Chapter XLI: Appendix: III (1)

1, 21. The capture of Cornelius Asina is ascribed by Livy
(_Ep._ 17) to an act of treachery, _per fraudem velut in colloquium
evocatus captus est_. He is copied by Florus (2, 2) and Eutropius
(2, 10). See also Valerius Max. 6, 6, 2. This is perhaps not
incompatible with the narrative of Polybius, which, however, does
not suggest it. He must have been released at the time of the
entrance of Regulus into Africa, for being captured in B.C. 260,
we find him Consul for B.C. 254, without any account of his
release being preserved.

1, 32-36.—XANTHIPPUS THE LACEDAEMONIAN

The fate of Xanthippus has been variously reported. Polybius
represents him as going away voluntarily, and Mommsen supposes
him to have taken service in the Egyptian army. Appian,
however, asserts that he and his men were drowned on their way
home to Sparta by the Carthaginian captains who were conveying
them, and who were acting on secret orders from home (8, 4).
Mommsen also regards the account of Polybius of the reforms
introduced in the Carthaginian tactics by Xanthippus as exaggerated:
“The officers of Carthage can hardly have waited for
foreigners to teach them that the light African cavalry can be
more appropriately employed on the plain than among hills and
forests.” The doubt had apparently occurred to others [Diodor.
Sic. fr. bk. 23.] The mistake, however, was not an unnatural one.
For other references to Xanthippus see Cicero _de Off._ 3, 26, 7;
Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius, fr. 43, 24.

1, 34.—M. ATILIUS REGULUS

No more is told us of the fate of Regulus, and Mommsen says
“nothing more is known with certainty.” Arnold, following
Niebuhr, declared the story of his cruel death to be a fabrication.
The tradition, however, of his mission home to propose peace, his
subsequent return after advising against it, and his death under
torture, was received undoubtingly by the Roman writers of the
time of Cicero and afterwards. See Cicero, _Off._ 3, § 99; _ad Att._
16, 11; _de Sen._ § 74; _Paradox._ 2, 16; _Tusc._ 5, § 14. Horace,
_Od._ 3, 5; Livy, _Ep._ 18; Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius,
fr. 43, 28. To Appian (8, 4) is due the additional particular of the
barrel full of nails, καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι καθείρξαντες ἐν
γαλεάγρᾳ κέντρα πάντοθεν ἐχούσῃ διέφθειραν. Against this
uniformity of tradition is to be set the silence of Polybius. But
on the other hand, in this introductory part of his history, Polybius
does not profess to give full particulars (see note to 1, 21); and
in the case of Regulus, he has not stated what we learn from Livy
(_Ep._ 18) and Valerius Max. 4, 4, 6, that his stay in Africa for
the second year was against his own express wish, his private
business requiring, as he thought, his presence in Italy.

1, 60.—LUTATIUS

Lutatius is represented by Polybius as directing the operations
at the battle of Aegusa; but it appears that he had
received some hurt a few days before, and was confined to his
lectica during the action (_lectica claudum jacuisse_). The chief
direction therefore devolved upon the praetor, Q. Valerius Falto,
who accordingly claimed to share his triumph, but was refused
on the technical ground that the victory had not been won under
his _auspicia_. Valerius Max. 2, 8, 2.

1, 76.—HAMILCAR

(Vol. i. p. 85.) Dr. Warre writes on the manœuvre of
Hamilcar as follows: “Hamilcar’s army is in column of route;
elephants leading, then cavalry, then light-armed infantry, and
heavy-armed infantry in the rear. He observes the enemy bearing
down hastily; gives orders to his whole force to turn about, and
then forms line (ἐξέτασις) by successive wheels of his heavy-armed
troops. He would thus have changed his heavy-armed from
column of route into line by wheeling them while retiring to the
right (or left) about. The light-armed apparently passed through
the intervals; the cavalry halted when they came to the line now
formed up, and at once turned to their front and faced the enemy,
and the remainder marched forward to meet them. Polybius
does not tell us with what front Hamilcar was marching; but I
think it is clear that he was in column of route and not in battle
array (ἐκ παρατάξεως). Thus the deployment of his columns,
_while retiring, by right (or left) about wheel_ into line by successive
συντάγματα, or battalions, would be a very pretty manœuvre, and
only such as an able tactician would resort to.”

11, 22-23.—SCIPIO AND HASDRUBAL SON OF GESCO

(Vol. ii. p. 67.) Of this passage Dr. Warre has again favoured
me with a note and a translation which I append: “The passage in
Polybius is very interesting. It is a good tactical example of an
attack on both flanks, refusing the centre, the effect being to keep
the enemy from moving the troops in his centre to the assistance
of his wings. The inversion of order, by which the right became
the left in the case of those troops who had first orders ‘right
turn, left wheel from line into column,’ and then ‘left wheel into
line,’ is an ordinary instance of doing what might be called
‘clubbing’ a battalion or brigade. It is of course on parade a
clumsy mistake to make; but Scipio rightly took no notice of it
in battle, as Polybius, who sees the matter with a soldier’s eye,
observes. Scipio’s army was inferior in numbers, and so he first
moved his Romans _outwards_ while still in line, and then formed
for attack with the cavalry, light infantry, and three battalions
(cohorts) on each flank.”

The following is Dr. Warre’s translation:—

“Polybius 11, 22.—On this occasion Scipio seems to have
employed two stratagems. He observed that Hasdrubal was in
the habit of marching out late in the day, of keeping his Libyan
troops in the centre, and of posting his elephants in front of each
wing. His own custom was to march out at the said hour to
oppose him, and to set the Romans in his centre opposite to the
Libyans, while he posted his Spanish troops upon his wings. On
the day upon which he determined to decide matters he did the
reverse of this, and thereby greatly assisted his forces towards
gaining a victory, and placed the enemy at no small disadvantage.
At daybreak he sent his aides and gave orders to all the tribunes
and to the soldiers that they were first to get their breakfast,
and then to arm and to parade in front of the ramparts. This
was done. The soldiers obeyed eagerly, having an idea of his
intention. He sent forward the cavalry and light infantry, giving
them joint orders to approach the camp of the enemy, and to
skirmish up to it boldly; but he himself took the heavy infantry,
and at sunrise advanced, and when he had reached the middle of
the plain formed line in just the opposite order to his previous
formation. For he proceeded to deploy the Iberians on the
centre and the Romans on the flanks.”

