Chapter XXXII: Part II (1)

[528] Ibid. 220 seq. (full analysis of the speech). The original is printed in Edw. Brown’s Fascic. Rer. Expetend. (1695), Vol. II, under the title, _Defensorium Curatorum_. A short summary in old English will be found in Mon. Franc. II.

[529] Cf. statute of the University against ‘wax-doctors’ (A. D. 1358); Mun. Acad. 207-8; ‘Nam pomis et potu, ut populus fabulatur, puerulos ad religionem attrahunt et instigant;’ (from Richard de Bury’s Philobiblon), quoted on p. 42.

[530] Mun. Acad. 204.

[531] Wood, Annals, I, 475 (W. Folvyle, Cambridge Minorite); Twyne, MS. XXII, f. 103 c (W. Woodford). The Oxford Dominican (?) who writes under the pseudonym of Daw Topias says in answer to this accusation, ‘To tille folk to Godward, I holde it no theft.’ Polit. Poems, II, 83 (R.S.).

[532] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.

[533] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.

[534] Ibid. Vol. III, p. 502, § 62.

[535] Lechler, J. v. Wiclif, I, 319, 374, 585 seq.

[536] Ibid. 588.

[537] Twyne, MS. XXI, 502; from Woodford’s _Quaestiones de sacramento altaris contra Wyclefum_, qu. 63.

[538] ‘Quando concurrebam cum eo in lectura sententiarum.’ I do not know the precise meaning of the phrase: cf. Mun. Acad. 393, ‘Statutum est quod duo Magistri in theologia, si velint, possunt concurrere disputando.’

[539] See the curious account in the _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ of the council of bishops and lords held at Westminster under the presidency of the Black Prince in 1374, the subject of discussion being the papal tribute. Four doctors of theology were present, namely, the Provincial of the Friars Preachers, J. Owtred, monk of Durham, an opponent of the friars (see MS. Ball. Coll. 149, ff. 63-5), J. Mardisle, Friar Minor, and an Austin Friar. The Archbishop said, ‘The pope is lord of all; we cannot refuse him this,’ ‘quod omnes praelati seriatim dixerunt.’ The Dominican refused to give an opinion, and suggested a hymn or mass. The monk used the old argument about the two swords. Mardisle promptly retorted with the text, ‘Put up again thy sword into his place,’ showing that the two swords did not mean spiritual and temporal power; ‘et quod Christus temporale dominium non habebat, nec Apostolis tradidit sed relinquere docuit;’ which he proved by a learned appeal to scripture, authorities, and history. The subsequent proceedings are very humorously told; Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8. Four Mendicant B.D.’s were, at John of Gaunt’s wish, present at Wiclif’s trial in 1377, to support him by argument in case of need. Lechler, I, 369, and note.

[540] Mun. Acad. p. 208. He is called merely ‘Frater Johannes ... Doctor,’ the surname and Order being omitted; but his ‘heresies’ are those of the Franciscans.

[541] Lechler, I, 586. Of the twelve doctors who condemned Wiclif’s doctrines at Oxford in 1381 (or beginning of 1382), six were Mendicants; Tyssyngton was the only Minorite. Wood, Annals, I, 499.

[542] These are clearly stated in his treatise ‘_De Blasphemia, contra Fratres_,’ Select English Works, III, 402 seq.; Trialogus, Lib. IV, cap. 27-32. Ibid. cap. 37, another charge is added, namely, the opposition offered by the friars to the ‘Poor Priests,’ of which Wiclif says: ‘Revera inter omnia peccata, quae unquam consideravi de fratribus, hoc mihi videtur esse sceleratissimum propter multa; emanavit enim integre ex unicordi consilio et consensu omnium horum fratrum.’ The ‘Poor Priests’ resembled the early Friars Minors in many points, e.g. as itinerant preachers: perhaps Wiclif, when organizing the former, was led to look more closely into the ideal which the latter professed to follow; and if so, he may well have been shocked at the contrast between that ideal and the reality. One change in the life of the friars--their gradual approximation to the seclusion of the older Orders, may be illustrated by two passages from Matthew Paris and Wiclif (allowance being made for the prejudices of the writers). The friars, says the Benedictine historian, ‘wandered through cities and villages,’ and ‘had the ocean for their cloister’ (Chron. Majora, V, 529). Wiclif attacks them for living ‘closed in a cloister,’ instead of going about among the people, ‘to whom thy maie most profite ghostlie ... Charitie showld drive Friars to come out amongst the people and leaue Caymes Castels that bin so needeless and chargeous to the people.’ (Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 21.)

[543] Select English Works, III, 424.

[544] Wyclif, Latin Works, _Sermones_, II, xlvii. Jusserand, _La Vie Nomade_, p. 186 seq.; Rogers’ Introd. to Gascoigne’s _Liber Veritatum_, p. 123.

[545] He accuses them, e.g. of ‘stinking covetise,’ of ‘simonie and foule marchandise;’ they are ‘worse enemies and sleers of man’s soule than is the cruel fende of hell by himself;’ some of them are ‘damned divels;’ Two Short Treatises, Select English Works, _passim_. Latin works, _Sermones_, II. Cf. Polit. Poems (Rolls Series), I, 266:

‘Ther shal no saule have rowme in helle
Of frers ther is suche throng.’

[546] Two Short Treatises, cap. 48 (printed by Vaughan, p. 254).

[547] Polit. Poems, II, 49.

[548] Fascic. Zizan. 292-5: the letter is dated Oxford, ‘sub sigillo priorum et gardiani conventuum et ordinum praefatorum.’ The part which the Franciscans took in the peasant revolt still remains obscure. An undated letter of Richard II ‘to the Minister of the Friars Minors of Dorchester’ refers to an individual friar agitating among the labourers about this time; but whether before or after the rising I cannot say. The letter occurs in MS. Dd. III, 53, p. 97, in the Cambridge Public Library. ‘Nous auons entenduz coment votre Confrere et obedientier du dit ordre ffrere Johan Gorry (or Grey?) fait excitacion et maintenance a les cotagiers et autres tenauntz notre cher en dieu labbe de Midelton, laborers demorantz dedeinz la Seigneurie mesme labbe, de rebeller contre le dite Abbe leur seignur es choses queles ils sont tenuz et deuient fair a lui de reson selonc la forme de lestatut fait des laborers,’ &c.

[549] Fascic. Zizan. p. 305.

[550] Lyte, 264. A Latin version of the sermon is in Twyne, MS. IV, 172-4.

[551] Fascic. Zizan. 287.

[552] Fascic. Zizan. 298, 301, 311, &c.

[553] Lyte, 273; Wilkins, _Conc._ III, 172.

[554] Polit. Poems, I, 259.

[555] Fascic. Zizan. 343-357.

[556] Twyne, MS. Vol. II, f. 229, letter of Archbishop Arundel to John XXIII, dated Aug. 20 (1410?).

[557] Wood, Annals, I, 481.

[558] Mun. Acad. 289; the statute before it is dated 1431, that after it, 1432.

[559] Mun. Acad. 376; for other references see notice of William Russell in Part II.

[560] Wood, Annals, I, 572.

[561] Ibid. 638.

[562] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 188.

[563] Close Roll, 12 Ric. II, m. 42 (Appx. B).

[564] The _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ gives the reasons alleged by two individual friars for their support of Richard:--(1) personal: ‘teneor sibi et tota parentela mea quia ipse promovit illam,’ p. 390; (2) legitimist standpoint: ‘electio nulla est, vivente possessore legitimo,’ p. 392.

