Chapter VIII: The Dissolution

Attitude of the Grey Friars towards the Reformation in its
intellectual, religious, and political aspects.--The
Divorce.--Visitation of Oxford in 1535.--Suppression of the friaries
in 1538.--Condition of the Grey Friary.--Expulsion of the friars;
their subsequent history; Simon Ludford.--Houses and site of the Grey
Friars.--Dr. London tries to secure the land for the town.--The place
leased to Frewers and Pye; bought by Richard Andrews and Howe; resold
to Richard Gunter.--Subsequent history of the property.--Total
destruction of the buildings.

The intellectual torpor which oppressed Oxford for more than a century after the disappearance of Wiclif and his followers was due less to the repressive measures adopted by Archbishop Arundel, than to the want of vitality, of adaptability to new modes of thought, in the scholastic philosophy and method, with which the intellectual life of Oxford had for so long been identified. The University as a whole did not extend a warm welcome to the New Learning, and it was to be expected that the Mendicant Orders especially should be attached to the old state of things, with which their past greatness was connected, and to which their present position and any prestige they still possessed were due[749]. The Grey Friars consequently were inclined to oppose the revival of learning; and Tyndale no doubt classed them among ‘the old barking curs, Duns’ disciples and like draff called Scotists, the children of darkness,’ who ‘raged in every pulpit against Greek, Latin, and Hebrew[750].’ Dr. Henry Standish, sometime Warden of the Grey Friars of London and Provincial Minister of England, attacked Erasmus’ version of the New Testament in a sermon at Paul’s Cross and in conversation at Court, and seems to have been the recognised leader of the ‘Trojan’ party in England[751]. But even among the Minorites there are traces of the influence of the Renaissance. Another Provincial Minister, Richard Brynkley, was a student of Greek, and was supplied with a copy of the Gospels in Greek from the Franciscan Library at Oxford. Friar Nicholas de Burgo seems to have been one of that band of Humanists whom Wolsey attracted to Oxford, that they might propagate in his own University the learning and culture of Italy[752].

The close historical relation, notwithstanding the fundamental differences, between the intellectual movement and the religious movement, was neatly expressed in a saying current among the friars: ‘Erasmus laid the egg; Luther hatched it[753].’ The beginnings of the English Reformation in its religious aspect are to be sought among the educated classes, especially at Cambridge. The Minorites, while generally hostile to the new religion[754], did not take a leading part in suppressing it. And when it is remembered how very little progress the Lutheran doctrines made in England before the Dissolution, the few instances of sympathy with those doctrines recorded in the lives of Oxford Franciscans acquire a certain importance[755]. These, however, were exceptional cases. If we trace the fortunes of individual Franciscans after the Dissolution, it will be found that no generalization as to their attitude towards the Reformation can be made. A few remained loyal to the old religion[756], others embraced the new[757], and on both sides persecution was suffered for conscience’ sake[758]; others again contrived to reconcile themselves with both old and new according to circumstances[759].

With the Reformation as a political movement, the Franciscans had more sympathy. A large section of them had, long before this, taught the supremacy of the State over the Church in all things political[760]; they approved in principle the confiscation of Church-property for the common good[761]; and Friar Henry Standish, in defending the claim of the temporal courts to try and punish criminous clerks, together with the broad principles on which that claim rested, was only applying to present circumstances the time-honoured traditions of his Order[762]. It is true that the Friars of the Observance resisted the royal supremacy in 1534. But the supremacy claimed by Henry VIII went beyond anything asserted by his predecessors, involving, as it did in effect, the establishment of a lay jurisdiction superior to all ecclesiastical courts _in spiritualibus_ as well as _in temporalibus_, constituting Henry ‘a king with a pope in his belly’[763]. The Franciscans at Oxford seem, like most of the religious, to have accepted the supremacy in this extended form and to have taken the oath without demur: at least there is no evidence to the contrary[764].

The oath administered to the monks and friars involved an acknowledgment, not only of the royal supremacy, but of the lawfulness of Henry’s divorce from Katharine and marriage with Anne Boleyn, and a promise to preach the same on every occasion[765]. The attitude of the Oxford Franciscans to the divorce, so far as it can be ascertained, may be briefly stated here.