* * * * *

“For a while the Romans remained as usual silent, but
after the day had worn, and the light infantry engagement was
indecisive and on equal terms, since those who were hard
pressed retired on their own heavy infantry and (ἐκ μεταβολῆς
κινδυνεύειν), after retreating formed again for attack, then it
was that Scipio withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals
of the troops under the standards, and divided them on
either wing in rear of his line, first the velites, and in succession
to them his cavalry, and at first made his advance _in
line direct_. But when distant (? five) furlongs from the enemy he
directed the Iberians to advance in the same formation, but gave
orders to the wings to turn outwards (to the right wing for the
infantry to turn to their right, and to their left to the left). Then
he himself took from the right and Lucius Marcius and Marcus
Junius from the left the three leading squadrons of cavalry, and
in front of these the usual number of velites, and three cohorts
(for this is the Roman term), but the one body wheeled to the left
and the other to the right, were led in column against the enemy,
advancing at full speed, the troops in succession forming and
following as they wheeled....

(They were in line, and the cavalry and velites got the word
turn, left wheel, and the infantry right wheel and forward, _i.e._ the
light troops and cavalry wheeled from their outer flank, and the
heavy infantry from their inner flank.)

“And when these troops were not far off the enemy, and the
Iberians in the line direct were still a considerable distance
behind, as they were advancing slowly, they came in contact with
either wing of the enemy, the Roman forces being in column
according to his original intention.

“The subsequent movements by which the troops in rear of
these columns came into line with those leading were exactly the
reverse, generally, in the case of the right and the left wings, and
particularly, in case of the light troops and cavalry and the heavy
infantry. For the cavalry and velites on the right wing forming
to the right into line were trying to outflank the enemy, but the
infantry formed on the contrary to the left. On the left wing the
cavalry and light infantry left formed into line, and the heavy
infantry right formed into line. And so it came to pass that on
both wings the cavalry and light troops were in inverted order, _i.e._
their proper right had become their left. The general took little
heed of this, but cared only for that which was of greater importance,
the outflanking of the enemy; and rightly so, for while
a general ought to know what has happened, he should use the
movements that are suitable to the circumstances.”

34, 5, 10.—PYTHEAS

The date of these voyages of Pytheas is uncertain beyond the
fact that they were somewhere in the 4th century B.C. His
Periplus, or notes of his voyage, was extant until the 5th
century A.D. The fragments remaining have been published by
Arvedson, Upsala, 1824. The objection raised by Polybius to
the impossibility of a poor man making such voyages is sometimes
answered by the supposition that he was sent officially by the
Massilian merchants to survey the north of Europe and look out
for places suitable for commerce. The northern sea, which he
describes as “like a jellyfish through which one can neither walk
nor sail,” is referred “to the rotten and spongy ice which sometimes
fills those waters.” This is assuming Thule to be Iceland.
Tacitus supposed it to be Shetland (_Agr._ 10), and described the
waters there as sluggish, and not subject to the influence of the
wind. See Elton (_Origins of English History_, pp. 73-74). Elton
quotes Wallace (_Concerning Thule_, 31), who comments on Tacitus
by saying, “This agrees with the sea in the north-east of Scotland,
not for the reason given by Tacitus, but because of the contrary
tides, which drive several ways, and stop not only boats with oars
but ships under sail.”

34, 10.—THE SUBTERRANEAN FISH

Schweighaeuser in his note on this passage quotes Aristotle _de
Anim._ 6, 15, who states that gudgeon thus hide themselves in the
earth; and Seneca, _Nat. Q._, 3, 17 and 19, who refers to the fact
_piscem posse vivere sub terra et effodi_, and quotes an instance as
occurring in Caria. See also Livy, 42, 2, who, among other
prodigies occurring in B.C. 173, says, _in Gallico agro qua induceretur
aratrum sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse dicebantur_.
Eels and other fish have been found in the mud of ponds long
after the ponds have been dried up. The truer account is given
in Strabo (4, 1, 6): “There was a lake near Ruscino, and a
swampy place a little above the sea, full of salt, and containing
mullets (κεστρεῖς), which are dug out; for if a man dig down
two or three feet, and drive a trident into the muddy water, he
may spear fish which is of considerable size, and which feeds on
the mud like the eels.”

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4, 99. The Romans colonised the town in B.C. 244. See Livy, epit. 19.

[2] See on 3, 66.

[3] Dr. Arnold declares it “all but an impossibility that an army should have marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a week.” Livy (26, 42) accepts the statement without question.

[4] Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the lake, as Scipio’s lines would not have extended right round the lake to the other sea.

[5] Escombrera (Σκομβραρία). I must refer my readers to Mr. Strachan-Davidson’s appendix on _The Site of the Spanish Carthage_ for a discussion of these details. See above 2, 13; Livy, 26, 42.

[6] This seems to be the distinction between the words γερουσία and σύγκλητος. Cp. 36, 4. The latter is the word used by Polybius for the Roman Senate: for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, _Carthage and the Carthaginians_, p. 27. It was usually called “The Hundred.” Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence of the larger council: its authority at any rate had been superseded by the oligarchical gerusia.

[7] This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the description of Scipio’s proceedings in Spain and followed, ch. 20. Hultsch, however, seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them to the account of the tactics of Philopoemen.