[565] Eulog. Hist. III, 388 seq.; Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 36.

[566] Eulog. Hist. III, 392.

[567] Stubbs, _ut supra_.

[568] Eulog. Hist. III, 391: it is mentioned with less detail in most of the chronicles of the time, e.g. Walsingham, Otterbourne. Adam of Usk’s account differs in some points; ‘undecim de ordine fratrum minorum in theologia doctores,’ &c., p. 82.

[569] Eulog. Hist. III, 391, where his defence before the King, or rather statement of his position, is given. Before his execution he preached on the text, ‘Into thy hands, Lord, I commend my spirit.’ ‘Et devote recommendavit omnes qui causa mortis suae erant;’ ibid. 393. His name is given by Wylie, _Henry IV_, Vol. I, p. 277. He was D.D. of Cambridge (Fascic. Zizan. 287) and perhaps had no further connexion with Oxford than that mentioned in the text.

[570] Nativitas (June 24) or Decollatio (Aug. 29)?

[571] Eulog. Hist. III, 394. The whole description of these events by the anonymous continuator of the _Eulogium_ is extremely graphic and powerful; his sympathies are strongly on the side of the rebels.

[572] Anal. Franc. II, 260.

[573] Ibid. 297; A. D. 1435: the Observants in answer to the reproach of the Conventuals ‘quod non haberent magistros in theologia nec vellent studere etc., dicebant, quod studere vellent et desiderarent, sed conqueri de hoc merito deberent, quod ipsi de communitate omnes conventus, in quibus habet Ordo studium generale, vellent ipsi habere et nullum Observantibus dare, nec ipsi vellent permittere, quod ibi promoverentur ad studia, sed promotiones darent illis de sua vita. Sed et propter innumerabiles dissolutiones, quae multo adhuc amplius vigent in conventibus studiorum generalium, sicut Parisius testatur locus, qui dicitur infernus, propter inhonestates tacendas, ne aures audientium tinnire contingeret, et propter exactiones pecuniarias ampliores quam apud saeculares, multaque alia tacenda; dicebant, se cum puritate regulae non posse ibi studere.’

[574] E. g. Gonsalvo of Portugal.

[575] The first according to Wadding (XIV, 252) was Greenwich, A. D. 1480.

[576] E. g. John Billing, Ralph Creswell.

[577] Mon. Franc. I, lxxi.

[578] Ibid. 8: ‘Unde accidit ut Frater Angnellus, cum Fratre Salomone, gardiano Londoniae, vellet audire compotum fratrum Londoniae, quantum sc. expendissent infra unum terminum anni, cumque audisset quod tam sumptuose processisset vel satis parca fratrum exhibitio, projecit omnes talias et rotulos, et percutiens seipsum in faciem, exclamavit, “Ay me captum!” et nunquam postea voluit audire compotum.’

[579] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 124 b (2nd Sept. 1529), printed in Appx.

[580] Wadding (VI, 108) refers to the ‘tabula or index of the brethren who died there (Cologne) such as is kept commonly in the monasteries of the Order.’ See the curious necrology of the Observant Friars of Aberdeen, Mon. Franciscana, II, 123-140. Lansdowne MS. 963 is said to contain notes by Bishop Kennett, ‘ex obituario conventus Fratrum Minorum Guldefordiae, MS. Norwic. 671:’ it is really notes from the obituary of the Friars Preachers of Guildford, now in the University Library, Cambridge; MS. Ll. II, 9.

[581] Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., Vol. II, p. 24 (R.S.). Chaucer’s ‘Sompnoure’ offers an explanation of the disappearance of these ‘tables’ (Poet. Works, Vol. I, pp. 367-8: Bohn’s edition):--

‘His felaw had a staf typped with horn,
A payr of tablis al of yvory,
And a poyntel y-polischt fetisly,
And wroot the names alway as he stood
Of alle folk that gaf him eny good,
Ascaunce that he wolde for hem preye.

* * * * *

And whan that he was out atte dore, anoon
He planed out the names everychoon
That he biforn had writen in his tablis.’

[582] Mon. Franc. II, preface, p. xxxi. Cf. Wills in Somerset House, Holder, fol. 4 (will of J. Tate); Logge, f. 121 (J. Benet); Polit. Poems and Songs, II, 29, 33; Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c. (Oxford, 1608), cap. 15.

[583] Wadding, V, 299-300.

[584] Some of those relating to the German provinces are given in Nicholas Glasberger’s Chronicle, Anal. Franc. II.

[585] Specimens will be found in Mon. Franc. II; Surtees, Hist. of Durham, Vol. I, p. 27; Archaeologia, XI, 85; Mullinger, Cambridge, Vol. I, p. 317, mentions a letter of fraternity of a somewhat different kind.

[586] Mon. Franc. I, 552; Appendix C.

[587] The deed of W. Wileford (Appx. A. 1) is not a Franciscan record, any more than the Public Records are. I have not been able to find the seal of the Oxford Minorites. It was attached to the original letter addressed by the four Mendicant Convents to John of Gaunt, a copy of which is printed in Fascic. Zizan. pp. 292-5. This is the only mention of the seal which I can recall. There are a few special references to Oxford in the decrees of the General Chapters; see Index, under Franciscan Order.

[588] See Testament of St. Francis: ‘Oure dyvyne servyce the clerkis saide as other clerkis.’ Mon. Franc. I, 564. An article in the Dominican statutes of 1228 (Dist. 1, n. 4) provides that ‘hours’ shall be said rapidly, ‘ne fratres devotionem amittant et eorum studium minime impediatur.’ Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch., Vol. I, p. 189.

[589] Mon. Franc. I, 10-11; Bullarium Romanum, I, 250.

[590] Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31: ‘and who can best rob the poore people by false begging and other deceipts shal have this Judas office.’

[591] Bullarium, ut supra. Constitutions of Martin V, cap. vi: ‘Item quod omnes fratres vadant pro eleemosyna confidenter juxta discretionem Praelati praecipientis, cujus arbitrio committimus discernendum, qui congrue mittendi sunt pro eleemosyna, vel qui non.’

[592] Wadding, IX, 438; complaint of the Minorites of Cambridge in 1395 that a house of the same Order at Ware was trespassing on their _limites_, and bull forbidding the same. Cf. Polit. Songs and Poems, &c., Vol. II, pp. 21, 78.

[593] In early days they carried the offerings themselves in their ‘caparones’ or under their arms. Mon. Franc. I, 10-11.

[594] Poet. Works, I, 382. This poem, though banished, owing to its coarseness in some parts, from polite society, contains a more lifelike and graphic description of the English mediaeval friar than is to be found elsewhere in literature.

[595] Ibid. 367.

[596] Burney, MS. 325, quoted above, p. 56, n. 2. Cf. Twyne, MS. IV, 173, sermon of N. Hereford in 1382: ‘Cum eorum limitatores satis mendicaverint pro sua communitate, statim mendicant iterum pro seipsis, et sic falsi pravi monstrant (se) esse apostatas et frangunt regulam,’ &c.

[597] Opera Ined. p. 16.

[598] _Familiares homines et pauperes_, prob. students or the common people (see ibid. Pref. xx): the word translated ‘friends’ above is _amici_. Cf. the frequent charges against the friars that they ‘devour poore men’s almes in wast, and feasting of Lordes and great men.’ Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31; Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., II, p. 28; Peacock, Repressor, 550 (R.S.).