Henry attached great importance to securing a decision in favour of his divorce from the chief universities of Europe. The divorce became the all-absorbing topic at Oxford; and individual Minorites took a prominent part in the discussions. But the convent as a whole did not present a united front. Dr. Thomas Kirkham, a Franciscan, is mentioned as one of the Doctors of Divinity who opposed the divorce and were ready to write against it[766]. Dr. Kynton seems to have been on the same side at first[767]; Archbishop Warham complained of his having spread calumnious reports about himself in connexion with the ‘King’s matter,’ and demanded his punishment. But it is doubtful whether in the end Kynton had the courage of his opinions; he was one of the committee of three appointed by the theological faculty to decide the question with the assistance of thirty other members to be nominated by the smaller committee[768]. This body subsequently issued, in the name of the University, the qualified declaration in favour of the King, the tenour of which is well-known.

The most active champion of the King’s cause was also a Minorite, Dr. Nicholas de Burgo, a native of Italy, who enjoyed the patronage of Cardinal Wolsey[769]. The unpopularity of the divorce, among those who were guided by their sentiments rather than by their personal interests, is shown by the treatment he received at Oxford. He was pelted with stones in the street, and the good women of the town would have ‘foyled’ him ‘if their handys might have served their harts’[770]. In retaliation the friar caused about thirty women to be locked up in Bocardo for three days and nights[771]. As we shall see later on, his services did not go unrewarded[772]. The position of Friar Nicholas, however, was exceptional, and his action cannot be regarded as representative of the feelings of the Oxford Convent.

The causes which led to the dissolution of the monasteries do not concern us here. The friaries were not included in the Act of 1536 for the abolition of the lesser monasteries; they possessed as a rule no estates except the site on which they were built, and the gains to be derived from their disendowment were perhaps regarded as insufficient compensation for the odium which the measure would necessarily involve. The first blow had already fallen upon the Observant Friars, the fearless champions of the legality of the Queen Katharine’s marriage and of the Papal supremacy. The conventuals were left alone till Henry decided on the general suppression of the religious houses throughout England. The object of the royal party was then to obtain what was called a ‘voluntary’ surrender of their property from the members of each religious community; and among those who had the courage to offer opposition were many houses of Franciscans, ‘with hom,’ writes the Bishop of Dover, ‘in every place I have moche besynes’[773]. But among these we cannot reckon the convent at Oxford.

In 1535 Cromwell sent his agent, Layton, and others, to Oxford to reform the University. After abolishing the study of the schoolmen[774], the visitors proceeded to deal with the religious students[775]. For the reform of the monasteries, they were armed with a set of eighty-six articles of inquiry and twenty-five injunctions[776], the real though not avowed object of which was to make monastic life unbearable and so to prepare the way for ‘voluntary’ surrenders[777].

‘We have further,’ writes Dr. Layton to Cromwell on the 12th of
September[778], ‘in visitynge the religiouse studenttes, emongyste all
other injunctions, adjoyned that none of them for no manner of cause
shall cum within any taverne, in, alhowse, or any other howse
whatsoever hit be, within the towne and the suburbs of the same, upon
payne onse so taken by day or by nyght, to be sent imediatly home to
his cloister whereas he was professede. Withoute doubte we here say
this acte to be gretly lamentede of all the duble honeste women of the
towne, and specially of ther laundres that now may not onse entre
within the gaittes, and muche lesse within ther chambers, wherunto
they wer ryght well accustomede. I doubt not but for this thyng onely
the honeste matrones will sew unto yowe for a redresse.’

It is probable, that, between this time and the summer and autumn of 1538, when the general dissolution of the friaries took place, many of the Oxford Franciscans had left their house[779]. The Friary, it will be seen, was wretchedly poor and in a ruinous condition; ‘and few do geve any almys to them’[780]. The commission to visit the Oxford friaries in 1538 consisted of Dr. John London, the mayor (Mr. Banaster) and ‘master aldermen’ (apparently Mr. Pye and Mr. Fryer). On the 8th of July[781], Dr. London writes to Cromwell that he and his fellow-commissioners have been ‘at all the places of the fryers in Oxforde,’ and wishing ‘to know your lordeships pleasur’ on certain doubtful points, he proceeds to give an account of his work.

