Chapter IX (5)

483 Ch. 5. § 4.

484 Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14, 15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4.

485 μηδεμίαν κληρωτήν, Aristot. Pol. IV. 7. 5.

486 Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls the power of the ephors ἐγγὺς τῆς
κληρωτῆς. Without an election, however, Chilon could not have
attained the ephoralty, nor his brother have been able to complain
that he was postponed. Diog. Laërt. ubi sup. The nomination by the
kings (Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 197.) is an error.

487 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.

488 See above, ch. 5. § 9.

489 Κρίσεων μεγάλων κύριοι, Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16.

490 Ib. II. 6. 17.

491 Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare Aristot. Ret. III. 18. 6.

492 Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.

493 Herod. VI. 82.

494 Xen. Ages. I. 36. Plutarch. Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni sit ger.
Resp. 27. Præc. Reip. ger. 21.

495 Plutarch. Cleom. 10.

496 Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. ἄρχοντα κύριοι εἷρξαὶ τε καὶ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς
ἀγῶνα καταστῆσαι. cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in reference to the
king, Thucyd. I. 131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) probably adds the words
“_cuivis ephoro_” ex suo. Libanius Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is
incorrect in stating that the ephors had power to imprison the king,
and put him to death (δῆσαι καὶ κτανεῖν). Thus the ephors only
seized and detained Pausanias; the sentence was passed by _the
Spartans_ (οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται), _i.e._, the court of justice, concerning
which see the next note.

497 Δικαστήριον συναγαγόντες, Herod. VI. 85. See particularly Pausan.
III. 5. 3. and Plutarch Agis 19. Less accurately, Apophth. p. 195.

498 Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25.

499 Plutarch. Ag. 19.

500 Thucyd. V. 63.

501 Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. ἐθανατώθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ τελῶν ὡς
ἀπειθῶν, where τὰ τέλη must signify this supreme court.

502 Ὕπῆγον θανάτου, Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24. The ephors did not seize
Cinadon till after a secret conference with the gerusia; his
punishment was probably fixed by the supreme court;—see Xen. Hell.
III. 3. 5. Polyæan. II. 14. 1.

503 This is apparently affirmed (in addition to Libanius quoted in p.
122. n. l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “life or
death,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.”]) by Plutarch. Periol. 22.
Lysand. 19. and Lac. Apophth. p. 209; but it can be only inaccuracy
of expression.

504 Plutarch. Erot. 5. p. 77. where a very fabulous story is related of
an event, which is reported to have taken place before the
earthquake in the 78th Olympiad. In Polybius V. 91. 2. the ephors
are represented as recalling banished persons. Concerning the
punishment of exile at Sparta, see below, ch. 11. § 4.

505 Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cf. Polyæn. II. 26. 1.

506 Plutarch. Ages. 2. 5. cf. de Am. Frat. 9. p. 46.

507 Theophrast. ap. Plutarch. Ages. 2. de Educ. Puer. 2. Otherwise
Heraclides Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.

508 For this reason the ephors compelled Anaxandridas to marry two
wives, Herod. V. 39-41., and watched the wives of the kings, Plat.
Alcib. I. 36. p. 121 B. See above, ch. 6. § 6.

509 Plutarch. Lys. 19. They decided in the case of Gylippus, according
to Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 234 A. as ταμίαι of the state, as
they appear to have been from notes i and k, p. 127. [Transcriber’s
Note: Footnote “i” is the footnote to “the plunder,” starting
“Xerod. IX. 76.”, and footnote “k” is the footnote to “public
treasury,” starting “Plutarch. Lys. 16.”]

510 At least according to Schol. Thucyd. I. 84.

511 Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 254.

512 Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 3. 6. Ælian. V. H. III. 10. XIV. 7.

513 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 16. Plut. Ages. 29. the history of Timotheus.

514 Herod. VI. 63.

515 Pol. II. 6. 16.

516 Plutarch. Ag. 9.

517 Thucyd. I. 87.

518 Plutarch. Ag. 5. ῥήτραν ἔγραψε.

519 Ælian. V. H. III. 17.

520 Xen. Hell. II. 2. 13, 19.

521 Herod. III. 148. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.

522 See, for example, Herod. IX. 8. Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17. III. 1. 1.
Polyb. IV. 34. 5. Thuc. I. 90. ἀρχαὶ and τέλη are generally
mentioned.

523 Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19.

524 See particularly Thuc. V. 36. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. 2. 9. That in these
cases they always recurred to the public assembly is evident, Xen.
Hell. III. 2. 23. IV. 6. 3.

525 Thuc. V. 19. 24.

526 Thuc. VI. 88.

527 Xen. Hell. II. 4. 29. Παυσανίας πείσας τῶν ἐφόρων τρεῖς ἐξάγει
φρουράν. cf. III. 2. 25. IV. 2. 9. V. 4. 19. Plut. Lys. 20. Thuc.
VIII. 12. See also Anab. II. 6. 2. Hell. V. 1. 1. where they grant
permission to privateer.

528 Herod. IX. 7. 10. Plut. Arist. 10.

529 Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη, Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. φρουρὰν ἔφαινον μεχρὶ
τῶν τετταράκοντα ἀφ᾽ ἥβης, Hell. VI. 4. 17.

530 That is, authorized by the state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. shows.

531 Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. III. 2. 6.

532 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ἐφόρους ἠρώτα τί χρὴ ποιεῖν.
Hence they were especially οἱ οἴκοι, τὰ οἴκοι τέλη, Sturz Lex.
Xenoph. vol. III. p. 254. Compare Plutarch. Lys. 14. Cleom. 8. and
the spurious letters of Brasidas and Lysander in Lac. Apophth. pp.
203, 227.

533 Xen. Hell. III. 2. 6. Plut. Pericl. 22.

534 Thuc. I. 131. Plut. Lys. 19. Agesilaus was recalled, according to
Xenophon Hell. IV. 2, 3. by “the state,” Ages. 1. 36. by τὰ οἴκοι
τέλη, according to Plutarch Ages. 15. by the ephors.

535 Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24.

536 Plut. Lys. 20. Xen. Ages. 1. 26.

537 Μὴ περιπατεῖτε, the command to the army at Decelea, Ælian. V. H. II.
5.

538 This is seen most clearly from Thucyd. VI. 88, where the ephors and
τέλη send ambassadors, _i.e._, wish to persuade the public assembly
to do this, and from Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17-19. VI. 4. 2. 3. Compare
p. 89. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]

539 Herod. IX. 76. Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Hell. II. 4. 35, 36. cf. Thuc.
IV. 15.

540 Herod. IX. 76.

541 Plutarch. Lys. 16. Diod. XIII. 106.

542 Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. ἔφοροι τὰς πατρίους πολιτείας παρήνγειλαν.
Thus the τέλη guarantee their independence to whatever allies
Brasidas could gain over, Thuc. IV. 86, 88.

543 Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 32.

544 τῆς πολιτείας τὸ κρυπτόν, Thucyd. V. 68.

545 Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Polit. II. 6. 14.