[599] Bull of Martin IV, Kal. Feb. A{o} 2, recited and confirmed by Martin V, Kal. Nov. A{o} 10. John XXII by his Bull ‘Ad Conditorem’ forbade the Franciscans to use the Bull of Martin IV without special license of the Pope; Martin V allowed them to use it ‘freely and lawfully.’

[600] Wadding, X, 130.

[601] Twyne, MS. XXIII, f. 266 (Oxf. City Archives): printed in Appendix B.

[602] He is not called ‘_frater_,’ but the omission of this word before ‘_minor_’ is not infrequent.

[603] e.g. Placita de Scaccario, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 262 b.

[604] Placita de Scacc. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 d: cf. Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, fol. 124 b; &c.

[605] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.

[606] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, ff. 5 b, 158 b, 159 b, 167, 200 b, 258 b; EEE, 72, 107, 183, 202, 238 b, 251 b, 257, 272 b, 273.

[607] ~F~, f. 159 b.

[608] Ibid. 160.

[609] EEE, fol. 107 a-b.

[610] EEE, fol. 257, action to recover debt.

[611] ~F~ fol. 167.

[612] EEE, fol. 183.

[613] On the same page occurs a ‘W. Gos conductor (ut asserit) stabuli cujusdam juxta collegium animarum.’

[614] EEE, fol. 239.

[615] Ibid. fol. 273.

[616] Ibid. fol. 272 b.

[617] Ibid. fol. 324 b-325.

[618] Denson refused to clear himself by compurgation and was sentenced to three days imprisonment (commuted to a payment of 10_s._ to the University) for his fornication, ‘to the terror of others.’

[619] And a more serious one against the Carmelites; EEE, fol. 249 b.

[620] EEE, fol. 230 (A. D. 1530).

[621] Ibid. fol. 238 b; in the margin occurs the entry, ‘ffryer Robert hora 1{a} xvi{o}’ (sc. die Septembris).

[622] Ibid. fol. 257.

[623] Ibid. fol. 271 b (11th May, 1534).

[624] From this point the entry is crossed out.

[625] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, f. 158 b, ‘Friar Brian and J. Loo, tactis evangeliis, swore that Brian had lent Garret Matthew 1 mark.’ EEE, f. 95 b.

[626] Cf. ~F~, f. 210, ‘Notandum quod magister Doctor Alyngdon, ord. frm. minorum promisit se soluturum W. Hows 11{s} 4{d},’ &c. (Cf. ibid. fol. 194 b: ‘gardianus ... obligavit se pro vicecustode domus sue quod dictus vicecustos restitueret Ric. Wynslo duas duodenas vasium electriorum 5 ly (?) platers and dyschys and 1 pece more.’)

[627] EEE, f. 161: ‘R. Roberts petiit ... xxv{s} sibi debitos ab eodem Roberto Puller fratre ex causa emptionis et vendicionis,’ &c.

[628] Ibid. f. 74 b (1528). Prob. the same as Friar Arthur above.

[629] Ibid. fol. 270 b-271 a (1534).

[630] Fleur de Lys, near Carfax: see Wood’s City of Oxford. Part of this entry is in Latin, part English, as often.

[631] e. g. Friar Nic. de Burgo. See Chap. iii, on the maintenance of the students. Wadding, IV, 255; VI, 8, on ‘personal annual incomes’ of friars. Bequests to individual friars sometimes occur.

[632] See Part II, N. de Burgo and J. Kynton.

[633] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 212 b; 197 b., 210.

[634] See his will in Appx. B. To receive annual rents from lands was declared illegal in 1302. Wadding, VI, 8. (Cf. Barth. of Pisa, _Liber Conform._ fol. 98.)

[635] Not Henry III, as often stated. This is conclusively proved by Pat. 1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4. One entry on this membrane mentions the grant of 25 marcs to the Friars Minors, Cambridge, originally made by Henry III, then follows an entry of the 27th Nov.: ‘Sciatis quod nos intelligentes qualiter dominus Edwardus primus post conquestum et alii progenitores nostri ... concesserint videlicet quilibet eorum tempore suo Gardiano et Conuentui fratrum minorum Oxonie quinquaginta marcas percipiendas annuatim ad Scaccarium suum, nos,’ &c. Cf. Pat. 1 Edw. II, pt. 1, m. 17, 1 Edw. IV, pt. 3, m. 25, &c.

[636] The grant is mentioned in the following records:--Exchequer Q. R. Wardrobe, 4/7 (17-18 Edward I); Patent Roll, 32 Edw. I, m. 13; Liberate Roll, 34 Edw. I, m. 1; Pat. 1 Edw. II, part 1, m. 17; Liberate Rolls, 8 Edw. II, m. 3 and 5; 9 Edw. II, m. 2; Treasury of the Receipt, 3/35 (16 Edward II); Liberate Rolls, 10, 11, and 12 Edw. III; Issue Roll of the Exchequer, 44 Edw. III, p. 78 (printed in 1835); Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 6, m. 21 (referring to Pat. 1 Edw. II, and 1 Edw. III); Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2, m. 21; Rolls of Parliament, Vol. IV, 195-6 (A. D. 1422, referring to the grant by Henry V); Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32 (referring to Pat. 1 Hen. VI); Pat. 1 Edw. IV, pt. 3, m. 25; Pat. 17 Edw. IV, pt. 2, m. 28; Rolls of Parliament, Vol. V, 520, 597; Vol. VI, 90; Harl. MS. 433 (1 Ric. III); Pat. 1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4; Pat. 1 Hen. VIII, pt. 1, m. 7; Cromwell Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 710 b.

[637] Regist. Palat. Dunelm. (ed. Hardy), Vol. II, p. 980 (11th Dec. anno 7).

[638] Ibid. p. 1065, ‘in partem cujusdem annuae eleemosynae, quam de nobis percipiant annuatim.’

[639] Ibid. pp. 1027-8. Cf. Stubbs, Constit. Hist. II, 130 (3rd edition).

[640] The Durham Register contains six writs on the subject.

[641] Ibid. p. 1085.

[642] Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2, m. 21.

[643] Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32: ‘Que quidem littere nostre (Pat. of 10th Dec. A{o} 1) ... ratione cuiusdam actus in parliamento nostro sexto die Novembris anno regni nostri vicesimo octavo editi vacue existunt et adnullate.’ Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 143, 150 (2nd edition).

[644] Pat. _ut supra_.

[645] Placita de Scaccario, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20.

[646] Ibid. 3 Hen. VII, m. 35.

[647] Ibid. m. 35 _in dorso_.

[648] Ibid. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 _in dorso_.

[649] In the first three of these pleas, Jacobus Bartelet was attorney for the friars; in the fourth Ric. Salford appeared all through ‘in propria persona.’

[650] Twyne, MS. XXI, 812.

[651] Wood, MS. D 2, p. 344.

[652] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. II, p. 191.

[653] Ibid. p. 223.

[654] Oxf. City Rec. Old White Book, fol. 55 b. The Warden of Merton says, ‘He died in 1351, it is said of the plague.’ Memorials of Merton Coll. (O. H. Soc.), p. 157.

[655] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 250 a.

[656] Ibid. 254 b.

[657] Some of the wills are not complete, e. g. those of Phil. Kemerdyn (1446), T. Cartwright (1532), and E. Standish (1533).