‘At Mr. Pyei’s comyng home Mr. Maier and Mr. ffryer wer at London, and
forasmoch as we dowbtyd of ther spedy comyng home, and Mr. Pye and I
wer creadable informyd that it wasse time to be doing among the
friers[782], we went to euery place of them and tok such a vew[783]
and stay among them as the tyme wolde permytt.’

After visiting the Carmelites and Austin Friars, they came to the Grey Friars.

‘The Grey ffryers,’ continues London[784], ‘hathe prayty Ilondes
behynde ther howse well woddyde, and the waters be thers also. They
haue oon fayre orchard and sondry praty gardens and lodginges. It ys a
great hoge howce conteynyng moche ruinose bylding. They haue impledged
and solde most of ther plate and juellys forcyd by necessitie as they
do saye, and that remaynyth ys in the bill. Ther ornamentes of ther
church be olde and litill worthe. Ther other stuff of howsholde ys
ybill worth x łi. They haue taken vppe the pypes of ther condytt
lately and haue cast them in sowys to the nombre lxxij, wherof xij be
sold for the costes in taking vppe of the pypes, as the warden saith.
The residew we haue putt in safe garde. Butt we haue nott yet weyd
them. And ther ys yet in the erthe remaynyng moch of the condytt nott
taken vppe. In ther groves the wynde hathe blown down many great
trees, wich do remayn upon the ground. Thees freers do receyve yerly
owt of thexchequer of the Kinges almys l markes. Thys howse ys all
coveryde w{t} slatte and no ledde.’

Before August the 14th the doctor had sent up the plate of the Oxford friaries to Cromwell’s servant in London, Mr. Thacker, and received from him ‘a bill indentyd conteynyng the parcels of the sayd plate w{t} the nombre of ownces.’[785] The following is the list of

Juelles and plate in the grey ffryers[786].

Imp’mis a crosse of sylu’ and gylt liiij vnc’.
A chales all gylt xiiij vnc’.
A nother all gylt xv vnc’.
A nother p̱cell gylt xiij vnc’.
A nother chales p̱cell gylt xiiij vnc’ et di.
A pyxe of sylu’ gyldyd w{t} owt a cou’ xv vnc’.
A sensar of sylu’ waynge xxxij vnc’.
A payer of small cruettes gylted ij vnc’ iij qrt’.
V masers olde w{t} bonds of sylu’ weyng w{t} the
trees[787]. lxxxxij vnc’.
A black horne w{t} sylu’ bonde and fot weyng w{t}
the horne x vnc’ et di.
iij dosyn sponys xxxiij vnc’.
A knappe[788] of the cou’ of a maser ij vnc’.

The treatment of the friars themselves was a more complicated problem. All of them seem to have been willing to become secular priests, and London urged

‘that with spede we may haue ther capacyties, ffor the longer they
tary the more they will wast[789].’

On the 14th of August[790] he complains that

‘as yet we haue nott the capacities and therfor be at the chardge in
fyndyng them mete and drink.’

On the 31st of August, again, he writes to Cromwell from Oxford[791]:

‘I have causyd all our fower ordre of fryers to change ther cotes, and
have despacchide them as well as I can till they may receyve ther
capacities, for the wiche I have now agen sent uppe thys berar doctor
Baskerfelde[792], to whom I do humblie besek your lordeschippe to
stonde gudde lorde. He ys an honest man, and causyd all hys howse to
surrendre the same and to chaunge ther papistical garmentes. I wrote
to your lordeschippe specially for hym to have in hys capacytie an
expresse licens to dwell in Oxford, altho he wer benefycyd; and your
lordeschipp then wrote that yt wasse your pleasur he and all other
shulde have ther capacities according to ther desyer, and for that
thys man is now an humble sutar unto your lordeschippe. He hath be a
visitar of dyvers places wiche they do call custodies, and knowith
many thinges as well in London as otherwise, wiche he hath promised me
to declare unto your lordeschippe, if it be your pleasur he schall so
do.’