546 Plutarch. Cleom. 10.

547 Dodwell de Cyc. Diss. VIII. 5. p. 320. Manso, vol. II. p. 379.

548 Which also explains the affair with the Aulonitæ in Xen. Hell. III.
3. 8.

549 Aristot. ap. Plutarch. Cleom. 9. de sera Num. Vind. 4. p. 222.
Κείρεσθαι τὸν μύστακα καὶ προσέχειν τοῖς νόμοις. Concerning the
Laconian word μύσταξ, see Hesychius and Valcken. ad Adoniaz. p. 288.

550 Pausan. III. 11. 2. Plutarch. Cleom. 8. Ag. 16.

551 See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 237. Comp. Ælian. V. H. II. 15. This
building therefore corresponds to the Prytaneum at Athens, in which
the civil laws (ἄξονες) were kept, and ambassadors entertained,
together with certain distinguished citizens: indeed the prytanes of
Athens themselves, as being presidents of the public assembly, have
some similarity to the ephors. See also Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et
Di. 722.

552 Plutarch Cleom. 8, 9.

553 Plut. Ag. 9. Cic. de Div. I. 43, 96. Compare Manso, vol. III. 1. p.
261. Siebelis ad Pausan. III. 26. 1.

554 Above, ch. 6. § 6.—The ephors also had certain duties to perform at
the sacrifices of Athene Chalciœcus, Polyb. IV. 35. 2.

555 Ἁνειμένη δίαιτα, II. 6. 16.

556 Which Pausanias had once wished to effect, Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 5.

557 See the comparison of Philo de Provid. 2. p. 80. Aucher.

558 Compare also the Scholiast, and Ducker ad Thucyd. I. 58. Sturz Lex.
Xen. IV. p. 276. Αἱ ἁρχαὶ, τὰ ἁρχεῖα is the same, Plut. Lac.
Apophth. p. 800. In the army οἱ ἐν τέλει are the officers down to
the Pentecoster, Xen. Hell. III. 5. 22, 23.

559 Pausan. III. 11. 2.

560 A πρέσβυς νομοφυλάκων in recent inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript.
Nos. 1363, 1364. So also a πρέσβυς βιδέων in No. 1364. (hence βίδεοι
περὶ τὸν in inscriptions of late date), and there were six bidei
_inclusively_ of this one, as the inscription last quoted, and
another of Fourmont’s, prove. See above, p. 94. note b.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,”
starting “Herod. VII. 148.”] Why I pass over Fourmont’s pretended
ancient inscriptions it is needless to say.

561 Hesych. in v.

562 Hesych. in v. In later times also ἁγοράνομοι, in the inscription No.
1364. Hesychius’s translation δήμαρχοι does not even explain the
name of the γερόακται.

563 Plut. Ages. 30. Lac. Apophth. p. 189.

564 Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 4.

565 Corsini Not. Græc. Diss. V. p. 95.

566 Boeckh No. 1364; compare Boeckh p. 611.

567 Since the first appearance of this work, Boeckh, in his Corp.
Inscript. vol. I. p. 605, has shown that the πατρόνομοι obtained
indeed the power of the gerusia; but that the latter body still
possessed an honorary dignity, comp. ib. p. 610. He further proves,
p. 606, that the _first patronomus_ was the ἐπώνομος of the state;
and that the expression ἐπὶ τοῦ δείνα, in the lists of magistrates,
refers to him. The regular number of the nomophylaces, according to
Boeckh’s references to Fourmont’s Inscriptions, p. 609, was also
five. There was however sometimes a sixth. The bidiæi are called in
the inscriptions βίδεοι, or βίδυοι; this, according to Boeckh’s
ingenious explanation, is the Laconian form of ἴδυοι, ϝίδυοι, and
signifies witnesses and judges among the youth. Compare the ἴστωρ
Hom. II. XVIII. 801. XXIII. 486. and concerning the ἴδυοι in ancient
laws, see Ælius Dionysius quoted by Enstathius on the first passage.

568 Polit. II. 7. 3.—ap. Strab. X. p. 482 A—de Rep. II. 33. Van Dale de
Ephoris et Cosmis in his Dissert. Antiquar.

569 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.

570 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 3.

571 ἔδοξε τοῖς κόσμοις καὶ τᾷ πόλει.

572 Treaty between the Hierapytnii and Priansii in Chishull’s Ant.
Asiat. pag. 130. πρειγηία (πρειγεία, _legatio_) δὲ ὧ κὰ χρείαν ἔχη
πορηίω, παρεχόντων οἱ κόσμοι.

573 Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121. τὸς δὲ κόσμος δόμεν ἀντίγραφον τῶδε τῶ
ψαφίσματος σφραγίσαντας τᾷ δαμοσίᾳ σφραγῖδι ἀποκομίσαι Ἡροδότῳ καὶ
Μενεκλεῖ.

574 As it appears from the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130.

575 Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 484 B.

576 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

577 Treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130. A different regulation in that
of the Latians and Olontians, p. 134.

578 Vid. ibid. p. 130.

579 Decree of the Istronians and Sybritians, p. 113, 114. οἱ
κόσμοι—ἐπαναγκαζόντων ἀποδιδόμεν τοὺς ἔχοντας.

580 Ibid. p. 131. The Hierapytnians and Priansians had for a time had
_no commercium juris dandi repetendique_ (κοινοδίκιον); in this
treaty it is agreed that the cosmi of the year shall bring before a
court appointed by both cities those lawsuits which had been
interrupted by the want of a common tribunal; that they shall carry
them through during the term of their office, and give sureties for
this in a month after the conclusion of the treaty. Then follow
similar stipulations for the future.

581 In the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 131, it is permitted that a
γραφὴ τιμητὴ, according to the Athenian custom, should be instituted
against the cosmus; in the decree of the Sybritians (p. 114.),
however, the cosmi are guaranteed for a particular exercise of their
power, to be ἁζάμιοι καὶ ἀνυπόδικοι πάσας ζαμίας.

582 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7.

583 Lyctian Inscript. Gruter. p. 194. 15. Οἱ σύν τινι κόσμοι frequently
occurs. Cf. Polyb. XXIII. 15. 1.

584 This sense is required by the context in Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7; so
that after the words τῶν δυνατῶν, τινὲς should be restored, and the
passage be written thus: πάντων δὲ φαυλότατον τὸ τῆς ἀκοσμίας, ἣν
συνιστᾶσι πολλάκις, ὅταν μὴ δίκας βούλωνται δοῦναι, τῶν δυνατῶν
τινές.

585 VI. 46. 4. From the context it is plain that the senate was at that
time chosen annually in Crete.

586 Similarly Tittmann, p. 413.

587 Strabo, p. 481 B.

588 See Herod. V. 92. Pausan. II. 4. See book I. ch. 8. § 3.

589 See the great inscription, earlier than the Roman times, in Boeckh’s
Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403, in which Aristomenes the
prytanis, the son of Aristolaidas, a Hyllean, is mentioned, whose
head occurs on a coin in connexion with the head of Hercules.
Another inscription in the same book also mentions four prytanes
together. At that time, however, the government was democratic,
since the ἁλία was also a court of justice, p. 406.

590 Suidas: Χάρων πρυτάνεις ἢ ἄρχοντες Λακεδαιμονίων. It is also used
for _king_ by Pindar and Æschylus.

591 Ἡρακλείδου πρυτανεύοντος, Paus. X. 2. 2.