[658] As the Hustings Court was only concerned with freehold property in Oxford, it is rarely that the whole will is found in the Old White Book. About thirty date from 1348-9, but I do not think that any one of them is entire. Two Oxford wills of this date are among the ‘Early Lincoln Wills’ (p. 39), those of Ric. Cary and Alice his wife, but contain no bequests to the friars. This is perhaps the Ric. Cary who granted land to the Franciscans in 1319; his son, who died 1352, was old enough to make a will (Old White Book, f. 54).

[659] Cf. Mon. Franc. II, pp. xxvi-xxvii. ‘An analysis of a considerable number of wills ... from the Registers of the Norwich Consistory Court ..., shows that at a time when the Grey Friars were falling out of favour, every third will conveyed a gift to them.’ The wills proved in the court of the Archdeacon of Oxford (now under the care of Mr. Rodman at Somerset House) begin in 1529. Between 1529 and 1538 I found twenty-nine wills, in which the town of Oxford, or some person or persons resident in Oxford, are referred to; of these, thirteen contain bequests to friars, nine of them containing bequests to the Grey Friars, either alone or (more usually) in conjunction with other Orders. In the same register, out of forty-three wills, taken at random from the years 1529-30, 1534-5, five only contained bequests to friars, three of them mentioning the Minorites.

[660] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 89. His executors according to Twyne were the Chancellor and Dean (?) of Oxford; ‘sed probatum est illius testamentum ... per A. Archidiaconun Oxon;’ prob. Adam of St. Edmundsbury, who held the office of Archdeacon in 1223 and 1234.

[661] _Durham Wills_ (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, p. 9.

[662] Wadding, IV, 240, quotes his will (dated 1264) from ‘Historia Guicenonii,’ Tom. 2, fol. 59 and 60-7, i.e. Samuel Guichenon.

[663] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 105.

[664] See abstract in Bp. Hobhouse’s Life of W. of Merton, p. 45.

[665] Hist. MSS. Commission, Report V, p. 560. ‘This Thomas Waldere,’ says Mr. Riley, ‘was probably the wealthiest man of his time in Wycombe.’

[666] Roman Transcripts at the Record Office, ‘Archivio Vaticano Armar. I, Capsula 9, Num. 9.’ Le Neve, Fasti, III, 159.

[667] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[668] Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills proved in the Court of Hustings, London, Vol. I.

[669] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 59 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[670] Wood-Clark, II, 388 note. Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 540.

[671] Lambeth Registers; Islip, fol. 105-106; proved in the court of the Archbishop in Oct., in that of the Bishop of Lincoln in Nov. 1354.

[672] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 68; he belonged to the parish of St. Mary Magdalen.

[673] Ibid. 758, ‘ex munimentis Coll. Merton, B 7. 13.’ Twyne says he was Mayor in 29 Edw. III; but J. de St. Frideswide was then Mayor, and J. de Bereford a leading burgess. Twyne, MSS. Vol. II, fol. 8.

[674] Nichols, ‘Royal and Noble Wills,’ pp. 46-7.

[675] Balliol Coll. Archives, B 17. 2.

[676] Norfolk Antiq. Miscell. Vol. I, p. 400 (Early Wills from the Norfolk Registry). Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills, &c., Vol. II, p. 205.

[677] Oxf. City Records, Old White Book, fol. 69 b.

[678] Ibid. fol. 71.

[679] Lambeth Registers; Arundel, Part I, fol. 155, where a memorandum is added to the effect that he was not buried at Oxford.

[680] Twyne, MSS. Vol. XXIII, 427.

[681] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 32 (at Somerset House).

[682] Register Arundel, Pt. I, fol. 198.

[683] A. Gibbons, ‘Early Lincoln Wills,’ p. 94 (from Burghersh’s Register).

[684] Ibid. p. 96.

[685] Regist. Arundel, Pt II, fol. 164 b: he was buried in the church of the Friars Preachers, at Oxford.

[686] Regist. Chichele, Pt. I, fol. 392 b.

[687] Ibid. fol. 425 b.

[688] Old White Book (Oxford), fol. 90.

[689] Mun. Acad. p. 543 (Acta Curiae Cancell.).

[690] Ibid. 557:. ‘pro refectione unius jentaculi sive coenae inter eos habenda,’ &c.

[691] Lambeth Registers; Stafford, fol. 162.

[692] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 129.

[693] Regist. Kempe, fol. 263 a-265 b; and Mun. Acad. 639-657.

[694] Early Lincoln Wills, p. 186.

[695] Acta Cur. Cancell. A a a, fol. 194 b.

[696] Ibid. fol. 213.

[697] Old White Book, fol. 125 b.

[698] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).

[699] P.C.C. Wattys, fol. 174.

[700] _Testamenta Eboracensia_ (Surtees Soc.), Pt. III, p. 284. The will was proved at Oxford and York.

[701] Old White Book, fol. 135.

[702] Ibid. 136.

[703] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~D~, fol. 48 b. Memorials of Merton Coll., 238.

[704] Ibid. f. 61.

[705] Ibid. f. 209.

[706] Ibid. ~F~ f. 26.

[707] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 28.

[708] Ibid. f. 59.

[709] Ibid. fol. 96.

[710] P.C.C. Fetiplace, quire 1 (Shifford-on-Thames).

[711] Ibid.

[712] Ibid. qu. 2.

[713] Ibid. qu. 1-2: he bequeaths sheep to various parish churches.

[714] Ibid. qu. 7: Lambourn, Berks.

[715] P.C.C. Holder, qu. 2.

[716] Ibid. qu. 6.

[717] P.C.C. Maynwaryng, qu. 2.

[718] Ibid. qu. 24.

[719] Wood, MS. B 13, p. 14.

[720] P.C.C. Porch, qu. 9: see Appendix B.

[721] Ibid. qu. 19.

[722] Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, f. 283 a.

[723] Ibid. fol. 300 b.

[724] Oxf. Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, f. 2.

[725] Oxford Wills, Series I, Vol. I, fol. 18 b. He had land in Steeple Aston, Hooknorton, &c.: among his bequests are, ‘Item to our lady of pyte a shepe. Item to seynt Antony a shepe.’

[726] Ibid. f. 36 b.

[727] Ibid. fol. 58 b.

[728] Ibid. fol. 68 b. One of his sons was a canon of Osney.

[729] Ibid. fol. 103.

[730] P.C.C. Hogen, qu. 26. See notice of him in Part II.

[731] Prob. not ‘religious students.’

[732] Oxford Wills, ut supra, f. 119: no date is given; the will seems to have been proved in the early part of 1536; Sowche was an owner of pasture lands.

[733] Ibid. fol. 127.

[734] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 613.

[735] Ibid. fol. 65. The overseer of the will was Dr. J. London, Warden of New College; the witnesses Alderman Banister and W. Plummer.

[736] Oxford Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, fol. 87 b: cf. ibid. fol. 5, &c.

[737] Wadding, Vol. V, 342-3 (privilege of Boniface VIII, 1295); Mon. Franc. II, Pref. p. xvii.

[738] Wadding, Vol. XVI, p. 134.

[739] Restricted by Constitutions of 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, 92. Cf. Wiclif, Two Short Tracts, &c., p. 37: ‘The Friars suffren men to lie in sinne, fro yere to yere, for an annual rent.’

[740] Cf. Grey Friars at Cambridge, in Willis and Clark, Architect. Hist. II, 724.

[741] Cf. Chaucer’s Sompnour’s Tale. Forbidden 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, 92.

