Bay to that Sea where _Shapley_ was met by _de Fonte_, than through the Streights of _Ronquillo_ into the great Lake of _de Fonte_, and afterwards to rise so high in the River _Parmentiers_. Neither can such a Tide proceed through the broken Land to Northwards of _Hudson_'s Streights, named _Cumberland_ Isles (formerly _Estotland_) and which extend as far as Latitude 70; for it is evident the Strength of such Tides is spent in _Hudson_'s Bay and _Baffin_'s Bay: For at the Bottom of _Hudson_'s Bay it flowed but two Feet, at the Bottom of _Fretum Davis_ or _Baffin_'s Bay, but one Foot. Which is agreeable to the Opinion of all the Discoverers of that Time, as to the Eastern Tide from the Proportion that the great Spaces or Seas which were to receive it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, that the Force of such Tide must be consumed in such Seas, and therefore expected to meet with a Tide from Westward, which counterchecked the Eastern Tide. On the other Hand, if we consider this Tide to be from the Western Ocean, such Tide forced through various Entrances up a Streight as that of _de Fuca_, must enter the Sea where _Shapley_ was met, with great Impetuosity; rise in Heighth proportionable to the Width in all Openings that there are to receive it. As it is the Tide round _Greenland_, and that which comes from the Southward along the Coast of _Labrador_, being both received in those Indraughts of _Hudson_'s Streights, and the broken Lands of _Cumberland_ Isles, which causes the Rise of the Tides there. It may be supposed that the _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, and the Streight of _de Fuca_, received the Tides which set to Eastward along the Western Main from _Beering_'s Streights, and the Tide which comes from the Southward along the Coast of _California_. That the Tide is not from the _Tartarian Sea_, in Lake _de Fonte_, _&c._ is evident from _Bernarda_'s Account, who shews there is no Communication with that Sea and the Sea that _Shapley_ was met in.