Chapter IX (4)

204 Strabo XV. p. 701. Etym. Magn. in πενέσται, Photius in κλαρῶται and
πενέσται. Lex. seguer. I. p. 292. emended by Meineke Euphor. p. 142.

205 Polit. II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13.

206 So also in Strab. XII. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves of the
Heracleotes served upon the same conditions as ἡ Μνῴα σύνοδος
ἐθήτευεν. Comp. Hermon ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B. where Eustathius ad
II. XV. p. 1024. Rom. μνῷται οἱ ἐλλενεῖς οἰκέται (those born in the
country as opposed to purchased slaves) appears to have preserved
the right reading. cf. ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. vol. II. p. 611.
Pollux III. 8. 23. κλαρῶται καὶ μνωΐται. Steph. Byz. (from the same
source as Pollux) οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτοι ἐχρήσαντο θεράπουσιν ὡς
Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοῖς γυμνησίοις καὶ Σικυώνιοι
τοῖς κορυνηφόροις καὶ Ἰταλιῶται τοῖς Πελασγοῖς, καὶ Κρῆτες δμωΐταις.
Write μνωΐταις in the more extensive signification of the word. In
the same manner Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has been
already corrected by Meineke ubi sup.

207 Aristot, Polit. II. 7. 3. ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν γιγνομένων καρπῶν τε καὶ
βοσκημάτων ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων καὶ φόρων οὓς φέρουσιν οἱ περίοικοι,
τέτακται μέρος, _i.e._ “_Of all the products of the soil and all the
cattle_ which come _from the public lands, a part is appointed_.”
The arrangement of the words is not more careless than in other
passages.

208 Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A.

209 See below, ch. 10. § 7.

210 At the Hermæa, however, the slaves feasted in public, and they were
waited on by their masters, as at Trœzen in the month Geræstion;
Carystius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI. p. 263 F. In Sparta,
during the Hyacinthia, the masters invited the slaves to be their
guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 B.

211 Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1.

212 Polit. II. 8. 5.

213 Hesychius, Pollux and Stephanus as before.

214 VI. 83.

215 VII. 148. In this passage the battle, contrary to the calculation
before given (book I. ch. 8. § 6.) upon the authority of Pausanias,
is brought down to the time immediately preceding the Persian war,
as is evident not only from the word νεωστὶ, but also from the
circumstance that the Argives desired a thirty years’ peace, to
enable the children of the persons who had been slain to arrive at
manhood. From this, then, it follows that the Gymnesii, expelled
from Argos, did not obtain possession of Tiryns till _after_ the
Persian war (for that they were not there _during_ this war may be
inferred from Herod. IX. 28.), and the final victory over them would
then coincide with the conquest of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7). If
the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. had been accurately (και ΤΟΤΕ)
fulfilled, the battle must fall in Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but no
calculation can be founded on this datum.

216 The same argument applies here as in the case of the slaves who made
themselves masters of Volsinii. See Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. I.
p. 101. sq. ed. 2. English Transl.

217 The liberation of Argive slaves is alluded to in a passage of
Hesychius in ἐλεύθερον ὕδωρ: ἐν Ἄργει ἀπὸ τῆς Συναγείας (perhaps
ΦΥΣΑΔΕΙΑΣ, cf. Callim. Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion Fragm. 19. Meineke)
πίνουσι κρήνης ἐλευθερούμενοι τῶν οἰκετῶν.

218 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8.

219 Book I. ch. 7. § 16.

220 Not the Gymnesii. See vol. I. p. 191, note p.

221 Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf. 286 A. I am also of opinion that
Pausanias was in error when (II. 19.) he states that the Argives had
from an early period been distinguished for their love of equality
and freedom.

222 See Thuc. V. 67, 72. Diod. XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15. Pausan. II.
20. 1. where the leader of the 1000 λογάδες is called Bryas, and
particularly Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp. Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with
the remarks of Tittmann, p. 602.

223 The Elean Περιοικὶς may serve for a comparison. This was the name of
all the territory which the Eleans had conquered in addition to
their original land, the Κοίλη Ἦλις. (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III.
2. 23.) It was, however, divided into tribes, which increased or
diminished with the loss or accession of territory. The number of
the Hellanodicæ was arranged according to that of the tribes. The
ancient territory of the Eleans, Κοίλη Ἦλις, included four tribes;
Pisatis was divided into an equal number; and if the whole of
Triphylia obeyed the Eleans, four more were added. (See Paus. V. 9.
5.) Compare Aristodemus of Elis in Harpocration in v. Ἑλλανοδίκης,
Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For further details see a paper by the author
in Welcker’s and Naeke’s Rheinisches Museum, vol. II. p. 167.

224 Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. I. Hesychius.

225 Below, ch. 5. § 2.

226 Πάντα ὀκτὼ, Photius in v. Suidas (in Schott’s Prov. XI. 64.)
Apostol. XV. 67.

227 Hesychius. According to Isaac Vossius Κυνόφυλοι. The Corinthian
κυνῆ, Herod. IV. 180. was perhaps at an early period the peculiar
dress of this class. See above, ch. 3. § 3.

228 Thus the harbour Lechæum was a place of refuge for maltreated slaves
as well as Munychia, Hesych. in Λέχαιον.

229 Steph. Byz. in Χίος, Pollux ubi sup. Etym. Gud. p. 165. 53. where
θῆτες, γυμνῆτες (for γυμνήσιοι), πενέσται, πελάται (erroneously for
κλαρῶται), κορυνηφόροι, and καλλικύριοι are classed together.

230 See above, p. 38, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “lining of fur,” starting “Pollux, VII. 4. 68.”]

231 Herod. V. 68. where, however, it is difficult to believe that this
fourth tribe was not established until after the time of
Cleisthenes. The tribe which in Sicyon was called Λιγιαλεῖς was
perhaps in Phlius known by the title of Χθονοφυλὴ, the mythical name
of the daughter of Sicyon, and the mother or wife of Phlias, Pausan.
II. 63. 12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 45.

232 The able historian Thirlwall thinks it more probable that
Cleisthenes united the three Doric tribes in a single tribe, and
that the Hyatæ, Oneatæ, and Chœreatæ, were the three country tribes,
_tribus rusticæ_, which Cleisthenes had admitted into the dominant
community. But a measure of this kind appears to be unexampled in
the history of the Greek constitutions, and could hardly have been
confounded by Herodotus with a mere change of names. It may be here
mentioned that the temple of Zeus _the Enumerator_, in Sicyon, was
referred to the establishment of the tribes, Bekker’s Anecd. Gr.
vol. II. p. 790. Σικυώνιοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἑαυτοὺς τάξαντες καὶ
ἀριθμήσαντες Διὸς Στοιχέως ἱερὸν ἱδρύσαντο.

233 See, _e.g._, concerning the κληροδοσία of Cnidos, Diodor. V. 53.
That the lots were even apportioned in the mother-country may be
seen from what occurred at the founding of Syracuse, book I. ch. 6.
§ 7. Compare the account of the colonization of Epidamnus, Thucyd.
I. 27.