[742] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 135 b: ‘... Confessus est coram nobis Ric. Barlow quod debet magistris Gilde Sancte Marie in ecclesia fratrum minorum tresdecim nobilia que mutuo a predictis magistris recepit,’ &c.

[743] Mon. Franc. I. 541.

[744] Lyte 196, and note 1.

[745] Mon. Franc. II, preface.

[746] See their designations or surnames, of London, York, Nottingham, Hartlepool, &c.

[747] See e.g. John Cardmaker in Part II. The proselytising tendency has already been referred to. The number of ‘apostate’ friars must have been very considerable to judge from the frequent edicts against them.

[748] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, p. 607. Wadding, V, p. 139, Pope Martin IV was buried in a Franciscan habit, A. D. 1285. Cf. Ibid. XIV, p. 58; Polit. Poems and Songs (R.S.), II, 19, 32.

[749] The Franciscans still maintained a certain reputation as theologians: one of them was appointed each year to preach the University sermon on Ash-Wednesday; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 263 a, 264 a and b; EEE, fol. 362, 363, 366 b: the custom was probably of ancient origin. Cf. also the notice of John Kynton.

[750] Lyte, Oxford, p. 435.

[751] Calendar of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III, Nos. 929, 965. Cf. Seebohm’s Oxford Reformers, 326-7.

[752] See notices of R. Brynkley and N. de Burgo.

[753] Erasmus, Opera, III, 840: ‘Ego peperi ovum, Lutherus exclusit. Mirum vero dictum Minoritarum istorum magnaque et bona pulte dignum. Ego posui ovum gallinaceum, Lutherus exclusit pullum longe dissimillimum’ (quoted by Mullinger, Cambridge, I, 588, n. 2).

[754] Kynton, e. g., took part in the condemnation of Luther’s doctrines and books at the conference in London, April 21, 1521.

[755] See notices of John Rycks and Gregory Basset. Foxe (Acts and Monuments, IV, 642, A{o} 1531) says that Dr. Call, ‘by the word of God, through the means of Bilney’s doctrine and good life, whereof he had good experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the gospel’s side.’ William Call, D.D. of Cambridge, was at this time Provincial Minister of the English Franciscans. In this connexion attention may be drawn to the lectures on St. Paul’s epistles delivered by Minorites; see J. Porrett and W. Walker.

[756] See notices of E. Ryley, Gregory Basset.

[757] See Thomas Kirkham (?), R. Beste, John Joseph, Guy Etton, J. Cardmaker, R. Newman.

[758] One only, J. Cardmaker, appears to have been burnt.

[759] See E. Bricotte, J. Crayford, H. Glaseyere.

[760] Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8. See notice of J. Mardeslay.

[761] Cf. _Munimenta Academica_, p. 208. In this respect the Franciscans were at one with Marsiglio of Padua and Wiclif.

[762] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, Nos. 1313, 1314: Brewer, Henry VIII, I, 250-3. Cf. R. L. Poole’s Wycliffe, 32-3.

[763] Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, I, 215.

[764] Dixon, Church of England, I, 213; but see Gasquet, I, 248, note.

[765] Dixon, ibid.

[766] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.

[767] Lyte, Oxford, 475.

[768] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.

[769] Boase, Register, 128. Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. IV, Nos. 1334, 6619; Vol. V, 623; cf. V, No. 593.

[770] Wood, Annals, sub anno 1530; Lyte, Oxford, 474.

[771] Wood, ibid.

[772] See notice of N. de Burgo in Part II.

[773] Wright, Suppression, p. 212 (Camden Soc.).

[774] ‘We have sett Dunce in Bocardo,’ &c. Wright, Suppression, p. 71 (quoted by Wood, Dixon, Lyte, Gasquet, &c.).

[775] Wright, ibid.

[776] Gasquet, I, 255. The articles and injunctions are printed in Wilkins, Concilia, III, 786, _seq._ They were drawn up with reference to the monks, not friars; but no distinction seems to have been made between the various classes of religious students at the Universities.

[777] Gasquet, I, 255-7.

[778] Wright, Suppression, 71.

[779] Of the nine Minorites (namely J. Tomsun, T. Tomsun, W. David, R. David, W. Browne, G. Etton, H. Glaseyere, J. Crayford, and H. Stretsham) who were admitted to opponency or to B.D. between 1534, when the troubles began, and July 1538, only one appears in the list of those desiring ‘capacities’ at the dissolution. Many brethren in other convents, and perhaps in this, fled to the Continent. Gasquet, II, 245-6. Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VII, Nos. 939, 1020.

[780] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 711 a (J. London to T. Cromwell, Aug. 14).

[781] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 709 a (J. London to T. Cromwell, Aug. 14).

[782] The White Friars had already sold an annuity and divided the proceeds among themselves. Ibid.

[783] Or ‘vow’?

[784] Ibid. f. 709 b.

[785] Ibid. f. 711 a.

[786] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, f. 29 (Rec. Off.).

[787] Mazer, a large drinking bowl (Skeat); ‘trees’ seems to mean merely wood.

[788] ‘Knob.’

[789] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, fol. 710 b.

[790] Ibid. fol. 711 a.

[791] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.

[792] Warden of the Grey Friars.

[793] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.

[794] The request that he may live in Oxford, &c., is here inserted in Latin.

[795] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, f. 710 b.

[796] Several words illegible in MS.

[797] W. Vavasour is I think the only Franciscan who studied at Oxford whose pension is recorded. Cf. Gasquet, II, 453-5.

[798] See Part II.

[799] Boase, Register, p. 222; Munk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians, 2nd ed., Vol. I, p. 64. Oxf. Univ. Arch. Reg. I, 8, fol. 138b, 139, 139b, 190, 190b, 192b.

[800] Some dozen instances will be found in Part II; a few are rather doubtful.

[801] See J. Cardmaker, J. Crayford, Guy Etton.

[802] Private masses though declared to be meet and necessary and agreeable to God’s law, in the Six Articles, were no doubt falling into disfavour.

[803] Chapter House Books A 3/11, 9-10.

[804] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, f. 710 a-b.

[805] Augmentation Office Miscell. Books, Enrolment of Leases, Vol. CCXII, fol. 195 (Record Office).

[806] Particulars for Grants, Augm. Office, 35 Hen. VIII, sec. 4 (Record Office). It is among the deeds relating to Richard Andrews, but there is nothing to show that he and Howe were at that time in any sense the ‘farmers’ of the property.

[807] Cf. Dixon, Church of England, II, 212.

[808] Pat. Roll, 36 Hen. VIII, Part 3, m. 37; Originalia Rolls, 36 Hen. VIII, Pt. 4; V, m. 12.

[809] Originalia, 36 Hen. VIII, Pt. 4, m. xl.

[810] Wood-Clark, II, 411.

[811] Ibid. I, 310, note.

[812] Wood-Clark, II, 361, 396, note.

[813] Wood-Peshall, Ancient and Present State, p. 270.

[814] Dugdale, Vol. VI, Part 3, p. 1529: Wood-Clark, II, 389.

[815] Wood-Clark, II, 411.

[816] Hearne’s Pref. to Otterbourne; Parkinson was the author of _Collectanea Anglo-Minoritica_.

[817] None of the printed books, so far as I know, contain any notice of the uses to which the materials of the Franciscan convent were put. Among MS. sources, I have examined the church-wardens’ accounts of Carfax (to which the Rector kindly gave me the fullest access). Wood MSS. C. 1, ‘ex archivis S. Petri de Bailly;’ and D. 2 (notes from parish archives). The early records of St. Ebbe’s and St. Giles’ are no longer to be found.