[8] On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be a sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: “A confederacy with democratic institutions always stands in need of external support, owing to the fickleness of the multitude.”

[9] See 5, 44.

[10] This goddess is variously called Anaitis (Plut. _Artax._ 27) and Nanea (2 Macc. 1, 13). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and by others with Aphrodite.

[11] This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the non-Hellenic Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, _Laches_, 187 B; _Euthydemus_, 285 B; Euripides, _Cyclops_, 654.

[12] See 9, 11.

[13] This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise (παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος).

[14] The grouping of these letters will be as follows:—

1 2 3 4 5

1 α ζ λ π φ
2 β η μ ρ χ
3 γ θ ν σ ψ
4 δ ι ξ τ ω
5 ε κ ο υ

[15] Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian.

[16] King of Bactria, see 11, 34.

[17] See Livy, 27, 39.

[18] Livy, 27, 44.

[19] There is nothing to show positively that a Rhodian is the speaker: but Livy mentions envoys from Rhodes and Ptolemy this year. For the special attempts of the Rhodians to bring about a peace between Philip and the Aetolians, see 5, 24, 100.

[20] The “Tarentines” were horsemen armed with light skirmishing javelins. See 4, 77; 16, 18; and cp. Arrian, _Tact._ 4, § 5; 18, § 2. Livy, 35, 28; 37, 40.

[21] See on 27, 4.

[22] The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what the general sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen calculated on defeating the enemy, as he did, while struggling through the dyke: or on their exposing themselves to attack if they retreated from the dyke without crossing it.

[23] Or, according to another reading “five stades.” Livy, 28, 14, says _quingentos passus_.

[24] The text is imperfect.

[25] Handing it over to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, Livy, 28, 38.

[26] That is the _Caucasus Indicus_ or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh.

[27] Cp. a similar custom of the Lycians, Herod. 1, 173.

[28] He may have been referring to pre-homeric times, cp. Herod. 6, 137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι οἰκέτας.

[29] The text is very imperfect here.

[30] For this title see on 22, 19. It is found in inscriptions in Thasos, Crete, and Cibyra. C.I.G. 2163, _c_; 2583; 4380, _b_.

[31] Both Curtius and Arrian seem to have found in their authorities that Darius crossed the Pinarus. Curt. 3, 8; Arrian, 2, 8.

[32] Reckoning the stade at 600 feet (Greek).

[33] See note to previous chapter.

[34] The Cilician gates.

[35] That is, sixteen or thirty-two deep.

[36] The text here is in hopeless confusion.

[37] Homer, who is generally spoken of as “the poet.” We may remember Horace (_Ep._ 1, 19, 6) _Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus_.

[38] See 3, 37. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace to put into the mouth of a hero.

[39] The text is again hopeless.

[40] The text is uncertain, and I am not at all sure of the meaning of ἐπ’ ὀνόματος, cp. 25 _k_, 27. These public harangues of doctors to attract patients are noticed in Xenophon, _Memorab._ 4, 2, 5.

[41] Tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, B.C. 404-374. See Isocrates, _Orat._ x.

[42] For this proverb see Plutarch, _Nicias_, ch. 9, ἡδέως μεμνημένοι τοῦ εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καθεύδοντας οὐ σάλπιγγες ἀλλ’ ἀλεκτρυόνες ἀφυπνίζουσι.

[43] _Ib._ ch. 25.

[44] Homer, _Il._ 5, 890.

[45] Homer, _Il._ 9, 63.

[46] Euripides, fr.

[47] Battle of the Crimesus. See Plutarch, _Timol._ ch. 27.

[48] He refers to the habit of Eastern nations thrusting their hands into long sleeves in the presence of their rulers. See Xenophon, _Hellen._ 2, 1, 8.

[49] Homer, _Odyss._ 1, 1-4; 8, 183.

[50] _Republic_, v. 473 C. vi. 499 B.

[51] The Rhodians had proclaimed war against the Cretan pirates. Philip had secretly commissioned one of his agents, the Aetolian Dicaearchus, to aid the Cretans. Diodor. fr. xxviii.

[52] Heracleides having gained credence at Rhodes by pretending to betray Philip’s intrigue with the Cretans, waited for an opportunity, and, setting fire to their arsenal, escaped in a boat. Polyaen. 5, 17, 2.

[53] The text of these last sentences is so corrupt that it is impossible to be sure of having rightly represented the meaning of Polybius.

[54] These raids on the territory of Megalopolis, however, did not lead to open war till B.C. 202. See 16, 16.

[55] Caepio was commanding in Bruttium, Servilius in Etruria and Liguria. Livy, 30, 1.

[56] Sophanisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gesco. Livy, 29, 23; 30, 12, 15.

[57] Some words are lost from the text.

[58] παρενέβαλλε, which Schweig. translates _castra locavit_: but though the word does sometimes bear that meaning, I cannot think that it does so here. Scipio seems to have retained his camp on the hill, only two and a half miles’ distant, and to have come down into the plain to offer battle each of the three days. Hence the imperfect.

[59] The war with Antiochus, B.C. 218-217. See 5, 40, 58-71, 79-87.

[60] A civil war, apparently in a rebellion caused by his own feeble and vicious character. It seems to be that referred to in 5, 107.

[61] Homer, _Iliad_, 4, 437.

[62] Homer, _Iliad_, 4, 300.

[63] A line of which the author is unknown; perhaps it was Theognis.

[64] See Livy, 31, 31; Strabo, 12, c. 4. Philip handed over Cius to Prusias.

[65] That is, from Rhodes and other states.

[66] That is the treaty between Philip and Antiochus.

[67] The word βίαχα in the text is unknown, and certainly corrupt. The most obvious remedy is ὑπόβρυχα or ὑποβρύχια. But we cannot be sure.

[68] _Jam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter, vires expertus._ Livy, 31, 14.