234 This, _e.g._, was the case in the Corinthian Apollonia, Herod. IX.
93. Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, _Orchomenos_, p. 337.

235 Thucyd. VI. 17. of the cities of Sicily, ὄχλοις τε γὰρ ξυμμίκτοις
πολυανδροῦσιν, &c.

236 The clearest instance, although not of a Doric city, is in Thucyd.
V. 4. The Leontini had created a large number of new citizens, who,
partly forming the popular party, pressed for a redivision of the
lands (ἀναδασμός). Upon this, the nobles entirely expelled the
commons. See below, ch. 9. § 15.

237 Herod. VII. 155. Aristot. Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot. in v. Dionys. Hal.
VI. 62. p. 388. 35. Marmor. Par. l. 52. Hesychius γάμοροι—ἢ οἱ ἀπὸ
τῶν ἐγγείων τιμημάτων (_à censu agrorum_) τὰ κοινὰ διέποντες.
Ἐγγείων κτημάτων, the correction of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. in v.
γεωμόροι, is not needed. The expression ἀπὸ τιμημάτων ἄρχειν,
διοικεῖν, &c., occurs. See Wesseling ad Diod. XVIII. 18.

238 Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas, and
Phavorinus in Καλλικύριοι, Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. IV. 54.
Καλλικίριοι ἐν Συρακούσαις ἐκλήθησαν οἱ ὑπεισελθόντες ΓΕΩΜΟΡΟΙΣ, as
it should be written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.), Plut. Prov. Alex. 10.
p. 588. Eustathius ad Il. p. 295. Rom. Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Κρήτη,
Μαριανδυνοὶ δὲ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ Ποντικῇ καὶ Ἀροτται ἐν Συρακούσαις
should be written Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Συρακούσαις—ΚΛΑΡΟΤΑΙΔΕ ἐν Κρήτῃ.
Dionysius ubi sup. calls them πελάται. Καλλικύριοι seems to be a
mere corruption of foreigners, who tried to make a Greek word of it.

239 Phylarch, ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 C. The μισθωτοὶ were called
προύνικοι in Byzantium, according to Pollux VII. 29. 132.

240 Strab. XII. p. 542 C.

241 Euphorion (Fragm. 73. Mein.) and Callistratus ὁ Ἀριστοφάνειος ap.
Athen. VI. p. 263 D. E. Hesychius in δωροφόροι. The masters are
called by Euphorion ἄνακτες, according to the Homeric idiom.

242 Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. where the Periœci of Heraclea, who served
in the fleet, are probably the Mariandyni. In this passage Heraclea
Pontica is meant, whereas in V. 4. 2. (μετὰ τὸν ἀποικισμὸν εὐθὺς)
Heraclea Trachinia is evidently intended—compare Schlosser; and the
same town is probably signified in the other passages.

243 See above, p. 60, note l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “strictly so called,” starting “This, _e.g._, was the case.”]

244 The oracle in Herod. IV. 159.

ὅς δὲ κεν ἐς Λιβύαν πολυήρατον ὕστερον ἔλθῃ γᾶς ἀναδαιομένας, μετὰ
οἳ ποκά φαμι μελήσειν.

Compare ὑστερεῖν τῆς κληροδοσίας, Diod. V. 53.

245 Herod. IV. 161. The most probable explanation of this passage seems
to be that given in the text, viz., that Demonax left to the first
conquerors the possession of their subjects, and did not divide them
equally among the new colonists; and this is approved by Thrige, Res
Cyrenensium, p. 148. Niebuhr, however, History of Rome, vol. I. note
708. ed. 2, understands it to mean that the Periœci were the
original subjects of the Theræans in their island, who in the colony
stood on an equal footing with their former masters: an equality
which is not necessarily implied by an union in the same tribe.

246 Concerning the Achæans, Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Of the
Magnetes and others, Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Philipp. II. p. 71.
Olynth. II. p. 20. Concerning the Perrhæbi, Thuc. IV. 78. Strab. IX.
p. 440.—Compare Orchomenos, p. 252.

247 Tittmann. Amphictyonen bund, p. 35. see particularly Herod. VII.
132.

248 Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 7. where the περίοικοι must not be confounded with
the Penestæ; see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9.

249 According to Thucyd. IV. 78.

250 VII. 176.

251 There were also Penestæ among the Macedonians, according to
Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. 533. But with those mentioned in Livy
XLIII. 20. sqq. we have here no concern.

252 Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p. 264 B. cf. Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, 38.
Rom. Phot. Lex. in v. πενέσται, where read, ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπὸ Αἵμονος ἐν
ἈΡΝΗΙ νικηθέντων Βοιωτῶν (see Orchomenos, p. 378.) as in Suidas.

253 Athen. VI. p. 265 C.

254 According to Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 3. the Penestæ revolted from the
Thessalians when the latter were waging war with the Achæans,
Perrhæbians, and Magnetes.

255 Archem. ubi sup. Strab. XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954. Photius, ἐπὶ
τῷ μήτε παθεῖν τι ἐργαζόμενοι, μήτε ἐκβληθῆναι.

256 Pollux III. 83.

257 Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 13.
Staphylus περὶ θετταλῶν ap. Harpocrat. Ammonius, Photius, Hesychius,
Etym. in v.

258 Heraclid. Pont. 2. In Eustathius ad Il. II. p. 295, Photius (ubi
sup.), and Hesychius, they are called οἱ μὴ γόνῳ δοῦλοι, a very
obscure expression. The explanation of another writer, ἐλεύθεροι
μίσθῳ δουλεύοντες, is entirely false.

259 Euripid. Phrix. ap. Athen. p. 264 C. Λάτρις πενέστης (hence
Hesychius πενέσται λάτρεις) ἀμὸς ἀρχαίων δόμων.

260 In the Θεσσαλικὰ of Philocrates (εἰ γνήσια) ap. Athen. p. 264 A.
Staphylus ubi sup. Photius, in πενέσται.

261 Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see Meineke Comment. Miscell. I. p. 53.) But
when Theocritus says that “they received provision for a month
measured out,” he evidently confounds them with common slaves.—Menon
brought 200 Penestæ of his own to the Athenians, Pseudo-Demosth,
περί συντάξ. p. 113. 6. or 300, according to the speech in
Aristocrat, p. 687. 2.

262 Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych. in πενέστης.

263 Timæus in V. πενεστικὸν, Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, &c.

264 Archemachus and Eustathius as above—although the name is evidently
derived from πένης.

265 Demosth. in Aristocrat, p. 687. 1.

266 Aristoph. Vesp. 1263.

267 All three together in Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc. IV. 78. At
the time of Alexander of Pheræ it is probable that there were
tyrants in Thessaly who had risen from demagogues, and were
therefore hostile to the Aleuadæ, Diodor. XVI. 1.

268 The statement of Aristotle ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. concerning
an ancient expulsion of the Barbarians from Arcadia, was merely made
for the purpose of explaining the name Προσέληνοι.