[818] Jessop, Coming of the Friars, p. 36.

[819] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.

[820] Ibid. p. 10.

[821] Ibid. p. 21.

[822] Ibid. p. 27.

[823] Mon. Franc. I, p. 18.

[824] Ibid.

[825] Ibid. p. 30.

[826] When Eustace de Merc was warden, and Peter custodian.

[827] Ibid. p. 6. Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 71, contains the following note in an old hand (cf. Bale, Scriptores, II, 41): ‘Hic (W. de Esseby) aliquando temptatus a carne amputavit sibi genitalia zelo pudicicie; quo facto papam peciit et ab eo graviter correptus celebrandi divina meruit dispensacionem. Hic eciam Willelmus post multos annos quievit London.’

[828] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.

[829] Ibid.

[830] Mon. Franc. I, 31, 43, 58, 61: see Part I, Chapter I.

[831] Mon. Franc. I, 52.

[832] Ibid. 53, 54.

[833] Ibid. 28.

[834] Ibid. 48-9.

[835] Ibid. 378.

[836] Ibid. 377, 56.

[837] Grostete, Epist. 334.

[838] Mon. Franc. 63, 308, 313: Grostete was at the Roman court at this time. Cologne was constituted a separate province in 1239. Anal. Franc. I, 290.

[839] Ibid. 71. For date, see W. of Nottingham.

[840] Ibid.: letter LXVIII.

[841] Mon. Franc. 64.

[842] Ibid. 63-4.

[843] Ibid. 537, 559.

[844] Ibid. 389.

[845] This is proved by Grostete’s Letters, No. cxiv. From a passage in a letter of Adam Marsh written at Lyons to the English Provincial, it would seem that Adam was at first accompanied by another ‘Friar J.’ and afterwards joined by J. de Stamford: ‘Rogo salutari obsequio meo carissimos patres, fratres Ric. de Wauz, J. de Stanford, reliquosque fratres socios sc. et filios vestros; in quorum, si placet, sanctis recordationibus me et fratrem J. renovare velitis in Domino.’ Mon. Franc. I, 378.

[846] Mon. Franc. I, 376-378.

[847] Grostete, Epist. p. 334.

[848] Mon. Franc. I, 71.

[849] Ibid. 338, 387.

[850] Ibid. 340.

[851] Ibid. 537, 559, 305.

[852] See Adam’s letters to him in Mon. Franc. I, p. 387, seq.

[853] Ibid. 305, 306.

[854] Ibid. 512.

[855] Dugdale Monast. VI, Pt. 3, p. 1522. Wadding says he became Archbishop of Dublin in 1284 (V, 134): this was J. of Sanford; Rymer, I, 655.

[856] Mon. Franc. I, 537; 42-43; 305, note.

[857] Letters CLXXVI and CCIII. Letter CLXXV was no doubt written to W. of Nottingham (P. of Tewkesbury being mentioned in it), but it is unsafe to ascribe the following letter to the same date. He is probably the warden referred to in Letter CC.

[858] Mon. Franc. I, 8.

[859] Ibid. 25.

[860] Ibid. 27. In Phillipps MS. fol. 74, is the note, ‘Iste frater Martinus (de Barton) obiit Northamton.’

[861] Appendix C.

[862] Wood-Clark, II, 387.

[863] Exchequer of Pleas; Plea Roll, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20 (cf. chapter VII); MS. Cotton Vitell. F xii, f. 289 b.

[864] Exchequer of Pleas, Plea Rolls, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35 (printed in App. B); 3 Hen. VII, m. 35, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 17, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 34, dorse.

[865] MS. Corp. Chr. Coll., Oxon, 227, fol. 46, contains _Antonii Andreae tractatus de tribus principiis naturalibus_: (In calce) scriptus per me fratrem Wyllelmum studentem Oxonie, a{o} incarnacionis Dom. 1419 [1491?]. Ibid. fol. 118 _Duns Scotus super Metheororum libros ires priores_: (In calce) ‘Expliciunt questiones ... scripte per manum fratris Wyllelmi Vavysur eiusdem ordinis, A. D. 1491.’ MS. 228 was also written by him in 1490.

[866] Wood, Fasti, p. 5.

[867] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, §§ 6, 18.

[868] Eighth Report of the Dep. Keeper, App. 2, under York.

[869] Misc. Books, Augment. Office, 233 (30-31 Hen. VIII), fol. 154 b.

[870] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 53 b: in the margin he is called ‘custos fratrum Minorum.’

[871] Reg. G 6, fol. 55. He was still at Oxford in June 1509; Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 92.

[872] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277 b. Mr. Brodrick seeks to identify Robert Burton, Fellow of Merton in 1480, Proctor in 1489, with the Minorite (Mem. of Merton Coll. 241); this seems to me more than doubtful.

[873] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 194: see App. B.

[874] The series of graces, &c., relating to W. Goodfield is printed in App. D.

[875] Boase, Register, p. 298.

[876] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277: ‘frater Walterus Goodfield, S.T.P. et gardianus loci.’

[877] Ibid.

[878] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 212 b.

[879] Ibid. f. 261 b, 262 b.

[880] Ibid. EEE, f. 124 b. See App. B.

[881] Boase, Reg. p. 68. Reg. G 6, f. 220. Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, 124 b. Reg. H 7, fol. 211 b.

[882] Reg. H. 7, fol. 185.

[883] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 393 b, 270 b.

[884] Reg. H. 7, f. 152 b, 153; Boase, Reg. 143.

[885] Reg. H. 7, fol. 257, 262 b.

[886] Ibid. fol. 263 b, 271 b; in the latter place he is called ‘pater edmundus Baskerfell frater ordinis minorum.’

[887] Foxe, V, p. 20: the Martyrologist calls him ‘an unlearned doctor.’

[888] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 173, 270, 322, 387, &c.

[889] See Part I, Chapter VII: Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 321 a, ‘Datum in edibus ffranciscanis,’ &c.

[890] Part I, Chapter VII.

[891] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 336.

[892] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.

[893] Reliquary, Vol. XVIII, p. 21.

[894] See Part I, Chapter III. Eccleston begins the list with the words: ‘Ipsi vero inceperunt ut magistri.’

[895] Except perhaps Friar W. Lemster, but it is not certain to which Order he belonged; see notice of him, A. D. 1290.

[896] Trivet, Annals, p. 243.

[897] Roger Bacon calls Grostete Adam’s ‘master.’ Op. Ined. 187.

[898] Mon. Franc. I, 145, _ab annis juvenilibus_.

[899] Ibid. pref. lxxvii-lxxviii.

[900] Lanercost Chron. p. 58, where Adam after his death is said to have appeared to a friar and said it was well with him, ‘because I have escaped the judgment, but that cursed church which I held for three years nearly gave me over to damnation.’

[901] Close Roll, 10 Henry III, m. 6.

[902] Mon. Franc. I, 15: ‘fuit autem tunc socius Magistri Adae de Marisco et ad robas suas.’

[903] M. Paris, Chr. Maj. V, 619-20.

[904] Ibid. p. 16. The date of his entry must have been between 1226 (when he was _Magister_ not _Frater_, Close Roll, _ut supra_), and 1230. See Grostete’s Letters, pp. 17-21 written before 1231; and Wadding, II, 240. He probably entered the Order in 1227, or perhaps at the end of 1226. The entry on the Close Roll about the Bp. of Durham’s library is dated Worcester, Sept. 3. Canon Creighton puts the date of Adam’s entry into the Order ten years later. Dict. of Nat. Biogr.