The list of Oxford Grey Friars who ‘wold haue ther capacytis’ which was sent to Cromwell[793], contains eighteen names, thirteen of them being priests, one subdeacon, and four not in holy orders. The names are: Edward Baskerfelde, Warden, S.T.P.[794]; Friars Brian Sanden, Richard Roper, B.D., Rodulph Kyrswell, Robert Newman, William Brown, John Covire (or Conire or Comre), James Cantwell, Thomas Cappes, John Stafforde Schyer (?), William Bowghnell, James Smyzth, Thomas Wythman, priests; Friar John Olliff, subdeacon; and Friars Symon Ludforth, Thomas Barly, William Cok, and John Cok, _non infra sacros_.

It is not often possible to trace the subsequent career of the friars when they had been turned adrift on the world. The monks as a rule received pensions, and the entries respecting the payment of these in the Ministers’ Accounts and other records, afford some clue to their fate. The Mendicants except in a few isolated cases received no pensions. Dr. London in his letter of the 8th of July[795] asked Cromwell

‘what reward euery freer shall have ...[796] at ther departinge,’

but the question no doubt refers merely to the gift of a few shillings, which was usually made to each friar on his dismissal. No instance occurs in the records of a pension having been paid to any of the Grey Friars who were at Oxford at the time of the suppression[797]. It is probable that Baskerfeld, who was an important person in the University, received a benefice with license to live in Oxford. Robert Newman seems also to have been presented to a living[798]. But the career of only one of these eighteen friars can be traced with any certainty. Simon Ludford, a native of Bedford, became an apothecary in London. On November 6, 1553, he supplicated for the degree of M.B. at Oxford after six years’ study in the medical faculty. On November 27, he obtained the degree and was admitted to practise. The College of Physicians remonstrated with the University and recommended that the degree should be revoked on the ground of Ludford’s ignorance. Though the University refused to withdraw its license, the ex-friar proceeded to Cambridge, but the Physicians hastened to warn the authorities there against him. They had, they wrote to the University, already examined Ludford ‘on the 17th day before the Calends of March, 1553’ (?), and, finding him completely ignorant of medicine, philosophy, and the liberal sciences, and distinguished only by ‘blind audacity,’ unanimously voted against his admission. Ludford left Cambridge, but persevered. In May 1560, he supplicated for the degree of M.D. at Oxford, stating that he had long practised in London by permission of the London College of Physicians. In July he incepted as M.D. of Oxford. In April 1563 he was made fellow of the College of Physicians, and he was censor of the same College in 1564, 1569, and 1572.[799]

We turn now to the Minorites who had studied at Oxford, but who were living in other convents at the time of the dissolution. Of these a considerable number obtained benefices[800], a few even rising to positions of some importance in the Church[801]. But what proportion these successful cases bore to the unsuccessful cannot be even approximately ascertained; it would naturally be higher among friars who had received a university education than among the common herd. Yet it is unlikely that a majority even of the former were presented to livings. The number of disbanded monks and friars seeking employment as priests must have been very large, and at the same time the demand for priests was growing less and less.[802] Some of the friars probably drifted into secular employments; others perhaps joined the ranks of the ‘sturdy beggars’ of whom so much is heard in the sixteenth century. It can hardly be doubted but that the lot of many was one of hardship and suffering.

In the eyes of Cromwell and his royal master the only question of real importance was the most advantageous disposal of the property. The buildings of the Grey Friars were of little account, and the convent was among those

‘howses of freres that have no substance of lead, save only some of
them haue smale gutters[803].’

The site, however, was of considerable value, Dr. London was anxious that it should be secured for the city; and his letter[804] gives a curious picture of the state of Oxford at the time of the dissolution.

‘It ys rumoryd her that dyuers of the garde do intende to begge thees
howsys of the Kinges hyghnes, and that with other consideracions
moveth me now to be an humble petitioner vnto your lordeschippe for my
neybours. We haue in Oxforde two of the Kinges grace’s seruantes Mr.
Banaster and Mr. Pye, two as burgerly and as honest men as lyveth in
any town and hathe no thing to lyve vpon, nother farmes abrode nor
fees saving oonly ther wages of the Kinges grace iiij_d._ a daye. Mr.
Banaster ys now mayer, and Mr. Pye hath be mayer, to hys great
chardge.’