269 In Athen. VI. p. 271 D. and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon reads Ἀρδιαίους
and Ἀρδιαῖοι for Ἀρκαδίους and Ἀριαῖοι. See Clinton Fast. Hellen.
vol. II. p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wachsmuth, Hellenische
Alterthumskunde, vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p.
ult. The Greek name for the Arcadians is not Ἀρκάδιοι but Ἄρκαδες.

270 See above, § 2.

271 See above, ch. 3. § 3. What connexion there was between this measure
and the union of Megara with four hamlets (book I. ch. 5. § 10.) I
have not been able to satisfy myself.

272 This enables us to reconcile Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI. 4. 18. ἐκ
τῶν κωμῶν—ἀριστοκρατούμενοι, and VI. 5. 3.) with Ephorus ap. Strab,
VIII. p. 337. Harpocration in v. Μαντινέων διοικισμὸς, and Isocrat.
περὶ εἰρήνης in Harpocration. Cf. Diod. XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6.
Pausan. VIII. 8.

273 Therefore before Caryæ fell under the power of Lacedæmon; for it is
evident that the Arcadian Caryæ, close to Laconia, and belonging to
the territory of Tegea, and the Lacedæmonian Caryæ, are the same
place. Photius in v. τὰς Καρύας Ἀρκάδων οὔσας ἀπετέμνοντο
Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Compare Meineke Euphorion, p. 96. That this had taken
place before the second Messenian war, I can hardly believe from the
narrative in Pausan. IV. 16. 5.

274 See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1. Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337. and Aristot.
Pol. II. 1. 5.

275 Hence Homer calls it the “fertile demus,” πίονα δῆμον.

276 Od. XXIV. 414. κατὰ πτόλιν.

277 Od. XI. 187.

278 Pausan. VII. 18. 3.

279 According to Steph. Byz. in v. the district was originally called
Δύμη, and the city Στράτος.

280 Strab. ubi sup. cf. VIII. p. 386. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κωμηδὸν ᾤκουν
(the cities were unwalled, Thuc. III. 33.), οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ πόλεις
ἔκτισαν. Concerning the συνοικισμὸς of Patræ, Dyme and Ægium. See
Strabo VIII. p. 337.

281 Εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ οἰκοῦντες, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257. Etym. M.
in v.

282 Κυδαθήναιον δῆμοσ ἐν ἄστει Hesychius. Schol. Plat. Symp. p. 43.
Ruhnken.

283 Κυδαθηναῖος ἔνδοξος Ἀθηναῖος, Hesychius.

284 Leg. I. p. 626 C.

285 In Homer there is no trace of a δῆμος as a political power opposed
to another. The passage in Il. II. 546., in which the δῆμος of
Athens is mentioned, is as late at least as the age of Solon.

286 V. 948. Thus Æschyl. Suppl. 375. concerning the monarch, σύ τοι
πόλις, σὺ δὲ τὸ δήμιον, πρύτανις ἄκϝιτος ὤν.

287 See particularly such passages as that in Chishull’s Ant. Asiat. p.
113. Συβριτιων ἁ πολις και οἱ κοσμοι Τηιων τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ
χαιρειν, p. 137. Αλλαριωταν οἱ κοσμοι και ἁ πολις Παριων τᾳ πολει
και τῳ δαμῳ. Sometimes, however, especially in inscriptions of late
date, δῆμος also occurs, as in Pococke IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which
should be restored nearly as follows: αγαθᾳ τυχᾳ. εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και
τῳ δαμῳ Κλεισθενεα.... Σινωπεα. Αντιοχον και Αγαθοκλην Σωσιγενεος
Ἱεροπολιτας προξενος ημεν αυτος και εγγονα, ὑπαρχεν δε αυτοις και
ισοπολιτειαν και γας και οικιας εγκτησιν και ατελειαν, &c.

288 See the Rhetra cited below, ch. 5. § 8. The citizens of Sparta were
called δαμώδεις (above, p. 43, note n [Transcriber’s Note: This is
the footnote to “Neodamodes,” starting “VIII. 58.”]); νεοδαμώδεις,
_i.e._, “new _Spartans_,” answers to the Syracusan νεοπολῖται, Diod.
XIV. 7. δαμοσία, the train of the king in war; below, ch. 12. § 5. A
measure ratified by the community was called δαμώσικτος; below, ch.
5. § 11.

289 Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, see Diog. Laërt. I. 98. from Ephorus and
Aristotle, Nicolaus Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5. on the
Pisistratidæ, above p. 38, note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “very same measure,” starting “Aristoph. Lysistr.
1157.”] Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav.
Concerning Gelo, Plutarch. Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, Xenoph.
Hell. II. 4. 1. a Cephallenian tyrant, Heraclid. Pont. 31. See in
general Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the excellent note of Meier de
bonis damnat. p. 185.

290 See also Diod. XIV. 10.

291 Polyb. IV. 73. 6. οἱ πολιτευόμενοι—οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας κατοικοῦντες.
Oxylus also, according to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incorporated a number of
hamlets with the city.

292 Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where the πολίτου ἀρετὴ is restricted to those
ὅσοι τῶν ἔργων εἰσὶν ἀφειμένοι τῶν ἀνανκαίων.

293 The instances of admission of foreigners to the rights of Spartan
citizens (of which some are very uncertain), collected by Tittmann,
p. 641. prove nothing against Herodotus, IX. 35. Ephorus ap. Strab.
VIII. p. 364. speaks of the reception of aliens as _Periœci_.
Concerning the strictness of the Megarians as to this point, see
Plutarch, de Monarchia 2. p. 204.

294 Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron (ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains it from
the Tripolis near mount Parnassus.

295 V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in Ὕλλεῖς, Δυμᾶν. Hemsterh. ad Aristoph.
Plut. 385.

296 Pyth. I. 61. V. 71. and in the fragment of the Ἰσθμιονῖκαι, Ὕλλου τε
καὶ Αἰγιμίου Δωριεὺς στρατός.

297 Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. I. 121.

298 Hesychius Δύμη ἐν Σπάρτῃ φυλὴ καὶ τόπος, which is not indeed a
decisive testimony.

299 V. 68. All the three tribes occur in Argive inscriptions of late
date; see Boeckh ad Inscript. 1123. the Πάμφυλοι however are
introduced on conjecture. Ὕλλις ἀπὸ Ἀργείας μιᾶς τῶν νυμφῶν,
Callimachus ap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς, unless it should be written
Αἰγαίας, or some such word. See Introduction, § 9.

300 Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.

301 Pindar, ubi sup.

302 Hesych. in Ὕλλέες. Compare Æginetica, p. 140.

303 Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 404.

304 Gruter p. 401. Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79.

305 Il. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. § 3.

306 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1073. and see his Explic. ad Pind. Pyth.
I. p. 234.

307 Charaxap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς.

308 Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

309 Æginetica, pp. 40. and 140. note x. Steph. Byz. Δυμᾶν, φῦλον
Δωριέων, ἦσαν δὲ τρεῖς, Ὕλλεῖς καὶ Πάμφυλοι καὶ Δυμᾶνες, ἐξ
Ἡρακλέους, καὶ προσετέθη ἡ Ὑρνηθία, ὡς Ἔφορος ά: which passage
should be understood thus: “There were originally three tribes,
Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes, which go back to the time of
Hercules; and to these the Hyrnathian tribe was afterwards added,”
viz., at Argos, where it occurs in inscriptions, Boeckh Corp.
Inscript. No. 1130, 1131. The name is obscure, and particularly its
connexion with the heroine Hyrnetho, the daughter of Temenus. See
Paus. II. 26. Steph. Byz. in Ὕρνίθιον.

310 Ibid. p. 140.

311 See above, p. 58, note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “dwelt in the city,” starting “Πάντα ὀκτὼ.”]

312 See Orchomenos, p. 329. Tribes with patronymic terminations occur,
however, elsewhere, as in the great Tenian inscription in the
British Museum the tribes of the Heraclidæ, the Thestiadæ, and
these, together with several others also, as divisions of the
country. The name of the Heraclidæ in the Ionian island of Tenos is
not easily accounted for; on the presence of Hercules there, see,
however, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1304. from the Τηνιακὰ of
Ænesidemus.

313 Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Orchomenos, p.
328. Hesychius incorrectly interprets ὠβάτης as φυλέτης. The name
ὠβὰ was retained till the Roman time, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1272,
1273, 1274.

314 The γένη of the mechanics and peasants in Athens often had a
patronymic name from their occupations. Compare Buttmann on the
meaning of the word phratria, in the Berlin Transactions for 1818
19. p. 12.

315 The five divisions of the city are the four κῶμαι, Pitana, Mesoa,
Cynosura, and Limnæ (see above, ch. 3. § 7); and, fifthly, the πόλις
itself, the hill on which the temple of Athene Chalciœcus stood.

316 Hesychius and Etym. in Ἀγιάδαι, where, however, Laconia is put for
Sparta. Probably in Pitana. See Pausanias III. 14. 2. where ἐν
Ἀγιαδῶν has been correctly edited by Bekker, after Heeringa and
Porson.

317 Below, § 8.

318 Diod. XI. 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24.

319 Plut. Solon. 12.

320 Herod. V. 72.

321 See the Sigean inscription in Clarke’s Travels, vol. II. sect. 1. p.
162. Compare Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom. 14. In Byzantium
also there were _patrias_, probably the same as _phratrias_, as
Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. mentions πατριωτικὰ χρήματα in that
town.

322 See Ignarra _de Phratriis._ Comp. Buttmann, p. 36.

323 Ælius Dionysius ap. Eustath. Il. II. p. 363. Orus ap. Etym. Mag.
Buttmann indeed denies the truth of this remark, but it must not be
given up hastily. For, in the first place, the Ionic festival
Ἀπατούρια is manifestly an union of the πάτραι, yet it is always
represented as a festival of the phratrias; and secondly, in the
Thasian decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2. p. 156. it is permitted to
newly-created citizens to be admitted into a πάτρη; but we never
find that new citizens were elected into ancient γένη. It is also
confirmed by the words in the Tenian Inscription from Choiseul’s
collection (in the Louvre, No. 566.), καὶ [εἰς] φυλὴν καὶ φρατρίαν
προσγρά [ψασθ] αι [ἣν ἂν βούλωνται], and the same in the inscription
quoted in p. 81. note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “Asiatic colonies,” starting “See the Sigean inscription.”]

324 The names of the larger division or _tribe_ were the same at Sparta
and Athens, viz., φυλὴ; but the Spartan ὠβὰ corresponded with the
Athenian φρατρία, the Doric πάτρα with the Athenian γένος. See
Schneider’s Lexicon in v. πάτρα, Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Pind. Nem. IV.
77. and Dissen Expl. Nem. VIII. p. 450. _Æginetica_, p. 139.

325 I. 65.

326 Pollux VIII. 111. Hesych. in ἀτριάκαστοι. But in Boeckh Corp.
Inscript. No. 101. τριακὰς is a division of a borough. See Boeckh,
vol. I. p. 900.—Whether the τριακάδες of Epicharmus (Hesych. in
Σκωρνυφίων) are families, is uncertain.

327 Perhaps the persons ἀπὸ γένους, whom Leonidas wished to send back
from Thermopylæ (Plut. Herod. Mal. 52.), were the only surviving
members of their families.

328 Yet they had not any essential privilege in Sparta, Plut. Lys. 24.

329 οἱ πρῶτοι ἄνδρες Thucyd. IV. 108. V. 15. ἄριστοι Plut. Lys. 30. The
καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ in Aristot. Poll. II. 9. are in general persons of
distinction; there may undoubtedly have been persons of this
description among the Periœci (Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9.), but in this
passage of Aristotle these do not come into consideration.

330 In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf.

331 Rep. Laced. 10. 7.

332 Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this it is
probable, that in Xenophon Σπαρτιᾶται is used in a limited sense for
Ὅμοιοι. cf. Schneider. ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9.

333 Rep. Laced. 13. 1.

334 Anab. IV. 6. 14. Xenophon, who imitates the Lacedæmonian spirit in
so many different manners in the Cyropædia, here also mentions
ὅμοιοι and ὁμότιμοι, I. 5. 5. II. 1, 2.

335 Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf. 33. and see B. IV. ch. 5. § 1.

336 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. according to the reading μὴ μετέχειν αὐτῆς,
_i.e._, τῆς πολιτείας. See B. IV. ch. 3. § 3. Concerning the grounds
of the distinction of the Equals, see C. F. Hermann De Conditione
atque Origine eorum qui Homoei apud Laced. appellati sunt. 1832.

337 See above, note u. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“education of an Equal,” starting “Anab. IV. 6. 14.”]

338 Aristotle says, probably without any reference to the more definite
expression, that the Parthenians were ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων, Polit. V. 6. 1.
See also Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231, 238. vol. III. part 1. p.
217.

339 See book I. ch. 7. § 4. above, ch. 1. § 9.

340 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Διὸς Ἑλλανίου καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἑλλανίας ἱερὸν
ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα τριάκοντα, γερουσίαν
σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας
τε καὶ Κνακίωνος, οὒτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι. δάμῳ δὲ κυρίαν
ἦμεν καὶ κράτος. Ἀπελλάζειν means “to summon the people to an
assembly,” “_in concionem vocare_.” See Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad
Theocrit. Adon. p. 209. Lennep Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch
evidently derives the word from Ἀπέλλων, _Apollo_. The words ὤρας ἐξ
ὤρας are nearly inexplicable, and Mazochi’s alteration, Tab. Herac.
vol. I. p. 149, ὠβὰς (or ὠβὰν) does not much diminish the
difficulty. The best explanation of ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας seems to be, “one
month after another,” _i.e._ monthly. Towards the end, κυρίαν ἦμεν
seems to be the best reading; one MS. has γυριανήμην. Valckenaer,
ib. p. 291. proposes δάμῳ δ᾽ ἀνωγὰν ἦμεν.