[905] Wadding, II, 48. Evers, Analecta (Hist. of Friar Nic. Glasberger), p. 33. I have not been able to find any early authority for these statements. A letter from Adam to the Abbat of St. Andrew’s is extant. Mon. Franc. I, 206. The University of Vercelli was founded in 1228, and it is probably in this year, if at all, that Adam went there. Denifle, Die Universitäten des Mittelalters, I, 290.

[906] Wadding, II, 240-1. St. Anthony died 1231.

[907] The account in Eccleston refers to the deposition of Elias in 1239. Mon. Franc. I, 45-7.

[908] Cf. Trivet, Annals, p. 306.

[909] Mon. Franc. I, 135. Wood-Clark II, 364: Wood refers to Gascoigne, Liber Veritatum, I, 663: I have not seen the passage, which does not occur in the extracts edited by Hearne or Rogers; but Gascoigne cannot be regarded as an authority in this matter.

[910] Ibid. 232 (prob. Nov. 1252), 281, 335 (Jan. 1253), letter CXC was however probably written before this time, c. 1250, but I can find no other reference to either of the lawsuits mentioned there.

[911] Brewer in one place calls him Provincial of the Minorites (p. 613): this is a slip. Nor was he warden of the London convent; ‘Frater A. Gardianus Fratrum Minorum Londini’ (Mon. Franc. p. 181) was not A. de Marisco. See ibid. p. 396.

[912] Ibid. 49.

[913] Ibid. 77. Boniface was elected in 1240.

[914] Ibid. 355.

[915] Ibid. 414, seq.

[916] Ibid. 438-489.

[917] Ibid. 95, 609-612.

[918] Ibid. 342.

[919] Wadding, IV, _anno_ 1256.

[920] Mon. Franc. I, 139.

[921] Ibid. I, 99, 347.

[922] Grostete, Letters, 334.

[923] Cf. ibid. p. 302.

[924] Mon. Franc. I, p. 105.

[925] Ibid. p. 152.

[926] Ibid. p. 275.

[927] Lanercost Chron. p. 24.

[928] Ibid.

[929] Liberate Roll, 31 Hen. III, m. 4 (App. B).

[930] Ibid. 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

[931] Mon. Franc. 294, 295, 298, 299.

[932] Ibid. I, 264.

[933] Mon. Franc. I, 225, 264; and the long account of his trial, p. 122. Cf. Part I, p. 32.

[934] Ibid. 268, &c.

[935] Ibid. 266-7. A sentence at the end of the letter seems to refer to the defeat of St. Louis at Mansourah. Cf. pp. 278-9. (The translation is Brewer’s.)

[936] Ibid. 137, 244, 398. See also Brewer’s preface.

[937] Ibid. 305, 348, 367.

[938] Nic. Trivet, Annals, p. 243; Mon. Franc. I, p. 185.

[939] M. Paris, Chron. Majora, V, 619. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 412.

[940] Mon. Franc. I, 305.

[941] Liberate Roll, 42 Hen. III, m. 3.

[942] W. of Worcester, _Itin._ p. 81, from Franciscan Martyrology of Salisbury.

[943] Lanerc. Chron. p. 58.

[944] Bale and Pits give lists of his works, but produce no authority. Leland states on the evidence of the _Catalogus de eruditis Franciscanis_, which he had seen in the Minorite convent at Oxford, that Adam wrote ‘a fair number of commentaries on Holy Scripture.’ One edition of Barth. of Pisa (Bononiae, 1620) mentions as his works, Elucidarium Scripturae, and Theological Lectures. This passage is not in the edition of 1510. It is not probable that the ‘Ordinances for the household of Bishop Grostete,’ or rather Grostete’s Rules for the Countess of Lincoln, are by Adam. Mon. Franc. I, 582. Royal Hist. Soc., _Walter of Henley_, pp. xlii, 122.

[945] Not his contemporaries, as Brewer states. I do not know when the title first originated.

[946] Chron. Majora, V, 619.

[947] Epist. Nos. XX and XCIX.

[948] Op. Ined. 70, 74-5, 88, 186, 428.

[949] Mon. Franc. I, 39, and n. 1. Cf. ibid. 542, ‘Rodulphus de Corbrug.’ Cf. Collect. Anglo-Minoritica, 48.

[950] The good effects of Eustace’s conversion were commented on by ‘Peter, minister of England,’ 1251-1256 (Mon. Franc. I, 40). But Eustace entered the Order during the ministry of W. of Nottingham. Two of the letters (Nos. 178 and 200) in which Adam Marsh mentions Eustace as a friar are addressed to ‘Friar W., minister of England,’ but several of these superscriptions are undoubtedly wrong and the rest consequently of little value. Letter 179, however, written at the same time as 178 and stating Eustace’s refusal to lecture at Norwich, is addressed to Robert of Thornham, who was then evidently custodian of Cambridge (Mon. Franc. I, 62). In a letter to W. of Nottingham (No. 173) Adam states that this Robert was just starting for the Holy Land, and as he certainly went (Mon. Franc. I, 62), there is no reason to suppose that he delayed long. What then is the date of letter 173? That the superscription is correct is shown by the mention in the letter of Peter, minister of Cologne, i.e. P. of Tewkesbury, William’s successor in England; Adam also mentions his regret at being unable to accompany Grostete to the Roman court owing to his having to assist the Archbishop of Canterbury. These details fix the date of Robert’s departure (or resolution to depart) to Palestine at 1250: thus letter 179 cannot have been written later than 1250, and Eustace must have entered the Order in that year at latest. He witnesses a charter as friar in 1251; Wood, MS. D 2, p. 537.

[951] Le Neve and others place his chancellorship in 1276; Eccleston certainly says _fuerat_. Mon. Franc. I, 39, note 2, 41; Phillipps, MS. fol. 76 a.

[952] Mon. Franc. I, pp. 319, 321.

[953] Ibid. p. 39.

[954] Ibid. p. 555.

[955] Mon. Franc. I, 378. Cf. p. 395 (letter to Th. of York, 1252?), ‘Mittit vobis frater Laurentius (Adam’s secretary) quaternos matris prophetiae (?) pro quibus misistis,’ &c.

[956] Ibid. p. 90-1. When John Erlandi became Bishop of Roskild, I do not know: he was translated to the Archbishopric of Lundia in 1254; Langebek, Script. rer. Dan. Vol. V, p. 583.

[957] Ibid. 114-5.

[958] Ibid. 392. In the same letter is the sentence: ‘Nuper mihi de curia Romana allatum est Apostolicae Sedis privilegium, pro quo laborare sui gratia voluit amantissimus frater J., domini papae nuntius.’ Cf. reference to the same on p. 313 (A. D. 1250).

[959] Mon. Franc. I, 357.

[960] Ibid. 338, 346.

[961] Part I, Chapter III.

[962] Ibid. 39: but see ibid. p. 552, ‘Notandum,’ &c.; the last words should be ‘et quintus ponitur frater T. de Eboraco.’

[963] Ibid. 555.

[964] Ibid. 357, 392-5.