[69] An inscription found at Iassus [C.I.G. 2683] has confirmed this name which is found in one MS. instead of _Hestias_. Whether the meaning of the title is Artemis of the City, or some local designation, is uncertain.

[70] Called Panion or Paneion. See Josephus _B. Jud._ 3, 10, 7, Ἰορδάνου πήγη τὸ Πάνειον. The town near it was called Paneas, and afterwards Paneas Caesarea, and later still Caesarea Philippi. Scopas, the Aetolian, was now serving Ptolemy Epiphanes; see 13, 2; 18, 53.

[71] See on 4, 77; 13, 1.

[72] See 15, 25.

[73] Ptolemy Philopator had made Gaza his chief depôt of war material; see 5, 68. Antiochus destroyed it in B.C. 198 for its loyalty to the King of Egypt.

[74] Syria was conquered by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilezer about B.C. 747, and was afterwards a part of the Babylonian and Persian empires. It does not seem certain to what invasion Polybius is here referring.

[75] That is from the wars undertaken by them against Philip. Livy, 31, 14, 24.

[76] For the Phocians see Pausan. 10, 1, 6. For the Acarnanians see _supra_, 9, 40.

[77] According to Hultsch no fragments or extracts of book 17 are preserved. In it would have been contained the campaign of B.C. 199, in the war between Rome and Philip, for which see Livy, 31, 34-43. And the operations of Flamininus in the season of B.C. 198, Livy, 32, 9-18. The first seventeen chapters of this book are generally classed in book 17.

[78] The reading ἐναύσασθαι, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful. Schweig. suggests ἐγγεύσασθαι “to taste.”

[79] Demosthenes, _de Corona_, §§ 43, 48, 295.

[80] B.C. 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; Grote, 11, 315 (ch. 90); Kennedy’s translation of the _de Corona_, Appendix vi. The argument of Polybius is of course an _ex post facto_ one. It is open still to maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes been followed, these states might have been freed from the tyranny of Sparta without becoming subject to another master in the king of Macedonia.

[81] Attalus spent the winter of B.C. 198-197 at Aegina, in the course of which he seems to have visited Sicyon.

[82] That is of Cynoscephalae. _Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque, posuerunt castra._ Livy, 33, 7.

[83] I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like ἄπρακτα or ἀπραγοῦντα after τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις. This is unnecessary if we regard συνεχῆ as predicative, and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.

[84] See 3, 87.

[85] _Iliad_, 13, 131.

[86] See 4, 77; 7, 12; 10, 26.

[87] See 6, 56; 32, 11.

[88] Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.

[89] Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in Asia in presence of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (B. C. 197-196), was endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate his power in Asia Minor. Livy, 33, 38.

[90] Justin. 17, 1-2; Appian _Syr._ 62. The battle was in the plain of Corus in Phrygia.

[91] The Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted as a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. See Freeman, _History of Federal Government_, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34.

[92] προσένειμαν Αἰτώλοις τὸ ἔθνος, cp. 2, 43. Some have thought that a regular political union with the Aetolian League is meant. But the spirit of the narrative seems to point rather to an alliance.

[93] Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in B.C. 196, was assassinated by a band of six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on his way home from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28.

[94] Livy, 33, 29.

[95] At Thermopylae, in which battle Livy (36, 19) states on the authority of Polybius that only 500 men out of 10,000 brought by Antiochus into Greece escaped, B.C. 191.

[96] Livy, 37, 9.

[97] Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV.

[98] This extract, preserved by Suidas, s. v. προστηθιδίων has been restored by a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι for the meaningless ἐξελθόντες μεγάλοι. Livy calls them _fanatici Galli_.

[99] _Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant._ Livy, 37. 33. The festival of Mars, during which the _ancilia_ were carried about, was on the 1st of March and following days. If this incident, therefore, took place in the late spring or summer of B.C. 190, the Roman Calendar must have been very far out.

[100] The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and others in book 22, 1-27.

[101] The text of this fragment is much dislocated.

[102] Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. _in Pantaen._ § 36.

[103] Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been granted an ovation in B.C. 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, however, in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may have been against him.

[104] Or “a compliment.” The Greek word στέφανος seems to be used for any present made to a victor. So also in ch. 34, and elsewhere.

[105] Hultsch’s text, supported by the MSS., has Δάμις ὁ κιχησίων, from which no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was a philosopher from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10), has _Leon Hicesiae filius_. He must therefore have found the name Leon in his copy, which could hardly have been substituted for Δᾶμις by mistake, though ἹΚΕΣίου may have become κιχησίων.

[106] The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14.

[107] The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. Strabo, 13, 4, 71.

[108] That is probably “of the necessity of submitting to Rome;” but the passage referred to is lost.

[109] See ch. 6.

[110] This is really Plutarch’s version of a story he found in Polybius, and, to judge from Livy, 38, 24, not a very complete one. It took place near Ancyra. Plutarch _de mulierum virtutibus_.

[111] See Livy, 38, 28, 29. The fragment here seems to be that translated by Livy in ch. 29, _Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant (nam urbs in mare devexa in Occidentem vergit) muro superato in forum pervenerunt_. The people of Same suddenly threw off the terms under which the rest of Cephallania had submitted and stood a four months’ siege.

[112] A fragment, arranged in Hultsch’s text as ch. 42, is too much mutilated to be translated with any approach to correctness.

[113] These words are wanting in the text. From Livy (38, 38) it appears that the territory was defined as between the Taurus and the R. Halys as far as the borders of Lycaonia.

[114] Livy (_l.c._) has _neve monerem ex belli causa quod ipse illaturus erit_.

[115] See Livy, 38, 39. Some words are lost referring to grants to the people of Ilium.

[116] This summary is arranged by Hultsch as chs. 1 and 2 of book 22. It appears as book 23, chs. 4, 5 in Schweighaeuser’s text.

[117] In B.C. 191 Philopoemen secured the adhesion of Sparta to the Achaean league: but the Spartans were never united in their loyalty to it, and during his year as Strategus (B.C. 189) he punished a massacre of some Achaean sympathisers in Sparta by an execution of eighty Spartans at Compasium on the frontier of Laconia. This number Plutarch gives on the authority of Polybius, but another account stated it at three hundred and fifty. Plut. _Phil._ 16.

[118] Some words are lost from the text describing their method of procedure.

[119] Some words are lost in the text which would more fully explain the transaction.

[120] Something is lost in the text.

[121] Livy (39, 24) gives the names as Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, Ti. Sempronius.

[122] Livy (39, 34) more cautiously says: veneno _creditur_ sublatus. Such accusations were easily made, and not easily proved or confuted.

[123] For the ten Cosmi of Crete, see Aristot. _Pol._ 2, 10; and Muller’s _Dorians_, vol. ii. p. 133 _sq._ Cydas gives his name to the year as πρωτόκοσμος, see C.I.G. 2583. The same inscription contains the title κοσμόπολις, apparently like πολιοῦχος, as a name for a guardian hero of the city. We have already had this latter title as that of a chief magistrate at Locri. See bk. 12, ch. 16.

[124] There is some loss in the text as to these names. The last is mentioned on a Greek embassy in 22, 16. See also the index. Livy, 39, 41, says nothing of this committee of three.

[125] The ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council to act with the general. Their number probably arose from the number of the Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and Olenus—were destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title in any part of the history we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, seems to point to his having used it in other places. It also occurs in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in Demosth. _de Cor._ 157. Polybius calls them also οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἀρχαί, προεστῶτες συνάρχοντες, συναρχίαι. See Freeman’s _Federal Gov._ p. 282.

[126] That is, apparently, by some fresh disturbance towards the end of B. C. 183. See Strachan-Davidson, p. 495.

[127] The Messenians revolted from the league B. C. 183, and in the course of the fighting which ensued Philopoemen fell into an ambush, was taken prisoner, and put to death by them. See ch. 12.

[128] Stasinus _fr._

[129] He was ill with fever. Plutarch, _Phil._ 18.

[130] Livy (39, 50) speaks of Lycortas at the time of Philopoemen’s death as _alter imperator Achaeorum_. If he had been the ὑποστρατηγός we know that he would not by law have succeeded on the death of the Strategus. Plutarch, _Phil._ 21, seems to assert that an election was held at once, but not the ordinary popular election.

[131] That is the ten Demiurgi.

[132] The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for election of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, but the second regular meeting in August.

[133] This looks like a local name, but no place is known corresponding to it. A Diactorides of Sparta is mentioned in Herodotus, 6, 127; and perhaps, as Hultsch suggests, we ought to read “Cletis and Diactorius.”

[134] The mission to Eumenes and Pharnaces has been already mentioned in bk. 23, ch. 9, but the name of the ambassador was not given; nor is it mentioned by Livy (40, 20), who records the mission. It is uncertain who is meant by Marcus, some editors have altered it to Marcius, _i.e._ Q. Marcius Philippus, who had been sent to Macedonia, imagining him to have fulfilled both missions.

[135] From Strabo (vii. 5, 13), who adds: “But this is not true, for the distance from the Adriatic is immense, and there are many obstacles in the way to obscure the view.”

[136] Perhaps thirty, which seems to have been the legal age for admission to political functions. See 29, 24.

[137] See Hicks’s _Greek Inscriptions_, p. 330.

[138] Something is lost from the text.

[139] From Strabo 3, ch. 4, who quotes Poseidonius as criticising this statement by remarking that Polybius must count every tower as a city.

[140] The notices are put up at the three places visited yearly by great numbers, and by many separate pilgrims. It is interesting to notice the persistence in a custom common from the earliest times, at any rate as far as Delos and Delphi are concerned. Iton was in Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of Athena there was celebrated throughout Greece, and was the central place of worship for the Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river Cuarius, and hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by some with σιτόφορος, “corn-bearing” (Steph. Byz. Homer calls it μητέρα μήλων, “mother of sheep.” Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about B. C. 273. [Pausan. 1, 13, 2]. “Itonian Athena” had temples in other parts of Greece also, _e.g._ in Boeotia [Paus. 91, 34, 1].

[141] The war in Istria, and the mutiny of the troops against the consul Manlius, are described in Livy, 41, 8-11.

[142] Besides this connexion with Seleucus of Syria, sure to be offensive to Rome, Perseus gave a sister to Prusias, another enemy of Rome and Eumenes. Livy, 42, 12.

[143] This word, of unknown origin, seems to be used here for the toga, or some dress equivalent to it. See 10, 4.

[144] Marcius on his return to Rome gloried in having thus deceived the king and gained time for preparations at Rome, but his action was repudiated by the Senate. Livy, 42, 47.

[145] Ismenias had just been elected Strategus of Boeotia; but the party who had supported a rival candidate had in revenge obtained a decree of the league banishing the Boeotarchs from all the Boeotian cities. They had, however been received at Thespiae, whence they were recalled to Thebes and reinstated by a reaction in popular feeling. Then they obtained another decree banishing the twelve men who, though not in office, had convened the league assembly; and Ismenias as Strategus sentenced them to the loss of all rights in their absence. These are the “exiles” here meant (Livy, 42, 43). Who Neon was is not certain; but we find in the next chapter that he had been a leader in the Macedonising party at Thebes, perhaps a son of Brachylles, whose father’s name was Neon (see 20, 5). He was captured in B.C. 167 and put to death by the Romans (Livy, 45, 31).

[146] See note 2, page 356.

[147] τὰ δίθυρα, Livy (42, 44) says in _tribunal legatorum_, and Casaubon contents himself with the same word. Schweighaeuser translates it _podium_, as if a “raised platform” on which the commissioners sat was meant. I think it is used in the natural sense of a “door” leading into the hall in which they were sitting, and into which Ismenias fled for refuge. Livy used _tribunal_ from the ideas of his age as to the construction of such a building.