341 Ib. αἰ δὲ σκολιὰν ὁ δᾶμος ἕλοιτο, τοὺς πρεσβυγενέας καὶ ἀρχαγέτας
ἀποστατῆρασ ἦμεν. Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 10.

342 For εὐθείαις ῥήτραις, which is read both in Plutarch and Diodorus,
Frank, p. 173. 199, corrects εὐθείαις γνώμαις, and explains it to
mean the proposal made _to_ the people. But both the context and
syntax require, not that _to_ which they answer, but that _which_
they answer; _i.e._, they simply approve or reject the proposed law.
Both νόμος and ῥήτρα are used for a decree in its imperfect stage
(below, ch. 9. § 11. Plutarch Agis 8.); nor is ῥήτρα applied only to
the laws of Lycurgus.

343 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VII—X. 3. p. 3. Mai.
Instead of the two first verses Diodorus has Δὴ γὰρ ἀργυρότοξος ἄναξ
ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων χρυσοκόμης ἔχρη πίονος ἐξ ἀδύτου, but these do not
connect with what follows so well as those in Plutarch. In the fifth
line Plutarch has πρεσβύτας, Diodorus πρεσβυγενεῖς: which is the
word in the law cited in the last note but one. The last verse,
which agrees with the final sentence of the original rhetra, is
preserved in Diodorus, who has three more.

344 VII. 134.

345 Demosth. de Corona, p. 255.

346 Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79, 84. Gruter, p. 401.

347 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. II. p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol.
II. p. 403. sqq.

348 Ἁλία κατάκλητος (compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 291.) Tab.
Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed. Mazoc. cf. Iud. p. 281.

349 Hesychius.

350 Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.

351 Hesychius. The Athenian ἡλιαία is the same word. Compare below, ch.
11. § 2. and, in general, Dorville ad Charit. p. 70. Taylor ad
Demosth. p. 227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Lysist. 93. συναλιάζω is the
word used by the Lacedæm. woman for to _convene_, to _assemble_.

352 Bekker Anecd. p. 210. Ἐκκλησία is however the word always used in
the Inscriptions published by Chishull.

353 The εἰωθὼς ξύλλογος in Thucyd. I. 67. transacts business with the
ξυμμάχοι, as the ἐκκλησία or ἔκκληχοι in Xen. Hell. V. 2. Il. VI. 3.
3. Compare Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV. 17. Morus Ind. Xenoph. and
Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. ἐκκλησία.

354 Ἔσκλητος in Syracuse occurs in Hesychius. The same grammarian has,
ἀνεκκλητειν ἐξαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι παρὰ Ῥοδίοις.

355 Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.

356 As Tittmann, p. 100. supposes, who also states that by ἔκκλητοι and
ἐκκλησία (which are evidently synonyms) the small assembly is
_often_ (but query when?) meant, as τέλη are mentioned instead, Xen.
Hell. II. 2. 23.—Thus in an ἐκκλησία in Thuc. VI. 88. the ephors and
τέλη are alone mentioned as deliberating. Thus in Xen. Hell. VI. 4.
2. Cleombrotus sends from the army to _ask_ the τέλη in Sparta, and
the ἐκκλησία _answers_. The peace after the battle of Ægospotamos
was concluded by the ἐκκλησία and the confederate assembly at
Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. sqq.; and yet in the document in Plut.
Lys. 14. the τέλη alone are _named_. In innumerable instances the
τέλη do what on other occasions the whole πόλις performs, Xen. V. 3.
23, 25. see below, ch. 7. § 5, 8. The simple solution of this
difficulty is, according to my view, given in § 10.

357 Plut. Lyc. 25. cf. Liban. Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420. ἡβωντες also
were prohibited from filling any public situation out of the
country, Thucyd. IV. 132. The Parthenians, according to Justin. III.
4. quit their country at the age of thirty, because their civic
rights begin at that time. See also Clinton F. II. vol. II. p. 386.

358 Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol. Lycoph. 550. The strict meaning is the
“Saffron river.”

359 See above, ch. 3. § 7.

360 Not till late times in the Scias. Paus. III. 12. 8.

361 Schol. Thucyd. I. 67. where it should be observed that εἰωθότα does
not refer to time.

362 Herod. VII. 134.

363 Herod. VII 149. οἱ πλεῦνες. Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ξύλλογος εἰωθὼς or τὸ
πλῆθος V. 77. δοκεῖ τᾷ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3.
ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3.
ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ανανκαῖον ειναι στρατευεσθαι

364 Plut. Lyc. 26. Justin. III. 3, &c.

365 A litigation generally preceded (Herod. VI. 65. Plut. Agid. 11.),
and after its termination the people passed their decree, Plut. cf.
Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9.

366 Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Tittmann, p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29.

367 Thucyd. V. 34.

368 Libanius ubi sup.

369 Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell, III. 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &c.

370 Thuc. I. 67. and frequently.

371 The story in Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac. Apophth.
p. 239. præc. Reip. 4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A. XVIII. 3. that the
people once wishing to accede to the opinion of an immoral person, a
councillor proposed that if it was brought forward by a man of
blameless character it should then pass, proves nothing, as the
account is entirely unconnected, and we do not know by what right
the original proposer had spoken. The same story is alluded to by
Isiodorus Pelus. Epist. III. 232. Lysandir (Plutarch. 25.) probably
spoke in a public capacity.

372 See above, p. 89. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]

373 δαμώσικτον, δεδοκιμασμένον, Hesychius.

374 Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20.

375 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. Κυρία δ᾽ οὐδενός ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ συνεπιψηφίσαι
τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς γέρουσι καὶ τοῖς κόσμοις, which must be taken _cum
grano salis_. Aristotle II. 8. says that the ἕτεραι πολιτεῖαι,
_i.e._, Crete and Sparta, differed from Carthage in this respect,
that in them only the magistrates spoke, while in the latter state
any person could come forward and oppose the public officers; but he
makes no difference between Sparta and Crete. See above, § 8.

376 The Lacedæmonians and Cretans used, according to Hesychius, the form
γερωνία (the same grammarian has, however, γερώα also), where
Valckenaer appears rightly to read γερωἵα (Epist. ad Roever. p. 323.
ad Adoniaz. p. 271. Küster ad Hesych. p. 822.), which by a more
guttural sound of the aspirate is called γερωχία in Aristoph. Lys.
980, probably the correct form. Γεροντία is the office of a geron,
in Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus Damascenus.

377 Herod. VII. 148. In the _Cretan_ states, γερουσία was the common
form (see also the inscription in Montfaucon Diar. Ital. p. 74.) as
well as βουλὴ (βωλὰ Koen ad Gregor. p. 639.) according to Arist.
Pol. II. 7. 3. and late inscriptions; the members of which are
called γέροντες by Aristotle and Strabo X. p. 484. In Cos βουλὰ
occurs in the time of the emperors, Villoison Mém. de l’Acad. des
Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325. Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51. as well
as γερουσία, Spon., n. 57, 58.

378 This appellation may be perceived in the γερούσιος ὅρκος, Il. XXII.
119, γέροντες βουλευταὶ, Il. VI. 113.

379 Who were also of the number of the gerontes, Od. XXI. 21. see above,
ch. 1. § 3.

380 Which is beautifully expressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 21. An
seni sit ger. Resp. 10. ἔνθα βουλαὶ γερόντων, καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν
ἀριστεύοντιν αἰχμαὶ, καὶ χοροὶ καὶ μοῦσα καὶ ἀγλαΐα. (Fragm. p. 663.
Boeckh).

381 Plut. Lyc. 26. cf. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 10. 1.

382 Pol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Xenoph. ubi sup.

383 Which was also testified by the presents made by the king, Plut.
Ages. 4. the double portion at the syssitia, Plut. Lyc. 26.
Concerning the public repasts of Homeric gerontes, see Il. IV. 344.
IX. 70.

384 Ὅμοιοι, καλοὶ καγαθοὶ, see above, ch. 5. § 7.

385 Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch. Lyc. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI. 45. 5.
Some late inscriptions indeed mention persons who had three and four
times filled the office of geron (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261.
and 1320.); but in that age the whole institution had been changed.

386 See above, ch. 5. § 3.

387 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18.

388 IV. 5. 11.

389 For what follows compare Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6. Plut.
Lyc. ubi sup.

390 Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A. calls it τὴν κατὰ γῆρας σώφρονα δύναμιν.

391 Plato has perhaps treated this question better than any other
ancient writer, ibid. VII. p. 793.

392 Plutarch. Agid. 11. τοὺς γέροντας, οἷς τὸ κράτος ἦν ἐν τῷ
προβουλεύειν. Comp. Demosth. in Leptin. p. 489. 20. δεσπότης ἐστὶ
τῶν πολλῶν. Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion. Hal. Archæol. II.
14. ἡ γερουσία πᾶν εἶχε τῶν κοινῶν τὸ κράτος. Paus. III. 11. 2. Cic.
de Senect. 6. _amplissimus magistratus_.

393 Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut. Lyc. 26.
Lac. Apophth. p. 197. see below, ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber’s Note:
There is no such section number in that chapter.]

_ 394 Arbitri et magistri disciplinæ publicæ_, Gell. N. A. XVIII. 3.
Æschin. ubi sup. Hence σωφροσύνη was in particular required of them.

395 That the parallel between the Thirty at Athens and the Spartan
gerusia fails in many points, has been justly remarked in the
Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia must have
served as a model for the establishment of this body, since there is
nothing similar in the Athenian institutions. The oligarchical
faction in Athens, after the battle of Ægospotamos, and before the
surrender of the city to Lysander, had also procured the election of
_five ephors_. See Lysias cout. Eratosth. § 43.

396 Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 484. (p. 171. Marx.); above, ch. 5. § 11.

397 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It acted also without doubt in a judicial
capacity.

398 Strabo, οἱ τῆς τῶν κόσμων ἀρχῆς ἠξιωμένοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δόκιμοι
κρινόμενοι. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.

399 Aristot. ubi sup.

400 See above, p. 94, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”]

401 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 8. These remains of the ancient oligarchy at
Elis were deprived by Phormio of a part of their power, as Ephialtes
weakened the Areopagus at Athens, according to Plutarch Reip.
gerend. Præcept. 10. vol. XII. p 155.

402 Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plutarch Præc. Reip. 10.

403 The ἱεραὶ γερουσίαι, for example, of Eleusis in later times, we have
here no concern with; yet we may notice the following monument, as
belonging to the Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript. No. 1395). ἡ ἱερὰ
ουπησια (Boeckh conjectures γερωσία) Γ. Ἰούλιον Ἐπαφρόδειτον
ἀγρετεύσαντα (difficult of explanation) τὸ ΡqΔ ἔτος (according to
Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II. p. 66. from the liberation of Greece by
Flamininus) καὶ δόντα ἑκάστῳ γέροντι νομῆς δηνάρια δέκα, &c. Perhaps
this ἱερὰ γερωσία is the Ὀλυμπιακὴ βουλὴ of the Eleans. See Pausan.
V. 6. 4. VI. 3. 3. Perizon. ad Æl. V. H. X. 1. See b. I. ch. 7. § 7.

404 See above, ch. 1. § 3. Platner _de Notione Juris_, p. 90.

405 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V. 9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archæol. V. 74. says
that the Spartan monarchy was ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισὶν διοικούμενον, as
Thucydides calls the Homeric, I. 13.

406 Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15. cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. σεμνοτέρα ἢ κατ᾽
ἄνθρωπον ταφή.

407 According to Herod. VI. 50. for ten days after the king’s death
there was no assembly of the people or officers of state (ἀγορὰ or
ἀρχαιρεσίη); and the nomination of the new king did not take place
until this period had expired; the regularity of which public
mourning may be inferred from the expression αἱ ἡμέραι in Xenoph.
Hell. III. 3. 1. [where L. Dindorf ingeniously reads ἐπεὶ δὲ
ὡσιώθησαν αἱ ἡμέραι καὶ ἔδει βασιλέα καθίστασθαι for ὡσ εἰώθεσαν αἱ
ἡμ. παρῆλθον, comparing Photius and Suidas ὁσιωθῆναι ἡμέρας λέγουσιν
ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τινὸς, οἷον μὴ ἱερὰς ἀλλ᾽ ὁσίας νομιοθῆναι.] Heraclides
Ponticus, has, however, only three days.

408 Herod. VI. 58. ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος (_i.e._, Λακωνικῆς, as in
VII. 220, &c.) χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων (_in addition to the Spartans_)
ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων (a fixed number of Periœci; the dative
depending on δεῖ; otherwise Werfer Act. Monac. vol. II. p. 241.)
ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὦν καὶ τῶν εἰλώτων (see above,
p. 32, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “entire
produce of the land,” starting “Of the two lines of Tyrtæus.”]) καὶ
αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων, &c. Compare the oracle in VII. 220. πενθήσει
βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος, “the furthest boundaries of
Lacedæmon.” The μιαίνεσθαι was the more imposing, as it was strictly
interdicted in _private_ mourning, Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252. The
generality of this mourning for princes of the Heraclidæ in early
times is rendered probable by the fact noticed in vol. I. p. 98,
note g.

409 The εἴδωλα were probably preserved; for they could not have been
meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was
almost always brought home even from a great distance, as in the
case of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was to the εἴδωλον that the
prohibition of Agesilaus referred, μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τινα
ποιήσασθαι αὑτοῦ εἰκόνα. Plutarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 129.
Lac. Apophth. p. 191.

410 Concerning the public sacrifices of the king, see Xen. Hell. III. 3.
4.

411 Herod. VI. 46.

412 A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor at the first departure (Xenoph. Rep. Lac.
13. 2. see below, ch. 12. § 5.); then on the boundary διαβατήρια to
Zeus and Athene. (ibid. cf. Polyæn. I. 10.); also διαβατήρια on
other occasions, Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the parallel with
Agamemnon is remarkably striking.

413 See above, ch. 1. § 9.

414 Plut. Agis 11.

415 Which point is more fully discussed by Hoeck, Kreta, vol. I. p. 245.

416 It is a δίκη Plut. Agis 11. νεῖκος Herod. VI. 66. with the preceding
κατωμοσία of the accuser VI. 65. which is followed by a decree in
the name of the whole community (πόλις Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. οἱ
Λακεδαιμόνιοι Herod. V. 42.) See above, ch. 5. § 9. Cleonymus also
was not declared to have a worse claim than Areus, by a free
selection, founded on comparative merit (as it appears from
Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the gerusia merely declared at the
ἀμφισβήτησις, that he, as the younger son, came after the heir of
the elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2.

417 See, _e.g._, Herod. V. 42. VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 2.
Nepos Ages. I. 3.

418 As Lycurgus of Charilaus, Nicomedes of Pleistoanax.

419 As Demaratus was succeeded by Leutychides, whose right to the throne
went back to the eighth ancestor of Theopompus, if with Palmerius we
correct Herod. VIII. 131. according to Pausanias’ genealogy of the
Kings.

420 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5.

421 Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from whom Nicolaus Damascenus Λακεδ. See an
allusion to the oath of the Ephors in Julian. Or. I. p. 14 D.

422 Thucyd. I. 20. who contradicts the statement of other historians;
but probably refers to Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. § 7.) rather
than Herodotus, whose work he could scarcely have read. Herodotus
(VI. 57.) however appears to me to have followed the opinion
generally received in Greece, of the two votes of each king,
although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the
Scholiast to Thucydides, adopted by Larcher, that each king had only
one vote, though it had the force of two, is ridiculous. The
γερουσία was ἰσόψηφος τὰ μέγιστα with the kings, according to Plat.
Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus is followed by Lucian Harm. 3.

423 See above, ch. 5. § 3.

424 Herod, ubi sup. δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλῆας τοσάδε μοῦνα. cf.
Plut. Lac. Apophth. Agesil. p. 187.

425 Herod. VI. 57.

426 Lysias in Evand. p. 176. 22. Pollux. VIII. 89.

427 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20.—An example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5. 4. Agesil.
2. 25.

428 Herod. VI. 57. καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς
ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν αστῶν. In other places the proxeni were appointed by
the states whose proxeni they were: for example, a Theban was
proxenus of the Athenians at Thebes: but in Sparta, as the connexion
with foreign nations was more restricted, a state, which wished to
have a proxenus there, was forced to apply to the king to nominate
one. This appears to be the meaning of the above passage of
Herodotus.

429 Aristot. Pol. III, 9. 2. cf. III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. 31 D.

430 Herod. VI. 56. who must not be understood to refer to the
declaration of war, Xen. Rep. Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs in
Thucyd. VIII. 5. ὁ γὰρ Ἄγις ... ἔχων τὴν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, κύριος
ἦν καὶ ἀποστέλλειν εἴ ποί τινα ἐβούλετο στρατιὰν, καὶ ξυναγείρειν,
καὶ χρήματα πράσσειν. cf. V. 60. διὰ τόν νόμον.

431 Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was however
permitted to the king to send ambassadors, _e.g._, to mediate,
according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do not perceive the
necessity of changing αὖ into οὐ; μέντοι marks the opposition to the
preceding purely military duties of the king.

432 Herod. V. 75. _Both_ kings were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. Hell. V.
3. 10.

433 Thuc. V. 63, where the words ἐν παρόντι do not prove that they
passed the law for only one campaign. See Manso, Sparta, vol. I.
part 2. p. 231. vol. II. p. 378. note k. Concerning the Thirty about
the king’s person, see below, ch. 12. § 5.

434 See below, ch. 7. § 5.

435 Od. XI. 184. Il. XII. 312. cf. IX. 578. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 60. βαθὺς
κλᾶρος.

436 This is called δήμια πίνειν in Il. XVII. 250. (cf. σιτεόμενοι τὰ
δημόσια Herod. VI. 57.) In Crete foreigners were fed δημόθεν, Od.
XIX. 197. cf. Æschyl. Suppl. 964. and Platner, _ubi sup._ p. 100.
The passage in Od. XI. 184. should be thus rendered. “_Telemachus
enjoys in quiet the royal lands, and feasts on the banquets, which
it is proper that a man of judicial dignity should eat, for all
invite him._” Concerning the last words, see p. 110.

437 Xen. Rep. Laced. 15. 2.

438 Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι is equivalent to
περίοικοι.

439 Thucydid. V. 63. [An Æginetan drachma contains on an average
ninety-five English grains of pure silver (see Knight Proleg. Hom. §
56.), according to which its value would be about fourteen pence in
our money.]

440 Plutarch. Ag. 9.

441 Alc. I. 38. p. 122 E.

442 Compare Herod. VI. 57. (where the word δεῖπνον also refers to the
συσσίτια) with Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted by Schol. Od. IV. 65. In
Crete the cosmus on duty (ὁ ἄρχων) had four portions, Heracl. Pont.
3.

443 Herod. ubi sup. According to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and Plut. Ages.
17. the king sent to whom he pleased a share of his sacrifices.
According to Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he also had a little pig out
of every brood for sacrificing.

444 See p. 109. note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“expense of the community,” starting “This is called δήμια πίνειν.”]

445 Herod. VI. 57. ἢν θυσίην τις (not a private individual, but a person
appointed by the public) δημοτελῆ ποιέηται.

446 Herod. IX. 81.

447 According to Phylarchus in Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are the μέγισται
λήψεις in Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A.

448 Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100. note o.) Hell.
V. 3. 20. comp. Nepos. Ages. 7. The βοώνητα in Pausanias III. 12. 3.
are of a different nature.

449 As Manso shows, vol. III. 2. p. 330.

450 De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. According to the same writer (15. 2.) three
ὅμοιοι provided in war for all the necessities of the king, who are
considered by Raoul-Rochette, _Deux Lettres sur l’authenticité des
Inscriptions de Fourmont_, 1819. p. 136. as a part of the six
ἐμπασάντες in a (spurious) inscription of Fourmont’s (ἐμπασέντες in
Hesychius), Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 68. The point is by no means
clear.

451 Herod. VII. 149. Aristot. Pol. V. 8, 4. See Æginetica, p. 52.
Plutarch Lycurg. 7. (comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.) states generally
that the power of the kings at Argos and Messene had been at first
too extensive, and that by the violence of the governors, and
disobedience of the governed, it was at last destroyed, without
mentioning any time. The words of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.) ἡ
βασιλεία ἤτοι τοπαρχία τῆς Ἀργείας ἔτη φμθ. (comp. Eusebius, Malelas
and Cedrenus), cannot be referred to this: he reckons this number of
years from Inachus to Pelops (160-705 Euseb.).—I may be permitted in
this note to subjoin the best arrangement of the Argive kings which
the scanty accounts of antiquity seem to furnish. 1. Heraclidæ.
Temenus, the father of Ceisus, the father of Medon (What Pausanias
II. 19. 2. says of the limitations imposed upon this king, must be
judged of from what has been seen above, p. 56. note x
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Thus Isocrates,”
starting “Panathen. p. 270.”]; according to the Pseudo-Platonic
Epistle VIII. p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos and Messene were about
the time of Lycurgus tyrants). Then about four kings are wanting
after the δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου of Ephorus, Æginet. p. 60. After the
beginning of the Olympiads Eratus (Paus. II. 36. 5. IV. 8. 1.) who
was probably succeeded immediately by Phidon, the son of
Aristodamidas (according to Satyrus and Diodorus, Æginetica, p.
61.), before and about the 8th Olympiad. At a later period
Damocratidas, about the 30th Olympiad (Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf. 24. 2.
This date is too low, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190; but
not according to my date for the Messenian wars, nor according to
that of Pausanias.) Phido II. confounded by Herod. VI. 127. with the
earlier king of the same name (Æginetica, p. 60.) father of Λακήδης
(in Ionic Λεωκήδης, as in Herodotus,) who wooed the daughter of
Cleisthenes (about Olymp. 45. 600 B. C), and when king made himself
despised by his effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap. ex hoste util. p. 278.
where Λακύδης should be corrected.) His son Meltas (Μέλταν τὸν
Λακηδέω, as should be written) was deposed by the people, according
to Pausan. II. 19. 2.; but according to Plutarch. Alex. M. virt. 8.
p. 269. the family of the Heraclidæ expired. He was succeeded,
according to Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth. Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by
Ægon, of another family, about Olymp. 55. 560 B.C. and it was
probably the descendants of this king, who still reigned in Argos at
the time of the Persian war. According to Schol. Pind. Olymp. VI.
152. Archinus was a king of Argos; but he was a tyrant, Polyæn. III.
8. 1.

452 See vol. I. p. 90. note n.

453 Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα, or Πασιάδα, according to Boeckh, Corp.
Inscript. No. 1052. of about the time of Alexander.

454 See b. I. ch. 6. § 1. and ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber’s Note: There is
no such section number in that chapter.]

455 B. I. ch. 6. § 10.

456 Ib. § 7, 8. According to several writers, Pollis was one of the
kings of Syracuse, who by others is called an Argive, from whom the
Πόλιος οἶνος is derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pollux VI. 2. 16. from
Aristotle, Ælian, V. H. XII. 31. In the Etymologist, the correct
reading is probably ὑπὸ Πόλλιδος τοῦ ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΟΥ τυράννου: compare
Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. p. 202.

457 B. I. ch. 7. § 11. A king named Aristophilidas in Herod. III. 136.

458 Ib. c. 7. § 3. and the passage of Aristides quoted there in § 1. In
Halicarnassus an Antheus is mentioned as of a royal family (Parthen.
14.), probably one of the Antheadæ; see ib. § 3.

459 B. I. ch. 5. § 2.

460 Herod. IV. 154.

461 See b. I. ch. 6. § 11.

462 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12. p. 383.

463 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic. de Leg. III. 7. de Rep. II. 33.
Plutarch. Lyc. 7, 29. ad princ. I. p. 90. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV. 4.
Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare Manso, vol. I. p. 243.

464 Heraclid. Pont. 4.

465 They are ἐπώνυμοι in the Theræan _Testamentum Epictetæ_; ἐπὶ ἐφόρων
τῶν σὺν φοιβοτέλει. Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

466 Polyb. IV. 4. 2. 31. In the cities of the Eleutherolacones, there
were also ephors, as at Geronthræ in the decree in Boeckh. Inscript.
1334. and at Tænarum, ib. No. 1321, 1322; and in the time of
Gordian, ἡ πόλις τῶν Βειτυλέων _i.e._, Œtylus, the Βίτυλα of
Ptolemy, now _Vitulo_, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus (ap. Reines. p. 335.)
is probably incorrect in stating that the inscription was found _in
Pylo Messeniaca_.

467 In which city an ephor is as ἐπώνυμος of the πόλις in the Heraclean
Tables.

468 I. 65.

469 De Rep. Lac. 8. 3. So also Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo-Plat. Epist.
8. p. 354 B. Suidas in Λυκοῦργος, also Satyrus ap. Diog. Laërt. I.
3. 1. According to others, it was introduced by Cheilon, who,
according to Pamphila and Sosicrates, was ephorus ἐπώνυμος in Olymp.
56. 1. 556 B.C. (according to Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 557 B.C.)
Compare Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 332. The passage of Diog. Laërt. I.
3. 1. (68) creates no difficulty according to the reading of
Casaubon; γέγονε δὲ ἔφορος κατὰ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν πέμπτην Ὀλυμπιάδα.
Παμφίλη δέ φησι κατὰ τὴν ἕκτην. καὶ πρῶτον ἔφορον γενέσθαι ἐπὶ
Εὐθυδήμου (Olymp. 56. 1.), ὥς φησι Σωσικράτης. καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο
ἐφόρους τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παραζευγνύμαι; Σάτυρος δὲ Λυκοῦργον. The
first πρῶτον refers to the office of the ephor eponymus; and hence
appears to have originated the mistake which is contained in the
words καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο, &c., viz., that Chilon first introduced
the practice of associating ephors with the kings. Manso, ubi sup.,
has taken the same view of the passage.

470 Cic. de Leg. and de Rep. ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1.

471 Compare Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1. Engl.
Transl. with whose opinions on the ephors, as well as on the
government of Sparta in general, the views taken in this work
generally disagree.

472 Polit. III. 1. 7. according to which passage the ephors allotted
themselves to different branches of the δίκαι τῶν συμβολαίων.

473 Compare Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandridas. ἐρωτῶντος δὲ
τινος αὐτὸν, διὰ τί τὰς περὶ τοῦ θανάτου δίκας πλείοσιν ἡμέραις οἱ
γέροντες κρίνουσι, and p. 207. Eurycratidas—πυθομένου τινὸς, διὰ τί
περὶ τὰ τῶν συμβολαίων δίκαια ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κρίνουσιν οἱ ἔφοροι.
Here, however, δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων appear to be meant, as the answer
shows; which is doubtless a mistake.

474 Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 4. III. 1. 7. says, as it appears to me, most
clearly, that while in Carthage a certain board or court of public
officers decided all law-suits, in Sparta the public officers indeed
alone acted as judges, but decided only those cases which belonged
to their respective departments. Cf. Justin. III. 3.

475 According to the Etymol. Gudian. ἔφοροι are οἱ τὰ τῶν πόλεων ὤνια
ἐπισκεπτόμενοι.

476 Cf. Herod. I. 153.

477 Thucyd. V. 34.

478 See above, p. 101. note i. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “ten days,” starting “According to Herod. VI. 50.”]

479 Hell. III. 3. 5.

480 Ælian. V. H. II. 15.

481 See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4. where some contradictory statements are
also noticed.

482 Sparta also frequently appointed five judges for extraordinary
cases, as for example, concerning the possession of Salamis, the
fate of the Platæans, Thucyd. III. 52. The same number were also
appointed by the Iasians to decide the lawsuits of the Calymnians,
Chandl. Inscript. p. 21. LVIII.