[965] Ibid. 115. Cf. 393, ‘Bene fecistis ... qui pro patre secundum carnem dilecti fratris J. de Beverlaco in negotio suae salutis tam consultum vigilantiae fidelis adjutorium, nec non et in caeteris praesertim ad salutem animarum pertinentibus, tam exquisita circumspectione exhibere voluistis.’

[966] Leland, Scriptores, _sub nomine_; cf. Part I, p. 58.

[967] That Ric. Rufus and Ric. of Cornwall were one and the same is proved by Cotton MS. of Eccleston, f. 77, where ‘rufus’ is added in an old hand in the margin, and by Phillipps, MS. of Eccleston, fol. 76 a, ‘Ricardus Rufus Cornubiensis.’ Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 16. He is probably identical with ‘Ricardus le Ruys,’ whose commentary on the sentences Bale saw at Norwich, ‘in claustro monachorum.’ Script. II, 81.

[968] Mon. Franc. I, 16, 39.

[969] Phillipps, MS. 3119, f. 76 a. ‘Iste Ricardus veniens in Angliam narravit in capitulo Oxon’, quod, cum unus frater Parisius extasi staret, visum erat ei quod frater Egidius laicus sed contemplativus sedit in cathedra legens autenticas septem peticiones dominice oracionis cuius omnes auditores erant tamen fratres in ordine lectores. Intrans autem S. Franciscus primo siluit et postea sic clamavit, O quam verecundum est vobis quod talis frater laycus excedit vestra merita sursum in celo (?). Et quia inquid sciencia inflat, caritas autem edificat, plures sunt venerati fratres clerici ... in eterno regno dei.’ (MS. imperf.)

[970] Mon. Franc. I, 330, 365, 366.

[971] Ibid. 360, 365. In an agreement drawn up in 1252, after a quarrel between the Northerners and the Irish in Oxford, and signed by representatives of the two parties, the name of ‘Ricardus Cornubiensis’ appears among the Irishmen (Wood, Annals, 246). This was no doubt a namesake of the friar, who is often confused with the friar; he is mentioned in Grostete’s Epist. p. 138, Mon. Franc. I, 135, Le Neve, Fasti, II, 184, &c.

[972] Mon. Franc. I, 366.

[973] Ibid. 349.

[974] Ibid. 39. Bacon says, ‘solemniter legebat;’ see below.

[975] It may be considered certain that Thomas of York became lector in 1253 and that Richard succeeded him--whether immediately or not is a little doubtful; the Cotton MS. of Eccleston calls Richard _sextus_ (_lector_), instead of _quintus_.

[976] Royal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 7 F, VII, fol. 81; cf. Charles, Roger Bacon, 415; the MS. is very inaccurate, Charles still more so.

[977] _Auctorem_, not in MS.

[978] MS. _errorem_.

[979] Charles reads _priusquam_.

[980] MS. _legeret_.

[981] ‘Cui conversationis honestas et claritas scientiae, pietas affectionis et opinionis integritas, facultas erudiendi et disserendi subtilitas,’ &c. Mon. Franc. I, 365.

[982] Durham Wills (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, pp. 10-11.

[983] Mon. Franc. I., 542.

[984] See notice of H. de Brisingham.

[985] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conform. fol. 81.

[986] Wadding, IV, 325.

[987] Peckham’s Register, II, 421-2.

[988] Hist. Litt. de France, t. xxv, p. 178.

[989] This MS. belonged to the London Franciscans.

[990] Probably the _Summa_ of John Lector of Freiburg; see p. 150.

[991] Ascribed to Thomas Wallensis.

[992] Stated to have been composed at the request of _Episcopus Maglonensis_, i.e. Magalona, Narbonne.

[993] Mentioned again by Tanner, as a different work under the title, _De ordinatione universali_.

[994] i.e. _Breviloq. de IV virtutibus_.

[995] The name of the author is given in a hand considerably later than the MS.

[996] _Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions_, t. XXX, pp. 45-55: Peter was a Benedictine who lived and wrote at Avignon from 1320 to 1340. M. Hauréau has no doubt made out his case.

[997] Another handbook for confessors is occasionally found bound up with works of John Wallensis. See MSS. St. Omer 622, § 6, _Tract. de instructione confessorum_, and Charleville 113, § 2, _Libellus de modo audiendi confessiones_. Inc.: ‘Simpliciores et minus expertos confessores.’ It is by John Lector of Freiburg: MS. Mazarine 1322. Hist. Litt. xxv. 269.

[998] There is an error in Tanner’s extracts from Bury (p. xxxiii): ‘Quoniam misericordia’ given as the _incipit_ of _De disciplina_ belongs to the preceding work, _Compendiloquium_. Cf. Bale, MS. Seld. supra 64, fol. 83; Tanner, Bibl. 435.

[999] Royal MS. 3 B. XII (sec. xv): ‘Liber magistri Thome Gude, i.e. Boni, Doctoris sacre Theologie Oxonie et Ordinis Minorum, vocati Dockyng, eo quod natus fuit in villa vocata Dockyng.’

[1000] Mon. Franc. I, 359-360: the letter mentions ‘the irrevocable intention of Friar R. of Cornwall.’

[1001] Or 1265? See notices of H. of Brisingham and W. of Heddele.

[1002] App. C.

[1003] Hist. of Norfolk, IV, 111; no authority is given.

[1004] He is probably the ‘Bokkyng’ quoted by William of Ockham (Goldast, p. 957); and he is often referred to by Thomas Gascoigne.

[1005] At the end of this commentary: ‘Explicit lectura H. M. et d. Dockyng super Epistolam ad Ephesios.’

[1006] At the end of this MS. (sec. xv): ‘Explicit expositio ffratris Thome Dockyng super preceptis decalogi secundum formam textus deutronomii quinti.’ The same volume contains an anonymous treatise on the creed (‘de sufficientia articulorum in Simbolo,’ &c.: _Inc._ ‘Est quedam mensura fidei’), which Bale (MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 177) carelessly identifies with Docking’s _Epos. decalogi_; and an anonymous treatise on the decalogue, which Tanner ascribes to Docking (_Inc._ ‘Si autem vis ad vitam ingredi’): cf. MS. Laud. Misc. 524, fol. 67 b (olim Laud. F. 12).

[1007] Tanner (Bibl. 230) mentions his _Correctiones in S. Scripturam_, ‘MS. olim in monast. Sion;’ and _Tabulam super Grammaticam Dokking_, MS. Linc. Cathed. Libr. F. 18.

[1008] Brewer’s reading ‘A. de Brisigham’ is incorrect: MSS. Cott. Nero, A IX, and Phillipps, 3119, f. 76.

[1009] MS. Laud. Misc. 2, fol. 159 b.

[1010] ‘Frater T. Brisigham, sed incepit Oxoniae, &c.’ Mon. Franc. I, 555.

[1011] Hist. of Norfolk, IV, p. 114. Cf. Bale, _Script._

[1012] Bale, _Script._ II, 93-4; MS. Seld. sup. 64, fol. 65 b; Wadding, _Script._ 166. This may equally well have been Henry de Apeltre, the twelfth lector.

[1013] Mon. Franc. I, 360.

[1014] Appendix C.

[1015] Lan. Chron. p. 81.

[1016] Mon. Franc. I, 537, 552, 555, 560. Blomefield, Norfolk, IV, 114. Charles, Roger Bacon, p. 24.

[1017] Leland, Script. p. 302.

[1018] Peckham, _Registrum_, p. 902: ‘in ipsius vicinia coaluimus a parvo, et ab ejusdem professoribus solatia recepimus et honores.’