[148] The text has Θήβας, which is inconsistent with what follows as to the Thebans. An inscription found on the site of Thisbae supplies the correction of an error as old as Livy (42, 46, 47). See Hicks’s _G. I._ p. 330.

[149] Gaius Lucretius had seen naval service as _duumvir navalis_ on the coast of Liguria in B.C. 181. Livy, 40, 26. He was now (B.C. 171) Praetor, his _provincia_ being the fleet, and commanded 40 quinqueremes. _Id._ 42, 48.

[150] Livy, who translates this passage, calls the missile a _cestrosphendona_ (42, 65).

[151] In Phocis. The name was variously given as Phanoteis, Phanote, Phanota (Steph. _Byz._)

[152] Schweighaeuser seems to regard this as a second name. But the Greeks seldom had such, and it is more likely the designation of some unknown locality. There was an Attic deme named Cropia, and therefore the name is a recognised one (Steph. _Byz._) Gronovius conjectured Ὠρωπίῳ “of Oropus.”

[153] Apparently the Anticyra on the Sperchius, on the borders of Achaia Phthiotis.

[154] Hence Attalus obtained the name of Philadelphus. The origin of Eumenes’s loss of popularity in the Peloponnese is referred to in 28, 7, but no adequate cause is alleged. A reference to Achaia in his speech at Rome was not perhaps altogether friendly (Livy, 42, 12), and we shall see that he was afterwards suspected of intriguing with Perseus; but if this extract is rightly placed, it can hardly be on this latter ground that the Achaeans had renounced him.

[155] Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, B.C. 175-164; Ptolemy VI. Philometor, B.C. 181-146.

[156] See 16, 18.

[157] The decree referred to is given in Livy, 43, 17. “No one shall supply any war material to the Roman magistrates other than that which the Senate has decreed.” This had been extracted from the Senate by vehement complaints reaching Rome of the cruel extortions of the Roman officers in the previous two years.

[158] Polybius seems to mean the smaller council, not the public assembly, though Livy evidently understood the latter (43, 47).

[159] The expedition of Perseus into Illyricum apparently took place late in the year B.C. 170 and in the first month of B.C. 169. Livy, 43, 18-20.

[160] Hyscana, or Uscana, a town of the Illyrian tribe Penestae.

[161] That is, the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy.

[162] The Antigoneia was a festival established in honour of Antigonus Doson, who had been a benefactor of the Achaeans. In 30, 23, it is mentioned as being celebrated in Sicyon. The benefactions of this Macedonian king to the Achaeans are mentioned by Pausanias (8, 8, 12).

[163] See 27, 19; 18, 1, 17.

[164] Seleucus Nicanor, B.C. 306-280.

[165] Livy (44, 8) calls it the Enipeus (_Fersaliti_), a tributary of the Peneus.

[166] In a previous part of the book now lost. See Livy, 44, 25.

[167] The extract begins in the middle of a sentence at the top of a page. I have supplied these words at a guess, giving what seems the sense.

[168] P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum was afterwards Pontifex Maximus (B.C. 150). See Cic. _de Sen._ 3, 50.

[169] Of the two eldest sons of Aemilius, the elder was adopted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the second by P. Cornelius Scipio, son of the elder Africanus, his maternal uncle.

[170] From Plutarch, _Aemilius_, 15, who adds that Polybius made a mistake as to the number of soldiers told off for this service, which to judge from Livy, 44, 35, Polybius probably stated at 5000. Plutarch got his correction from an extant letter of Nasica (8000 Roman infantry, with 120 horse, and 200 Thracians and Cretans).

[171] From Plutarch, who again contradicts this last statement, on the authority of Nasica, who said that there was a sharp engagement on the heights.

[172] The Roman was saved from a scare by the eclipse being foretold by Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, famous for his knowledge of Greek literature and astronomy. He is represented by Cicero as explaining the celestial globe (_sphaera_) which Marcellus brought from Syracuse. He was consul in B.C. 166. Livy, 44, 37; Cicero, _Brut._ § 78; _de Repub._ 1, § 21.

[173] ἐν ἀγορᾷ. The objection, though it served to divert the magistrates from going on with the proposition at the time, seems to have been got over before the meeting at Sicyon; unless, indeed, the latter was considered to be of a different nature in regard to the age of those attending. But we have no information as to this restriction of thirty years of age,—whether it was universal, or confined to particular occasions. This passage would seem to point to the latter alternative.

[174] Livy says _viginti millia_. By χρυσοῦς Polybius appears to mean “staters,” worth about 20 drachmae (20 francs). This would give a rough value of the present as £8000, or on Livy’s computation twice that amount.

[175] Called by Polybius in previous books Conope, 4, 64; 5, 6. Its name was changed to Arsinoe, from its having been rebuilt and enlarged by Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Strabo, 10, 2, 22). It was on the east bank of the Achelous. Its modern name is _Angelokastro_. The civil war in Aetolia alluded to here is mentioned in Livy, 41, 25 (B.C. 174). This particular massacre appears to have taken place in B.C. 168-167. Livy (45, 28) narrates that Aemilius was met during his Greek tour in B.C. 167 by a crowd of Aetolians, in a miserable state of destitution, who informed him that five hundred and fifty Aetolian nobles had been massacred by Lyciscus and Tisippus, besides many driven into exile, and that the goods of both had been confiscated.

[176] From Athenaeus, XIV. 4, p. 615. It seems to be part of some strictures of Polybius on the coarseness of the amusements of the Romans. This noisy and riotous scene in a theatre would strike a Greek as barbarous and revolting; and may remind us of the complaints of the noise and interruption to their actors so often found in the prologues to the plays of Plautus and Terence. Though the substance of this extract is doubtless from Polybius, Athenaeus has evidently told the anecdote in his own language.

[177] Menalcidas was one of the Romanising party, who appears to have been Strategus of the league in B.C. 153 [Pausan. 7, 11, 7], and to have committed suicide in B.C. 148-147, in despair at his failure to wrest Sparta from the league.

[178] Haliartus had been taken by the praetor L. Lucretius Gallus in B.C. 171, its inhabitants sold into slavery, and its houses and walls entirely destroyed. Its crime was siding with Perseus. Livy, 42, 63. _Supra_ bk. 27, ch. 5; 29, 12.

[179] A drachma may be taken as between a sixth and a seventh of an ounce.

[180] Hultsch prints in parallel columns the text of this fragment as it appears in Athenaeus and Diodorus. The English translation attempts to combine them.

[181] He means that, they being no longer able to decide in mercantile affairs independently of Rome, the prestige (προστασία), and consequently the popularity, of this harbour is destroyed.

[182] Demetrius had been exchanged for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes in B.C. 175, just eleven years before.

[183] The _Senatus Consultum de Macedonibus_ (Livy, 45, 29) had declared all Macedonians free; each city to enjoy its own laws, create its own annual magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome—half the amount that it had paid to the king. Macedonia was divided into four regions, at the respective capitals of which—Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia—the district assemblies (concilia) were to be held, the revenue of the district was to be collected, and the district magistrates elected; and there was to be no inter-marriage or mutual rights of owning property between the regions.

[184] The Greek of this sentence is certainly corrupt, and no satisfactory sense can be elicited from it.

[185] Ariarathes, the elder, had been in alliance with Antiochus the Great, and had apparently given him one of his daughters in marriage, who had been accompanied by her mother to Antioch, where both had now fallen victims to the jealousy of Eupator’s minister, Lysias. See 21, 43.

[186] The anger of the Alexandrians had been excited against Ptolemy Physcon by his having, for some unknown reason, caused the death of Timotheus, who had been Ptolemy Philometor’s legate at Rome. See 28, 1. Diodor. _Sic._ fr. xi.

[187] The first line is of unknown authorship. The second is from Euripides, _Phoeniss._ 633. The third apophthegm is again unknown. The last is from Epicharmus, see 18, 40.

[188] About £12.

[189] In his Censorship (B.C. 184) Cato imposed a tax on slaves under twenty sold for more than ten sestertia (about £70.) Livy, 39, 44.

[190] Called Ptolemy the Orator in 28, 19.

[191] A more detailed statement of the controversies between Carthage and Massanissa, fostered and encouraged by the Romans, is found in Appian, _Res Punicae_, 67 _sq._

[192] Demetrius was now king. On his escape from Rome, described in bk. 31, chs. 20-23, he had met with a ready reception in Syria, had seized the sovereign power, and put the young Antiochus and his minister Lysias to death; this was in B.C. 162. Appian, _Syriac._ ch. 47.

[193] ἐν ταῖς συγκρίσεσιν. But it is very doubtful what the exact meaning of this word is. Alcaeus seems to be the Epicurean philosopher who, among others, was expelled from Rome in B.C. 171. See Athenaeus, xii. 547, who however calls him Alcios. See also Aelian, _V. Hist._ 9, 12.

[194] See note on p. 456.

[195] She was the daughter of C. Papirius Carbo, Coss. B.C. 231.

[196] The following pedigree will show the various family connexions here alluded to:—

Publius Cornelius Scipio
ob. in Spain B.C. 212.
|
P. Cornelius = Aemilia, sister of Lucius Aemilius Paulus = Papiria
Scipio Africanus| ob. B.C. 162. ob. B.C. 160. |
ob. B.C. 187. | |
| +-----------------+---------------+
| | | |
| Quintus Fabius Scipio two
| Maximus adopted by Aemilianus daughters
| Q. F. M. b. B.C. 185.
|
+-------------+---------------------------------+
| | |
P. = Cornelia(1). Cornelia(2) = Tib. Sempronius Publius Cornelius
Scipio Gracchus. Scipio Africanus
Nasica ob. s. p.
adopted his cousin
who became
Publius Cornelius Scipio
Aemilianus Africanus
ob. B.C. 129.

[197] τῶν ἐπίπλων, the _ornamenta_ of a bride, consisting of clothes, jewels, slaves, and other things, in accordance with her station. See Horace, _Sat._ 2, 3, 214. For the three instalments in which it was necessary to pay dowries, see Cicero _ad Att._ ii. 23; 2 _Phil._ § 113.

[198] ποιοῦντος τὴν διαγραφὴν seems a banker’s term for “paying,” _i.e._ by striking off or cancelling a debt entered against a man. The only other instance of such a use seems to be Dionys. Hal. 5, 28.

[199] Of his two younger sons one died five days before his Macedonian triumph, the other three days after it. See Livy, 45, 40.

[200] The two sisters were both named Aemilia; the elder was married to Q. Aelius Tubero, the younger to M. Porcius Cato, elder son of the Censor. The daughters were prevented from taking the inheritance of their mother’s property by the lex Voconia (B.C. 174), in virtue of which a woman could not be a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than that of the haeres, or of all the haeredes together. The object of the law was to prevent the transference of the property of one gens to another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by trusteeships, Gaius, 2, 274; Plutarch, _Cic._ 41: (2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. _de Off._ 2, § 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of mothers of three children, _Dio Cass._ 56, 10. See also Cicero _de Sen._ § 14; _de legg._ 2, 20; _de Rep._ 3, 10; _Verr._ 2, 1, 42; Pliny, _Panegyr._ 42; Livy, _Ep._ 41.

[201] That is, the morning from daybreak till about ten or eleven. The _salutationes_ came first, and the law business in the third hour.