The writer then urges that Mr. Banaster should have the site (‘cyte’) and profits of the White Friars, Mr. Pye those of the fair of the Austin Friars.

‘Mr. Pye specially hath be diligent to bring vnto the Kinges grace’s
hondes thees howses, and therefor I besek your gudd lordeschipp to be
gudd lord vnto hym. And syns Mr. Mayer com home he ys as diligent as
maye be and so is Mr. ffryer.’

London goes on to plead for his ‘neybours of Oxford,’

‘seying so gudd an occasion ys come wherin your lordeschipp may do
vnto them the hyest benefytt that euer dydd honorable man. The
greatest occasion of the povertie of thys town ys the payment of ther
fee-farme. ffor thys ys customablie seen, that such as befor they haue
be bayliffes hath be prety occupyers, if in ther yere corn be nott at
a hie price, then they be nott able to pay ther fee-farme. And for the
worschipp of ther town they must that yere kepe the better howsys,
fest ther neybours and wer better apparell, wich maketh them so pore
that few of them can recouer agen. If by your gudde lordeschips
mediation the town myȝt haue the grey and black fryers growndes after
the Kinges grace hath be answerd for the wodd and buyldinges with
other thynges upon the same, and lykewyse the cytes of the Whyte and
austen fryers after the decese of Mr. Banester and Mr. Pye; It wolde
mervelosly helpe the town, and geve them great occasion to fall to
clothynge, ffor vpon the grey and black fryers water be certen
convenyent and commodiose places to sett fulling mylles vpon, and so
people myȝt be sett awork. Now the baylys forcyd by necessitie taketh
such tolls of such as passith by the town with catell or any maner of
cariage as makith men lothe to com herbye; and Oxford ys no great
thorowfare whereby moche resort schuld helpe them. Thys benefytt shuld
lytill hynder the kinges maiestie and mervelosly helpe thys pouer
town; and your lordeschipp schuld do a blessyd dede to helpe so many
pouer men wich by ther fee-farme be notably poverischyd. And yet the
Kinges grace schuld save a C markes yerly in hys cofers by reason of
the grey and black fryers wich hath euery of them C (_sic_) markes by
yere.’

The plan here sketched out, creditable as it is to its author, was not carried into effect. On August 10th, 1540, William Frewers and John Pye of Oxford, obtained a lease of the house and site of the Grey Friars, together with the grove containing by estimation five acres, for twenty-one years, at a rent of 20_s._ a year--half the amount of the rent which the same persons paid for the Black Friars[805]. Much of the Grey Friars’ property was expressly excepted from this lease; namely, the close called ‘le Churcheyarde’ now held by Richard Gunter of Oxford at an annual rent of 3_s._ 4_d._, the orchard or garden called ‘Paradise,’ and the garden called ‘Boteham,’ now held by William Thomas at an annual rent of 6_s._ 8_d._ Further all large trees and shrubs were reserved to the King, together with all those buildings within the precincts of the two friaries ‘which the King had commanded to be levelled or taken away.’

In 1544 the tenants seem to have opened negotiations for the purchase of the property. In the official ‘particulars’ sent up to the royal commissioners we read:

‘These houses of ffryers ar wythin the towne of Oxford and as I haue
lernyd they ar not nyghe eny of the Kinges houses neyther hys graces
parkes fforestes and chase by seven myles. And what ffyne wylbe gyuen
ffor the same I know not neyther can lerne. And they ar the ffermers
them selues y{t} desyreth to by the premysses[806].’

The price which the tenants offered was probably unsatisfactory; the impecunious Pye with his wages of 4_d._ a day can hardly have had a chance against wealthier speculators in monastic lands. In 1544 a successful bid was made by Richard Andrewes of Hales, Esquire (Glouc.), one of the largest of these speculators[807], who as usual was acting in partnership with another, in this case John Howe. On July 14th, 1544, the King granted to these two, in consideration of £1094 3_s._ 2_d._ paid by Richard Andrewes, various monastic lands in the counties of Derby, Middlesex, Oxford, &c., including the sites of the Black and Grey Friars in Oxford[808].