592 See b. II. ch. 1. § 8. Compare the history in Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 3.
Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 52. p. 200. sq.

593 See Dissen’s Commentary and my note to Pindar Nem. XI. 4. where now
I agree with Boeckh, that the ἑταῖροι compose the βουλὴ, over which
the πρύτανις presides.

594 This I infer from Polyb. XXVII. 6. 2. Στρατοκλέους πρυτανεύοντος τὴν
δευτέραν ἕκμηνον. Comp. Paulsen de Rhodo, p. 56.

595 See particularly Polyb. XV. 23. 3. XVI. 15. 8. XXIII. 3. 10. XXIX.
4. 4. XXIX. 5. 6. ἀρχὴ μάλιστα αὐτοκράτωρ, Appian. Bell. Civ. IV.
66. Comp. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 17. p. 173. Liv. XLII. 45.
Poseidonius the historian was prytanis at Rhodes, Strabo VII. p.
316.

596 Polyb. XXIX. 4. 1.

597 Polybius and Appius ubi sup. mention δημαγωγοὶ; the former writer
had also explained the τρέπος τῆς δημηγορίας, but the passage is
lost.

598 Strabo XIV. p. 652. See below, ch. 9. § 3.

599 See Ubbo Emmius de Rep. Rhod.

600 Ad Pind. ubi sup.

601 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.—The prytanes of Cyzicus were on the other
hand democratic.

602 Hesychius κέρκος—ἐχρῆτο δὲ αὐτῇ μᾶλλον ὁ ἐν Κῳ πρύτανις. Compare
with this the sacrifice in the Peace of Aristophanes. The prytanis
in the city of Crotona, sacred to Apollo, went every seventh day
about the altars, Athen, XII. p. 522 C. Concerning the care of the
prytanes for the κοινὴ ἑστία, see Aristot. Pol. VI. 5.

603 See particularly Andoc. de Myst. p. 37.

604 Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 64.

605 Ibid. vol. I. p. 232. where the nature of this office was first
explained. The Areopagites also probably received their κρέας
through these officers. Comp. Hesych. and Photius in κρέας.

606 Hence Solon ap. Plut. 19. ἐκ πρυτανείου καταδικασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν
βασιλέων.—They also sat together in the royal porch, probably also
as a court of justice. Pollux VIII. 111, 120. Hesych. in
Φυλοβασιλεῖς.

607 Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.

608 Book II. ch. 8. § 6.

609 Boeckh in several places, Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364.

610 V. 71. Compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 12.

611 Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B.C. mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf. Æginetica, p.
134.

612 Plut. Quæst. Græc. I.

613 A very numerous synedrion in the Prytaneum at the time of Cassander,
Diod. XIX. 63.

614 Æl. Dionys. ap. Eustath. ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom. Hesych. in v.

615 Hence Philip (ap. Demosth. de Corona, p. 280.) writes to the
demiurgi and synedri of the Peloponnesians.

616 Thuc. ubi sup.

617 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1193. and see Boeckh, pp. 11. and 594.

618 Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv. XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30. and Drakenborch’s
note, Plut. Arat. 43. ΔΑΜΙΟΡΓΟΙ in a Dymæan inscription, ib. 1543.

619 Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45. Zonaras in v.

620 Ibid. Aristot. Pol. III. 1.

621 Thuc. I. 56. with the Scholia. Compare Suidas in δημιουργός.
Ἐπιδημίουργοι are _upper demiurgi_, as the ἐπιστρατηγοὶ in Egypt, in
the time of the Ptolemies, were upper or superior στρατηγοί.

622 As in Mantinea, Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3. 6. They were different from the
_regular_ τέλη, Thuc. V. 47. In early times the δαμιουργίαι were of
considerable duration, Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Compare Æginetica, p.
134.

623 See above ch. 4. § 2.

624 See ch. 6. § 10. The notions of the ancients, on the subject of the
Argive kings, seem very vague and doubtful.

625 Book I. ch. 8. § 7.

626 Diod. XII. 75.

627 See particularly Thucyd. V. 29. 41. 44.—τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσατο (404
B.C.). Demosth. de Rhod. Libert, p. 197.

628 Thuc. V. 27, 28.

629 See the passages quoted above, p. 56. note y. [Transcriber’s Note:
This is the footnote to “great civil power,” starting “See Thuc. V.
67.”]

630 Aristotle Pol. II. 3. 5. calls them τοὺς γνωρίμους.

631 Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII. 80. Thuc. V. 81. τὸν ἐν Ἄργει δῆμον
κατέλυσαν, καὶ ὀλιγαρχία κατέστη. Cf. 76.

632 In July of 417 B.C. Thuc. V. 82. Diod. XII. 80.

633 Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XII. 81.

634 Thuc. VI. 61. Diod. XIII. 5.

635 C. 11.—πάντας, ὄντας ἑκατὸν, the emendation of Casaubon, who wishes
to introduce the word ἑκατοστὺς; does not agree with what follows.
Perhaps there were at that time ten tribes at Argos, as in Athens,
and the χίλιοι λογάδες are here meant: but even then it would be
difficult to fix the time of this event.

636 Compare Plut. Alcib. 14. Nicostratus, who according to Theopompus
ap. Athen. VI. p. 252 A. was προστάτης τῆς πόλεως at the time of
Artaxerxes Ochus, was probably an officer of this description.
Compare what was said on the demiurgi, ch. 8. § 5.

637 Below, § 8.

638 Diod. XV. 40.

639 Diod. XV. 57, 58.

640 Plutarch (Præc. Reip. ger. 17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all. He is
followed by Helladius Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov. Thesaur. Gr. vol.
X.

641 Plut. ubi sup. compare also Dionys. Hal. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66.

642 Pausan. II. 20. 1.

643 Isocrat. ad Philipp. p. 92 C. D. Even however after this time
_principes_ occur, Liv. XXXII. 38.

644 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in
ὀστρακίνδα. Compare Paradys _de Ostracismo_ in the Classical
Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348.

645 See Aristid. II. p. 388.

646 Isocrat. ubi sup.

647 Ἀργεία φορὰ ap. Diogenian. II. 79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eustath. ad Il.
β᾽. p. 286 Rom.

648 Cicero Brut. 13.

649 Ch. 5. § 1. ch. 8. § 5.

650 See vol. I. p. 187 note a.

651 Herod. VII. 99.

652 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 2.

653 P. 94. note b. and p. 140. note m. [Transcriber’s Note: These are
the footnotes to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.,” and
to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius κέρκος.”]

654 Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax was one of the ancestors of Diagoras of
the γένος Ἐρατιδῶν.

655 Compare what Timocreon the Rhodian said in Olymp. 75. 4. 477 B.C.
concerning the proceedings of Themistocles in this and in other
islands, Plut. Them. 21.

656 See Boeckh’s masterly explanation of this ode at the end.

657 See Thucyd. VIII. 35, 84. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19. Diod. XIII.
38, 43. Pausan. VI. 7. 2. The correctness of what Androtion relates
in this passage is very doubtful.

658 Thuc. VII. 57.

659 Thuc. VIII. 44.

660 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V. 5. 4. These three passages apparently
refer to the same event; which (if this is the case) must have taken
place at the time to which I have in the text referred it; for in
the middle one the popular party is said to have been defeated by
the nobles, πρὸ τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως, which cannot signify “before the
revolution,” a meaning which neither the words nor the context will
admit; but “before the congregation of the inhabitants of the three
small towns to the city of Rhodes,” the ἀνάστασις ἐπὶ μίαν Ῥόδον.
Goettling indeed (ad. l.) is of opinion, that the two first passages
cannot refer to the same event, since in the first the constitution
of Rhodes is stated to have perished through φόβος, in the latter
through καταφρόνησις. But the same example might have been strictly
applicable to both; the γνώριμοι dreaded the disturbances of the
demagogues, and at the same time despised the irregular proceedings
of the people, and therefore overthrew the democracy.

661 Diod. XIII. 75. See also Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II.
p. 155.

662 Diod. XIV. 79.

663 Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20-22. Diod. XIV. 97.

664 In the speech concerning the freedom of the Rhodians, cf. περὶ
Συντάξεως, p. 194. The oligarchy of Hegesilochus (Theopompus ap.
Athen. X. p. 444.) perhaps belongs to this period.

665 If I correctly understand de Repub. III. 35. cf. I. 31. and the
traces of the later constitution in Aristid. Rhod. Conc. II. p. 385.
and Dio Chrysost. Orat. 31. passim.—With the passage in Cicero
compare particularly Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who states, that in
Rhodes rich and poor sat together in judgment on both important and
unimportant affairs. Tacitus also in Dial, de Cl. Orat. 40.
represents the Rhodian constitution as democratic.

666 Strab. XIV. p. 653 A.

667 Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.—The supposed letter of Cleobulus to Solon, in
which he says that Lindus δαμοκρατεῖ (Diog, Laërt. I. 93. Suidas in
Κλεόβουλος) evidently cannot be used for the constitutional history
of Rhodes.

668 Pind. Olymp. XIII. 2. οἶκος ἄμερος ἀστοῖς.

669 In _early_ times a close _friendship_ existed between Corinth and
Athens, Herod. V. 75. 95. Thuc. I. 40, 41.

670 See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3. sqq.

671 IV. 4. 6. sqq.

672 See particularly VII. 4. 6. The refugees from Corinth to Argos in
Olymp. 101. 2. 375 B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus XV. 40.) were
therefore democrats.

673 Plut. Dion. 53. No conclusion can be drawn from the word δημοκρατία
in Plutarch. Timol. 50. for it is there used only to signify the
contrary of τυραννίς.

674 Diod. XVI. 65, 66.

675 Polit. V. 5. 9.

676 Thuc. III. 73.

677 See Dionys. Halic. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII. 48.

678 Thuc. III. 81.

679 For a βουλευτὴς could hope, by virtue of his office, to persuade the
people to an alliance with Athens, Thuc. III. 70.

680 Thuc. III. 70.

681 Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46. Æneas Poliorc. 11. Diodorus XII. 57. however
says only, τοὺς δημαγωγεῖν εἰωθότας καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πλήθους
προίστασθαι.

682 Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2. Proverb. Metric. p. 569. Schott.

683 Concerning the ἐλεφαντίναι κώπαι of the Corcyræan whips, see
Aristoph. ap. Hesych. in Κερκυραία μάστιξ, Schol. Aristoph. Av.
1463. Zenob. IV. 49.

684 In Olymp. 92. 3. 410 B.C. Diod. XIII. 48. and in Olymp. 101. 3. 374
B.C. Diod. XV. 46.

685 Æneas Poliorc. 11.

686 See p. 138. note y. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“democratic age,” starting “See the great inscription.”] Perhaps
five prytanes in the inscription in Mustoxidi, Illustr. Corciresi,
tom. II. p. 87. [Δαμ]οξενος Μολωτα πρυτανευσας και οἱ συναρχοι
[Δαμ]ων Μολωτα Ικεταιδας ... Κ[λεα]ρχος Λεοντος ... ρ..ρου θεοις.

687 The inscription quoted above, p. 138. note y.

688 Πρόδικοι and πρόβουλοι also occur in another inscription, not
written in the Doric dialect, in Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 92. n. 43.,
in which an ἀμφίπολος (as in Syracuse) is also mentioned.

689 If Periander was the son of Gorgus, and the latter (according to
Anton. Lib.) the brother of Cypselus, Neanthes of Cyzicus (ap. Diog.
Laërt. I. 98.) was correct in stating that the two Perianders were
ἀνεψιοί. Yet the hypothesis adopted in b. I. ch. 6. § 8. has its
reasons. According to that, the genealogy would be

[Transcriber’s Note: The graph shows Cypselus the father of one
Periander, and Gorgue (Gorgias) the father of another Periander.]

and then also Psammetichus might be considered as son of the same
Gorgias (Gordias), without supposing the oracle in Herodotus V. 92
to be false.

690 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 9. Plut. Erot. 23. p. 60.

691 Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. The Spartans also assisted in overthrowing
the tyranny, b. I. ch. 9. § 5.

692 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. According to Anton. Liber. 4. a tyrant
Phalæcus also reigned at Ambracia, against whom an insurrection was
caused by an oracle of Apollo, whom the Ambraciots considered as the
author of their εὐνομία. This Phalæcus (as is evident from the
passage quoted) is called Phayilus by Ælian. de Nat. Animal XII. 40.
Compare the MSS. of Ovid’s Ibis, 502.

693 Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

694 Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6.

695 This I conceive to be the meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.
according to the reading of Victorius, Ἡλιαία is only a different
form of ἁλιαία. See above, p. 88. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “the Epidamnians,” starting “Aristot. Pol. V. 1.
6.”] The occasion of the revolution is perhaps related in V. 3. 4.

696 In the clause ἄρχων ὁ εἷς ἦν ἐν (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me, that
the word ἐστὶν, in III. 11. 1. and the context, require the omission
of ἦν. [This conjecture has since been confirmed by the best
manuscript of the Politics. See Goettling’s edition, p. 391.]

697 Ælian. V. H. XIII. 5.

698 Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.

699 See above, ch. 4. § 4.

700 Strabo VII. p. 316 C.

701 Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. cf. Herod. IX. 93.

702 Ælian. ubi sup.

703 Ἐν Συρακούσαις τῶν Γεωμόρων κατεχόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν are the words of
the Parian Marble, Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41.

704 See above, p. 113. note m. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “Syracuse and Corcyra,” starting “Ib. § 7, 8.”]

705 Ch. 4. § 4.

706 See also Plutarch. Præc. Reip. 32. p. 201. In the account of the
confiscation of Agathocles’ property (Diod. Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.)
the geomori appear as the supreme court of justice.

707 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57.

708 Herod. VII. 155. Dion. Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zenobius, quoted above,
p. 61. note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “from
the Greek,” starting “Hesychius.”]

709 This is stated by Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. The story in Aristot. Pol.
V. 3. 1. Plut. Præc. Reip. ubi sup. refers to the dissolution of the
ancient hereditary aristocracy, which Plutarch calls ἀρίστην
πολιτείαν.

710 Herod, ubi sup.

711 Diod. XI. 26. Ælian. V. H. XIII. 36.

712 Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth. Leptin. p. 506, &c.

713 Pol. V. 3. 6. Compare, however, V. 10. 3.

714 Herod. VII. 156. Diod. XI. 25. The reason why there was so great a
number of foreign mercenaries in Sicily, is, that the native
Sicilians would not serve as hired troops (Hesychius and Apostolius
in Σικελὸς στρατ. Toup in Suid. vol. II. p. 614); the tyrants were
therefore compelled to hire _Condottieri_, as for instance Phormis
the Mænalian.

715 Diod. XI. 72, 73.

716 Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the πολιτογραφία
and the ἀναδασμὸς, Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller de Situ
Syracusarum, 3. p. 9.

717 Οἱ χαριέστατοι Diod. XI. 87. Compare the χαρίεντες in Plutarch
Phocion. 29. Dion. 28. Aristot. Eth. Nic. I. 4. 2. I. 5. 4. IV. 8.
10. Concerning the Petalismus, see, besides Diodorus, Hesychius in
v. Rivinus in Schlaeger’s Dissert. 1774. vol. I. p. 107.

718 What sycophants were in a democracy, were the ὠτακουσταί and
ποταγωγίδες in the tyranny of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 3. comp.
the _vetus interpres_ ap. Schneider.), and of the Dionysii (Plut.
Dion, de Curios. 16. p. 147. who supposed that the latter were men).
Compare vol. I. p. 183. note n.

719 See the mutilated Scholia to Hermogenes in Reiske’s Orators, vol.
VIII. p. 196. together with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut. XII. 46.

_ 720 Siculi acuti_, Cic. Verrin. III. 8. _acuta gens et controversa
natura_, Brut. XII. 46. _dicaces_, Verr. IV. 43. _faceti_, Orat. II.
54.

721 Diod. XI. 82. probably from Philistus.

722 Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. 72 sq. Diod. XV. 19. 95.

723 Thuc. VI. 35.

724 Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod. XIII. 19.

725 Hermocrates, of an aristocratic disposition, filled a public
office.—The νεώτεροι in Thucyd. VI. 38. cannot, from the context, be
generally the young men of the city; they must be a party of
youthful aristocrats, who were peculiarly hostile to the people,
and, according to the statement of Athenagoras, wished to take
advantage of the fear of a war and the blockade of Syracuse, for the
purpose of regaining their lost privileges. In this sense οἱ τε
δυνάμενοι καὶ οἱ νέοι are combined in VI. 39. [See Arnold’s History
of Rome, vol. I. p. 332, note 29.]

726 Diodorus XIII. 19, 55. calls him a demagogue.

727 Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod. XIII. 35. The δημηγοροῦντες cast lots
merely for the _succession_ in which they were to address the
people, Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 89, 90. The generals were still
chosen from among the δυνατώτατοι, Diod. XIII. 91.

728 Diod. XIII. 33, 35.

729 Plut. ubi sup. p. 92.

730 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5. V. 8. 4. Diod. XIII. 96.

731 Diod. XIII. 94. cf. Polyæn. V. 2. 2.

732 Diod. XIV. 45, 64, 70. See several passages in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon.
II. 2. 20. The assemblies summoned by Dion, for example, against
Dionysius the Second (Diod. XVI. 10, 17, 20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.),
must not be considered as in any way connected with the tyranny.
Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies that Syracuse in the reign of
Dionysius was a _Respublica_ at all.

733 Plutarch. Dion. 28.

734 Ibid. 53. σχῆμα—ἀριστοκρατίαν ἔχον τὴν ἐπιστατοῦσαν καὶ βραβεύουσαν
τὰ μέγιστα. See above, ch. 1. § 7.

735 Diod. XVI. 70.

736 Plutarch. Timol. 37.

737 Diod. XVI. 81. with Wesseling’s note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 51.

738 Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70.

739 Diod. XIX. 3-5. _After_ a democracy of this kind, and _before_ the
time of Agathocles, the state was legally governed by a synedrion of
600 of the most distinguished persons (χαριέστατοι), XIX. 6.

740 Diod. XIX. 4. 6-9. He also sometimes convened public assemblies,
when it pleased him to play the δημοτικός. Diod. XX. 63, 79.

741 Otherwise it must have been newly appointed by election or lot at
the death of Hieronymus, of which Livy XXIV. 22 says not a word. The
_seniores_ (c. 24.) are probably members of this senate; a γερουσία
also probably existed at that time, which occurs in a late
inscription in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. 5. p. 44.

742 Liv. XXIV. 27.

743 See Hesychius, Suidas, and Zenobius in ἱππάρχου πίναξ; on this
tablet were entered τὰ τῶν ἀτακτούντων ὀνόματα. In Diod. XIV. 64.
ἱππεῖς appears to be the name of the class of knights.

744 At Gela Cleander was tyrant, after a period of oligarchy (Aristot.
Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 505 to 498 B.C. (Herod. VII. 157. Dion. Hal.
VII. 1. Pausan. VI. 9.); then his brother Hippocrates 498-491 B.C.
Gelon in 491 B.C. At Agrigentum there was a timocracy (Arist. Pol.
V. 8. 4.), then Phalaris 555-548 B.C. according to Eusebius and
Bentley, then Alcmanes and Alcander (Heracl. Pont. 36.), Theron
488-473 B.C. according to Boeckh, and Thrasydæus, who was expelled
in the same year.

745 Diod. XI. 53. κομισάμενοι τὴν δημοκρατίαν.

746 See Diogen. Laërt. VIII. 66. Timæus Fragm. 2. ed. Goeller. Sturz
Empedocles, p. 108.

747 Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63. The words, ὥστε οὐ μόνον ἦν τῶν
πλουσίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν τὰ δημοτικὰ φρονούντων, do not present any
difficulty.

748 Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50.

749 Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, p. 79, &c.

750 Ἁλιασμα ἑκτας διμηνον Καρνειον ἑξηκοντος ΠΕΜΠΤΑΙ. See above
concerning Rhodes, § 3.

751 The Hierothytes was the παραπροστάτας of the βουλὴ (ΠΑΡΑΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΑ ΤΑΣ
should be written).

752 Verr. I. 4. 23, 39.

753 Concerning the ἱεράπολοι see Boissonade in the Classical Journal,
vol. XVII. p. 396.

754 Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, p. 84. cf.
ibid. p. 25.

755 Βουλας ἁλιασμα (vulg. ἁλιασματα) δευτερας ἑξαμηνου Καρνειου
τριακαδι.

756 Εδοξε τᾳ ἁλιᾳ καθα και τᾳ βουλᾳ, as the sense requires us to read
with Castello.

757 See also the Calymnian decree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) εδοξε τᾳ
βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ γνωμα προσταταν.

758 B. I. ch. 8. § 2.

759 Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7. p. 231.

760 Thucyd. V. 81.

761 Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44.

762 VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4.

763 Ἄκρατος καὶ Δωρικὴ ἀριστοκρατία, Plutarch. Arat. 2.

764 Some members of the oligarchical party of Argos also fled to Phlius,
Thucyd. V. 83.

765 Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq. V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. Fifty persons
of each party made a plan for a new constitution. Hell. V. 3. 25.
The refugees residing at Argos, in 375 B.C. were manifestly
democrats, the same as in Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B.C.

766 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. Μεγαρεῖς Θεαγένη—ἐκβαλόντες, ὀλίγον χρόνον
ἐσωφρόνησαν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν.

767 See above, ch. 3. § 3. It appears to me nearly certain that the
passage refers to Megara near Corinth.

768 See above, ch. 1. § 4. ch. 4. § 8.

769 V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker. [See generally on the aristocratical
tendency of the poetry of Theognis, and the constitution of Megara,
Welcker, _Prolegomena ad Theognin_, pp. x-xli.]

770 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. 3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that
Theognis (v. 677.) speaks of this period, χρήματα δ᾽ ἁρπάζουσι βίᾳ,
κόσμος δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν, and in the whole political allegory of the
passage. This was the time of the violence done to the Peloponnesian
theori, Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59.

771 Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα.

772 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. IV. 12. 10.

773 Thuc. I. 114. cf. 103.

774 Thuc. IV. 66, 74.

775 Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. In this aristocratic period the πρόβουλοι
were magistrates of high authority in Megara, Aristoph. Acharn. 755.

776 Diod. XV. 40.

777 περὶ παραπρεσβείας, pp. 435, 436.

778 Above, p. 113, note i. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“very late period,” starting “Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα.”]

779 Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8. 4. p. 319, where indeed the expression is
very indefinite.

780 De Corona, p. 255. and in another decree in Polyb. IV. 52. 4. They
also occur in coins.

781 In Caylus, Recueil, II. pl. 55. in the king’s library at Paris. It
is the same which Corsini F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered as
Delphian. It decrees a crown to a Ἁγεμὼν βουλὰς, and the eight
persons whose names are subscribed are probably senators.

782 Vol. I. p. 250, note l.

783 See, besides other writers, Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 304.—Of
the hieromnemons Letronne has treated at full length, Mém. de
l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. VI. p. 221, but without remarking
that, besides Delphi, they are peculiar to Megara and its colonies,

784 At least if Dineus (Dinæus) was king, see book I. ch. 6. § 9; this
Dineus is, however, called by Hesychius Milesius, § 20, only general
of the Byzantians, and τοπάρχης of Chalcedon. He appears,
nevertheless, to be an historical personage. Concerning the
bondslaves, see above, ch. 4, § 5.

785 According to Hesychius Milesius, Λέων τις τῶν Βυζαντίων
ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐδέξατο.

786 Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. What the Thirty in Diodorus XIV. 12. are, whom
Clearchus put to death after the magistrates, we are entirely
ignorant, since the right explanation or emendation of the word
Βοιωτοὺς is still a desideratum.

787 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.

788 Theopompus ap. Athen. XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon. 23. ap. Phot.
Biblioth. p. 724.

789 Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. The transit duties levied at the
Bosporus are well known, Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 40.

790 A decree of the senate before it had received the sanction of the
people was also called ῥήτρα in Sparta; see above, ch. 5. § 8.

791 It occurs on coins. See Heyne Comment. rec. Gotting. vol. I. p. 8.

792 Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup.

793 Chandler. Inscript. App. 12. p. 94.

794 Æneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad calc. Polyb.) οὐσῶν αὐτοῖς τριῶν φυλῶν καὶ
τεττάρων ἑκατοστύων. There must evidently have been more than _four_
hundreds to _three_ tribes, as Casaubon remarks. Perhaps we should
read τεττάρων καὶ εἴκοσι ἑκατοστύων, or with Goettling (Hermes, vol.
XXV. p. 155.) τεττάρων ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἑκατοστύων. Casaubon’s emendation
of τεττάρακοντα for τεττάρων is not admissible, as forty is not
divisible by three without a remainder. The event probably took
place before the 104th Olympiad, 364 B.C.

795 See book I. ch. 6. § 10.

796 See above, ch. 4. § 5.

797 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.

798 This is evident from the context of the passage in Justin. XVI. 4.

799 Compare with Justin Æneas Poliorc. 12.

800 According to Polyænus II. 30. 2. Clearchus caused the whole senate
of 300 to be put to death, which is here represented as a standing
body.

801 Of the Megarian colony _Astypalæa_ have inscriptions in tolerable
preservation, but not until the last times of independence, when the
constitution became similar to that of Athens. An inscription,
already quoted in vol. I. p. 116, note y, begins εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και
τῳ δαμῳ φιλ ... ενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ[τανιων επει]δὴ Αρκεσιλας
Μοιραγενευς αἱ[ρεθεις] αγορανομος επεμεληθη του δαμου μετα πασας
φιλοτιμιας, &c. Another contains συνθῆκαι between the δῆμος τῶν
Ἀστυπαλαιέων and the δῆμος τῶν Ῥωμαίων; in this also we read, εδοξε
τω δημω Ευχωνιδας Ευκλευς επεστατει πρυτανιων [γνωμα]. See Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483, 2485.

802 All this is stated in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 4.

803 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 3, 11.

804 The former by Hermippus ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 88. and Plutarch, in
Colot. 32. p. 194. The latter by Theodoretus Græc. Aff. IX. 16.

805 Thucyd. V. 84.

806 Above, ch. 6, § 10, and ch. 7, § 1.

807 Τεμένεα in the Homeric sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf. Diod. Exc. 8. vol.
II. p. 551. Wesseling. Τὰ τῶν προγόνων γέρεα in Herodotus, IV. 162.
which Arcesilaus wished to regain, refers to the revenues, as well
as to the privileges of which the kings had been deprived. Compare
Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 154. note.

808 Diod. vol. II. p. 550. Wess.

809 Herod. IV. 165.

810 Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 266.

811 Pyth. IV. 263. according to Boeckh’s explanation.

812 Heracl. Pont. 4.

813 Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 11. says, that the founders of the democracy at
Cyrene established other and more tribes; which statement must be
referred to this time; for that by the τὸν δῆμον καθιστάντες Demonax
is not meant, is evident from the circumstance that this person only
instituted three tribes, and therefore could hardly have increased
their number. See Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, pp. 103-192.

814 See also concerning the contest between a democratic and
aristocratic party in Olymp. 95. I. 400 B.C. Diod. XIV. 34.

815 Plut. Lucull. 2.—Concerning the ephors of Cyrene see above, ch. 7. §
1.

816 Ch. 6. § 10.

817 Concerning these see above, page 52. note f. [Transcriber’s Note:
This is the footnote to “noticed above,” starting “So also ib
Strab.”] From these Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of robbers, called
περίδινοι, proceeded, according to Plato Leg. VI. p. 777. Cf. Athen.
VI. p. 267.

818 Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221.

819 Aristot. Pol. VI. 3. 5. οἱ Ταραντῖνοι, κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα
τοῖς ἀπόροις ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, εὔνουν παρασκευάζουσι τὸ πλῆθος. ἔτι δὲ
τὰς ἀρχὰς πάσας ἐποίησαν διττὰς, τὰς μὲν αἱρετὰς, τὰς δὲ κληρωτάς;
τὰς μὲν κληρωτὰς, ὅπως ὁ δῆμος αυτῶν μετέχῃ, τὰς δ᾽ αἱρετὰς, ἵνα
πολιτεύωνται βέλτιον. These institutions can only be referred to
_this_ period, for the present tense παρασκευάζουσι shows their
existence when the author was writing; ἐποίησαν refers only to the
time of the institution, and the words ἵνα μετέχῃ again prove their
actual existence.—As to the interpretation of the words κοινὰ
ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, it is known that at Rome, when
the _ager publicus_ was divided among the plebeians, it was either
given them by assignation as absolute property (_mancipium_,
_dominium_), in which case it ceased to be _publicus_; or it was
held by _possessiones_, in early times by the patricians, who only
occupied it with an usufructuary right, while the land remained
_publicus_, was not marked out with limits, and could be at any time
reclaimed by the state (See Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. II. p.
363. sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. compare vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.). The
occupation of the public lands of Tarentum was probably allowed to
the poor on similar conditions. As to the δίττας ποιεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς,
Aristotle seems to mean, that if, for example, there had been two
agoranomi, four strategi, &c. they then made _four_ agoranomi,
_eight_ strategi, &c.: of whom two and four were chosen by lot, two
and four by election.

820 Strabo VI. p. 280.

821 Which would also be proved by the Fragment of Archytas concerning
the Spartan constitution (Stobæus Serm. 41. Orelli Opusc. Moral.
vol. II. p. 254.), _if_ it were genuine.

822 Diog. Laërt. VIII. 79. six times, according to Ælian. V. H. VII. 14.
cf. III. 17.

823 Aristoxenus ap. Diog. L. VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Pythag. § 197.
Hesych. Miles. in Vit. Archyt.

824 Strab. p. 280. Demosth. Ἐρωτ. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ. lib 10. p. 28.
Præc. ger. Reip. 28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles. vol.
II. p. 30.

825 Concerning the ἀσέλγεια and ὕβρις of the Tarentines, see
particularly Dionys. Hal. ed. Mai. XVII. 5, 7.—A βουλὴ at Tarentum,
whose προβούλευμα was necessary for a declaration of war, in Livy
VIII. 27. A public assembly deciding concerning peace and war, Diod.
XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13. Cheirotonia of this assembly, Plut., Qu.
Gr. 42. from Theophrastus.

826 See above, p. 88. note l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “and Heraclea,” starting “Ἁλία κατάκλητος.”]

827 See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. and b. II. ch. 12. § 5.

828 Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33. 15. p. 255, 257. Cf. Porph. Pythag. 21. 22.

829 B. II. ch. 3 § 7.

830 Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45. and Dicæarchus ap. Porphyr. 18. who calls
the members γέροντες. Perhaps the σύγκλητος in Diod. XII. 9. is the
same.

831 Valer. Max. VIII. 15. ext. 1.

832 See above, p. 140, note m. [Transcriber’s Note: These is the
footnote to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius
κέρκος.”]

833 Heraclid. Pont. 25.

834 See below, ch. 11. § 6.

835 Jamblich. 35. p. 260.

836 See b. I. ch. 6. § 12.

837 Diog. Laërt. VIII. 3. See Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 254, 261.
Justin. XX. 4.

838 See above, ch. 5. § 4.

839 The elucidation of this fact is without doubt the work of Meiners,
Geschichte der Wissenschaften, vol. III. ch. 3. The reason why
Plato, de Rep. X. p. 600, represents Pythagoras as one who had been
a master of education not in a public but a private capacity, is,
that the Pythagorean discipline and mode of living, the βίος ἐπὶ
στάθμῃ, was only kept up as a private institution, while the public
regulations of Pythagoras had long fallen into oblivion.

840 Apollonius ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 255.

841 Ibid. p. 257. cf. 260.

842 Jambl. 35. p. 262.

843 Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35. p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul. Acad. II. p.
178.

844 II. 41. 5. and _passim_. Pausan. V. 7. 1.

845 Thucyd. V. 80.

846 Hell. VII. 1. 44.

847 See, for example, Plutarch. Philopœmen. 7, 18.

848 Liv. XXIV. 2, 3.

849 B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above, ch. 8. § 3.

850 Above, ch. 6. § 10. From the passage quoted it is seen that even in
Plutarch’s time a βασιλεὺς, in name at least, existed.

851 Above, ch. 8. § 8. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section
number in that chapter.]

852 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705. The Delphian
archons Gylidas and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3. 590 B.C. and 49. 3.
582 B.C. (Argument. Schol. Pind. Pyth.) were, however, perhaps,
prytanes.

853 Ibid. No. 1693.

854 Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq.

855 Αὐστηρὰ καὶ ἀριστοκρατικὴ πολιτεία, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. et Num.
2. According to Plutarch de Monarchia 2. p. 205. the government of
Sparta was an ἀριστοκρατικὴ ὀλιγαρχία καὶ αὐθέκαστος. Isocrates
Nicod. p. 31. D. says of the Lacedæmonians, οἴκοι μὲν
ὀλιγαρχούμενοι, περὶ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον βασιλευόμενοι. Comp. Cragius I.
4.

856 Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A. Crete also was free from tyranny,
according to Plato Leg. IV. p. 711.

857 Isocrates Areopag. p. 152 A. says that the Lacedæmonians were
κάλλιστα πολιτευόμενοι, because they were μάλιστα δημοκρατούμενοι.
Plat. Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6.
4, 5. and compare Cicero de Rep. II. 23. who states that the
_respublica Lacedæmoniorum_ was _mixta_, but not _temperata_; and on
the other side the pretended Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41.

858 The king in the Doric constitution was said to honour the people,
δᾶμον γεραίρειν, Pind. Pyth. I. 61.

859 The Cretan constitution also, according to Plato (ubi sup.), united
every form of government.

860 To this, and not to conquests, the expression of Simonides,
δαμασίμβροτος Σπάρτα, refers, according to Plutarch Agesil. 1.
Compare Polyb. IV. 22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Præc. Ger. Reip. 20, 21.
p. 181, 182. Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the verses of Ion the tragic poet
in Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem p. 69 A. and a Spartan inscription
of late date, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. ἡ πόλις M. Aur.
Ἀφροδείσιον—τῆς ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις Λυκουργείοις ἔθεσιν εὐψυχίας καὶ
πειθαρχίας χάριν.

861 See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29, 30.

862 Compare the Platonic Socrates, Criton. 14. Protag. p. 342 C. Repub.
VIII. p. 544 C. with the Socrates of Xenophon, Mem. III. 5. 15. and
what Antisthenes says in Plut. Lyc. 30.

863 In Leocr. p. 166. 5. The words of Æschines, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοι
(in Timarch. 25. 32.), are merely a ridiculous imitation of Cimon.

864 Polybius IV. 81. 12. also calls the Spartan constitution καλλίστη
πολιτεία.

865 As, for example, the ignorant de Pauw, who was preceded among the
ancients in an attempt to decry Sparta by Polycrates (probably the
orator), Heyne de Spart. Rep. Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 2.

866 Concerning the similarity of Plato’s state, and the Lacedæmonian
government, see Morgenstern de Platon. Rep. p. 305.

867 ῥυάχετος, Lysistrat. 170. Compare the λάβρος στράτος of Pindar
quoted above, p. 9. note y. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “form of government,” starting “Herod. VI. 43.”]

868 Thuc. IV. 22. Compare the excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89.

869 Thuc. I. 77.

870 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

871 Herod. VI. 51. Compare above, ch. 6. § 9.

872 See ch. 4. § 1. concerning the μνοία. Compare the τεμένη δημόσια of
Byzantium in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3.

873 As also in Cyrene. See ch. 9. § 13.

874 Ch. 3. § 6.

875 Ch. 2. § 1.

876 Ch. 3. § 6.

877 Compare the supposed apophthegm of Lycurgus concerning the equal
ricks of corn, Plut. Lyc. 8.

878 See, among others, Timæus ap. Schol. Plat. Phæd. p. 68. Ruhnk. and
ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 10. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaft,
III. 3 Cicero de Rep. IV. (p. 281. Mai.) ap. Non. in v. _proprium_,
p. 689. Gothofr. compares Plato’s _Communitas bonorum_. with the
institution of Lycurgus.

879 Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac. Inst. p.
252.

880 Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10.

881 The apophthegm of Polydorus ap. Plutarch, p. 223. shows that this
king set on foot a κλήρωσις of Messenia.

882 Aristot. Pol. V. 6. 1.

883 This agrees completely with a fact mentioned by Pausan. IV. 18. 2.
that Tyrtæus appeased the internal troubles, which arose from
Messenia having been left uncultivated, on account of the incursions
of the Messenians from Eira.—It was doubtless on this occasion that
the Spartans, who had lots in Messenia, called for a fresh division
of the Spartan territory; and to quiet these complaints Tyrtæus
composed his Eunomia.

884 Plut. Agis 5. καὶ τῶν οἴκων ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥρισε φυλαττόντων ἀριθμὸν
ἐν ταῖς διαδοχαῖς, καὶ πατρὸς παιδὶ τὸν κλῆρον ἀπολιπόντος. See
Heyne ut sup. p. 15.

885 The difficulties have been well perceived by Friederich von Raumer,
Vorlesungen über alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236.

886 Thus Herodotus VI. 86. says of Glaucus the Spartan, οὔτε τι
ἀπόγονον, οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομίων εἶναι Γλαύκον.

887 Herod. VII. 205. Compare Diod. XV. 64. also Thucyd. V. 64.

888 Heraclid. Pont. 2. πωλεῖν δὲ γῆν Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰσχρὸν νενόμισται
(cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6. 10), τῆς ἀρχαίας μοίρας ἀνανέμεσθαι οὐδὲν
ἔξεστι. Cf. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.

889 This is quoted as a Laconian law by Proclus ad Hes. Op. 374. p. 198.
Gaisford.

890 Younger brothers, however, inherited immediately, if the elder died
without lawful issue, Plutarch. Ages. 4.

891 Pollux I. 8. 75. X. 3. 20. with Hemsterhuis’ note. Concerning the
words derived from πάω, see Valckenær. ad Ammon. 3, 7.

892 The members of a family might be said to eat together, to be
ὁμόκαποι, notwithstanding the institution of the syssitia, for the
public tables did not furnish _all_ the food. Ὁμόκαπνοι (the reading
of the best MS.) comes to the same thing; as the fire of the hearth
was used by the Greeks more for cooking than for warmth; and in the
summer for the former exclusively.

893 Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6.

894 Hesychius, παῶται: συγγενεῖς, οἰκεῖοι.

895 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21.

896 The μικρὰ ἔχοντες in Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 7. 4. must be those who
possess no κλῆρος of their own, like the μικρὰν οὐσίαν κεκτημένοι in
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 10.

897 Lycurg. 16.

898 When a family was entirely extinct, probably they passed to that
next in order in the τριακάς.

899 Mai Nov. Collect. Vet. Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384.

900 Below, § 4. near the end.

901 See Deuteron. xxv. 5-10. Michaëlis on the Laws of Moses, vol. II. p.
21-33. Engl. translation.

902 Plutarch Agis 5.

903 This circumstance is otherwise understood by Manso, vol. I. 2. p.
133. Tittmann, p. 660. Göttling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467. endeavours to
exculpate Aristotle from this charge by supposing that under the
word νομοθέτης he also comprises the later innovators of the
constitution; but the author nowhere shows that he had any knowledge
of these changes: otherwise he could not have stated that the
destructive law of Epitadeus (for such in fact it was, which διδόναι
καὶ καταλείπειν ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκε τοῖς βουλομένοις) was a part of the
original constitution, as well as the corresponding laws respecting
sacrifices.

904 This also occurs in later times, Plut. Agis 13. Ætian. V. H. XIV.
44.

905 II. 6. 10. To give away χρήματα or κειμήλια, was also permitted in
early time, Herod. VI. 62. Plut. Ages. 4.

906 See Clinton, F. H. vol. II. p. 383. ed. 2.

907 Ἀτελῆ πάντων, _e.g._, of the contribution to the syssitia, Aristot.
Pol. II. 6. 13. Ælian (V. II. VI. 6.) mentions five instead of four.
Manso (I. 1. p. 128.) remarks that the law can hardly have proceeded
from Lycurgus.

908 See below, ch. 12. § 2.

909 Pol. II. 6. 11.

910 Plut. Ag. 5. According to Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the time of
Cleomenes there were only _mille et quingenti Lacedæmonii, qui arma
ferre possent_.

911 These only are called by Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.) Σπαρτιᾶται, as
is plain from the words; ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις Σπαρτιατῶν τύχοιεν
ὄντες, ἔνα μὲν πολέμιον τὸν δεσπότην.

912 Plut. Agis 5.

913 Dionys. Byz. de Bosp. Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also Varro de Ling. Lat.
V. (IV.) 36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the Sicilian Greeks (who were
chiefly Dorians) used δωτίνη for _dowry_.

914 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin. III. 3.
Compare the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in ἀγρετήματα.

915 Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth. p. 229. Ælian. V. H. VI. 4. With regard
to the story of Lysander’s daughters, it should be remarked, that
the suitors could not have been deceived as to whether they
possessed landed property or not; but they thought that the father
had large personal property, and that this would be divided among
them.—Lysander also left male issue, as appears from Paus. III. 6.
41. of whom one was named Libys, in memory of the proxenia of
Lysander with the Ammonians. The name could hardly have been
transmitted through Lysander’s daughters, since it is certain that
they were not heiresses.

916 See Polit. II. 6. 10. In Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich sister of a
poor and distressed brother occurs. See also Plutarch Cleomen. I.
concerning the wealth of the women in Sparta. But the rich wife of
Archidamus II. (Athen. XIII. p. 566 D.), Eupolia, the daughter of
Melesippidas, must have been an heiress.

917 Compare Bunsen De Jure Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18.

918 Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9.

919 See, besides Bunsen, Platner, Beiträge, p. 117. sqq. Sluiter Lect.
Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq.

920 Diod. XII. 18. Heyne Opusc. Acad. II. p. 119.