[202] Ariarathes V. had been expelled his kingdom by Demetrius, who, in consideration of one thousand talents, had assisted his reputed brother Orophernes, who had been palmed off on Ariarathes IV. by his wife, to displace him. The Senate, when eventually appealed to, decided that the two brothers should share the kingdom. Livy, _Ep._ 47; Appian, _Syr._ 47.

[203] Ariarathes arrived in the summer of B.C. 158.

[204] τὴν Ἰακὴν καὶ τεχνητικὴν ἀσωτίαν. The translation given above is in accordance with the explanation of Casaubon, who quoted Horace (_Odes_ 3, 6, 21), _Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos matura virgo_. Orophernes had been sent to Ionia, when Antiochis had a real son (Ariarathes V.), that he might not set up a claim to the throne. He had been imposed by Antiochis on her husband Ariarathes IV. before she had a real son.

[205] Orophernes was soon deposed, and Ariarathes V. restored, but we have no certain indication when this happened. See 3, 5.

[206] The episode of Oropus here referred to, Polybius’s account of which is lost, was made remarkable by the visit of the three philosophers to Rome as ambassadors from Athens. The story, as far as Athens was concerned, as told by Pausanias, 7, 11, 4-7. The Athenians had been much impoverished by the events of the war with Perseus (B.C. 172-168), and had made a raid or raids of some sort upon Oropus. The Oropians appealed to Rome. The Romans referred the assessment of damages to an Achaean court at Sicyon. The Athenians failed to appear before the court at Sicyon, and were condemned by default to a fine of five hundred talents. Thereupon Carneades the Academician, Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic were sent to plead for a remission of a fine which the Athenians were wholly unable to pay. They made a great impression on the Roman youth by their lectures, and Cato urged that they should get their answer and be sent away as soon as possible. The Senate reduced the fine to one hundred talents: but even that the Athenians could not collect; and they seem to have managed to induce the Oropians to allow an Athenian garrison to hold Oropus, and to give hostages for their fidelity to the Athenian government. This led to fresh quarrels and an appeal to the Achaean government. The Achaean Strategus, Menalcidas of Sparta, was bribed by a present of ten talents to induce an interference in behalf of Oropus. Thereupon the Athenians withdrew their garrison from Oropus, after pillaging the town, and henceforth took no part in the quarrels which ensued, arising from the demands of Menalcidas for his ten talents; which the Oropians refused to pay, on the ground that he had not helped them as he promised; quarrels which presently centred round the question of the continuance of Sparta in the Achaean league. The date of the original quarrel between Athens and Oropus is not fixed, but the mission of the philosophers was in B.C. 155. See Plutarch, _Cato_, 22; Pliny, _N. H._ 7, 112-113; Aulus Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. _ad Att._ 12, 23; _Tusc._ 4, § 5.

[207] _C. Marcius consul adversus Dalmatas parum prospere primum, postea feliciter pugnavit._ The war was continued in the next year (B.C. 155), and the Dalmatians subdued for the time by the consul P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica. Livy, _Ep._ 47.

[208] Temnus was in Mysia, s. of the river Hermus. Cynneius or Cyneius Apollo seems to mean Apollo guardian of the shepherd dogs. There was, according to Suidas (s. v. κυνήειος), a temple to Apollo at Athens with that title, said to have been the work of Cynnis, a son of Apollo and a nymph Parnethia.

[209] The battle, in which Prusias is here said to have conquered Attalus, was a treacherous attack upon Attalus who was waiting, in accordance with an arrangement made by Roman envoys Hortensius and Arunculeius, to meet Prusias on his frontier, accompanied by only one thousand cavalry. The Roman envoys even had to fly for their lives. Appian, _Mithridates_, 3.

[210] Hultsch places an extract from Aulus Gellius (6, 14, 8) relating to the mission of the three philosophers as ch. 2 of this book. The substance is given in the note on p. 466. It is more in place there, as Polybius expressly said that he would give the whole story together (32, 25).

[211] This war appears to have arisen from a treacherous attack of the Cretans upon the island of Siphnos. _Exc. de Virt. et Vit._ p. 588.

[212] See 32, 27, note.

[213] Ligurian tribes between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, _N. H._ 3, § 47.

[214] Surnamed Philometor. He succeeded his uncle Attalus Philadelphus in B.C. 138, and at his death in B.C. 133 left his dominions to Rome.

[215] Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by Heracleides as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in B.C. 152, defeated and killed Demetrius in B.C. 150, and was himself defeated in B.C. 146 by Ptolemy Philometor (who also fell) in favour of a son of Demetrius, and was shortly afterwards murdered. Livy, _Ep._ 52. Appian, _Syr._ 67; Joseph. _Antiq._ 13, 2, 4.

[216] _Odyss._ 12, 95.

[217] _Odyss._ 12, 105.

[218] _Odyss._ 9, 82.

[219] Panchaia or Panchēa, the fabulous island or country in the Red Sea or Arabian gulf, in which Euhemerus asserted that he had discovered the inscriptions which proved the reputed gods to have been famous generals or kings. Plutarch, _Is. et Osir._ 23, Diodor. fr. 6, 1. The Roman poets used the word as equivalent to “Arabian.” See Verg. _Georg._ 2, 139.

[220] That is “as great a liar as Antiphanes of Berga.” See below. Strabo classes Antiphanes with Pytheas and Euhemerus more than once (see 2, 3, 5). Hence came the verb βεργαΐζειν, “to tell travellers’ tales” (Steph. _Byz._). But there is considerable doubt as to the identification of the traveller Antiphanes, some confounding him with a comic poet of the same name, and others with the author of an essay περὶ ἑταιρῶν. Berga was in the valley of the Strymon.

[221] Strabo here protests against Dicaearchus being treated as a standard of geographical truth. For Pytheas see Appendix.

[222] Polybius proves his point by the demonstration of the proposition “The square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled-triangle is equal to the squares of the sides containing the right angle.”