‘We give also and for the aforesaid consideration by these presents
concede to the said Richard Andrewes and John Howe, the whole site of
the house late of the friars Minors, commonly called “les Grey
ffreers” within the town of Oxford now dissolved. And also our whole
grove of land and wood with its appurtenances containing by estimation
five acres of land, now or late in the tenure or occupation of William
ffrewers and John Pye or their assigns; and our whole close of land
called ‘le Churcheyarde’ with its appurtenances, now or late in the
tenure or occupation of James Gunter or his assigns; and our whole
garden or orchard called “Paradyse,” and our whole garden called
Bateham or Boteham, now or late in the tenure or occupation of William
Thomas or his assigns, with all and each of their appurtenances
situated within the town of Oxford, lately belonging to the priory or
house of the friars Minors ...; and all our houses, buildings,
stables, granaries, curtilages, gardens (_ortos_), orchards, gardens
(_gardina_), waters, ponds, vineyards, land and soil whatsoever with
their appurtenances lying within the said boundary of the house of the
friars Minors.... Which site of the late house of friars Minors and
all the aforesaid houses, buildings, gardens, orchards, &c., belonging
thereto, now amount (_extenduntur_) to the clear annual value of
30_s._... We except however always and totally reserve out of the
present concession, all the bells and the whole of the lead and glass
on the said houses of the friars Minors and Preachers, except the lead
and glass in the gutters and windows of the houses or mansions of the
same friars: and also in like manner all the buildings and structures
of the late churches, cloisters, refectories, dormitories, and
chapterhouses of the said friars.’

All the property granted was to be held by Richard Andrewes and John Howe and the heirs and assigns of Richard Andrewes, in chief, ‘for the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.’ An annual rent was to be paid to the King from each parcel of property, the rent of the site of the Friars Minors being 3_s._, that of the Friars Preachers 4_s._

The purchase was purely a matter of speculation, and the next month (August 26th, 1544), Andrewes and Howe obtained from the King, for a fine of 9_s._, license to alienate the site of the Grey Friars, with the grove, churchyard, Paradise, and Boteham, and the buildings, except those already reserved for the King, to Richard Gunter, alderman of Oxford, and Joanna his wife, and the heirs and assigns of Richard Gunter, to be held by them ‘for the services due thence to us, our heirs, and successors[809].’ It does not appear whether the leases of Frewers, Pye, and Thomas, were cancelled or allowed to run their course.

The subsequent history of the property is obscure, and probably would not repay an exhaustive investigation. Wood states that the land

‘being shifted through severall hands doth now acknowledg also
severall owners[810].’

Part of it was ‘now inhabited by tanners[811].’ The island or grove on the south of Trill Mill stream belonged

‘to Sir William Moorton, Kt., Judge of the King’s Bench, in right of
his wife Anne, daughter and heir of John Smyth of Oxford, Gent[812].’

Writing about a century later, Peshall states that the site

‘now forms the messuage or Tenement and large Yard of Charles Collins,
Gent; the Garden, Orchard, and Tenement of Swithin Adee, M.D., late
Sir James Cotter’s, Bart., and the large Garden and Orchard called
Paradise Garden. The Island in their possession ... is occupied by Mr.
Shirley, which serves partly for a Tan Yard and Buildings necessary
thereto[813].’

In a short time little was left of the buildings--so complete was the work of destruction. ‘The trees were soon cut down, all the greens trod under foot, the church thrown down, and the stones, with the images and monuments of the greatest value, scattered about[814].’ The name only survived; Agas in his map (1578) puts the _Graie Friers_ where the house of the Black Friars stood. ‘The ruins of this college are gone to ruine,’ wrote Wood, ‘and almost lodged in obscurity[815]:’ and the ‘scanty fragments’ (_rudera paucula_) which were visible to Hearne and Parkinson as they walked towards the Watergate[816] have long since vanished. Even the use to which the materials were put is unknown. Some of the stones form no doubt the foundation-work of many houses in St. Ebbe’s: but while something definite is known about the materials of the Houses of the other Mendicant Orders, the records are silent respecting the greatest of the friaries[817].

_PART II._

_BIOGRAPHICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES._