Chapter IX (7)

1272 See Meursius Miscell. Lacon. I. 15. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II.
p. 197. The τρίβων could (as well as the χλαῖνα, p. 277, note b,
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “left shoulder,”
starting “In Iliad X. 133.”]) be worn double, and be fastened with.
a clasp, Polyæn. IV. 4. This more becoming variety of the ἱμάτιον,
the χλαῖνα, was also worn at Sparta; see Theopompus the comic poet
in Pollux X. 27. 124. Ἐξωμίδες φαῦλαι of the Lacedæmonians in Ælian
V. H. IX. 34.

1273 Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. with Aspasius and
the Paris Scholiast, p. 156. ed. Zell. Compare the Κρητικὸν
ἱματίδιον in Hesychius.

1274 From the 12th year upwards, Plutarch Lycurg. 16.

1275 Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 4.
Justin III. 3. Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Ephorus ap.
Strab. X. p. 483.

1276 Hence the Attic orators, in early times at least, never showed their
left hand, Taylor ad Æschin. in Timarch. p. 59.

1277 De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted by Longinus περὶ ὕψους IV. i. p. 114.

1278 See Boettiger’s opinions on this subject, Raub der Cassandra, pp.
74: sqq. Archäologie der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasengemälde I. 2. p.
37. and Uhden’s Letter, II. p. 65.

1279 Ἰσοδὶαιτοι, Thucyd. I. 6. Justin. III. 3.

1280 Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Seneca Quæst.
Nat. IV. 13. This ancient notion may also be traced in the use of
the words φθείρειν, μιαίνειν, to _corrupt_, for to _dye_ or to
_colour_.

1281 Δολερὰ μὲν τὰ ἕιματα, δολερὰ δὲ τὰ χρίματα, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p.
294 Sylburg. Herodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes the same saying of
an Ethiopian king, comp. Plutarch. Quæst. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sympos.
III. I, 2. p. 109. de Herod. Malign. 28. p. 312.; but the expression
has a genuine Spartan character.

1282 A law of Diocles, according to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. p. 521 B.
for Zaleucus see Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 33. for Sparta,
Heraclid. Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf.
Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

1283 Plato Comicus ap. Aspas ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. (see
Porson’s Tracts, p. 232). χαίροις, οἶμαι, μεταπεττεύσας αὐτὸν
διακλιμακίσας τε, τὸν ὑπηνόβιον, σπαρτιοχαίτην, ῥυποκόνδυλον,
ἑλκετρίβωνα. ἕλκοντες ὑπήνας. Aristoph. Lys. 1072. Compare the
statue of Lysander in Plut. Lys. I.

1284 See above, p. 129, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “obey the laws,” starting “Aristot. ap. Plutarch.”] Wyttenbach ad
Plutarch. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks that the Lacedæmonians
also shaved their upper lip; but his, as well as Ruhnken’s
emendation of Antiphanes ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. is very violent.

1285 Athen. XII. p. 565 C.

1286 Aristoph. Av. 1283. Eccles. 74. Their use was only prohibited in the
public assembly, Plutarch Lycurg. II.

1287 Herod. III. 137. Aristot. in Ἰθακ. πολιτ. ap. Phot. in σκυτάλη. See
the paintings on vases.

1288 Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 3. Plutarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously they were
accustomed ἐν χρῷ κείρεοσθαι, cap. 16. which is sometimes also
described as the general Spartan usage. Plutarch. Alcib. 23. de
Discrim. Adul. et Am. 10. p 170.

1289 Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26.

1290 The manner in which Herodotus (I. 82.) accounts for this, is
rendered doubtful by Plutarch. Lysand. I. cf. Lycurg. 22. reg.
Apophth. p. 124, 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 230. Æginetica, p. 32,
note o. In Crete the cosmi at least wore long hair, according to
ancient custom, Seneca Controv. IV. 27. On the short hair of the
Argives, see Herodotus and Plato Phædon. p. 89. J. Tzetzes Jamb.
161.

1291 See Σπαρτιοχαίτης in the verses cited above, p. 280, note x.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,”
starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”]

1292 Compare Aristoph. Lys. 1113. παραπυκίδδειν with Horace Od. II. II.
_incomptam Lacænæ More comam religata nodo_, _i.e._, as Diana is
generally represented in works of art. That the women were not
allowed to wear long hair (κομᾶν, Heraclid. Pont. 2.), is a
statement which must not be construed strictly. A lock of hair
dedicated to the gods was called ἱέρωμα, according to the correction
of Hemsterhuis in Hesychius: but Toup is probably correct in
defending the common reading ἱερόβατον, Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p.
607. Spartans were distinguished not merely by their mode of wearing
the hair, but also by the _shoes_, Paus. VII. 14. 2. Shoes for state
occasion were the ἀμυκλαΐδες, and for common wear the ἁπλαῖ
Λακωνικαὶ, above, p. 25, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “shoes of Amyclæ,” starting “Theocrit. X. 35.”] Argive,
Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) and Sicyonian ἔμβαδες likewise occur
(Lucian. Ret. Præc. 15. Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath. ad Hom. p.
1302. 22. ed. Rom.).

1293 See the passages collected by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. III. p. 273
sqq. Also Phocylides ἔρματα λοξὰ κορύμβων and Nicol. Dam. p. 51
Orelli, of a Smyrnæan κόμην τρέφων χρυσῷ στρόφῳ κεκορυμβωμένην.

1294 Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pollux. I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hippocrat.
Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 17.

1295 B. III. ch. 12. § 10.

1296 Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 36. 12.

1297 Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apophth. p. 200,
where Archidamus the son of Agesilaus is meant, and afterwards too
he is often confounded with the son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. X. 48.
In later times, however, διαφανῆ Λακωνικὰ are mentioned as a
luxurious dress, Dio Chrysost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. ad Matth.
Hom. vol. VII. p. 796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On the Argive dresses
τήβεννος and κλεοβίνικος see Pollux VII. 13. 61. and his
commentators. The ἀφάβρωμα was an old-fashioned gown of the Megarian
women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. p. 383.

1298 Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plutarch Alcib. 23.

1299 See particularly Martial Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad Strab. III. p.
231. p. 663. ed. Friedemann.

1300 This explains away the contradiction which Manso finds, vol. I. 2.
p. 199.

1301 V. 305. which passage would also apply to the syssitia of Sparta.

1302 Who abolished them as an institution favourable to aristocracy,
Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. They were still in existence in the time of
Archias, see vol. I. p. 129 note f. The σύσσιτος, of Æthiops, in the
passage of Athenæus, is evidently his regular messmate. We may also
mention the δημοσιαι θοῖναι of the Argives, at which the ancient
clay vessels (Herod. V. 88.) were still used. Polemon ap. Athen. XI.
p. 483 C. cf. p. 479 C. IV. p. 148 F.

1303 Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3.

1304 Harmodius on the laws of Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. 148 F. comp. in
general Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. Thirlwall, Hist. of
Greece, vol. I. p. 287, has rightly remarked that the description of
Harmodius refers only to the maintenance of two choruses in
Phigalia.

1305 Book III. ch. 6. § 9.

1306 But upon hard benches without cushions, _in robore_. Cicero pro
Muræna 35. Athen. XII. p. 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plutarch Lycurg.
18. Suidas in φιλίτια et Λυκοῦργος, Isidorus Orig. XX. 11. It was
not till the reign of Areus and Acrotatus, that soft and expensive
cushions were used at the public tables. Phylarchus ap. Athen. IV.
p. 142 A.

1307 Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro ap. Serv.
ad Æn. VII. 176.

1308 B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign cooks were not tolerated at Sparta, as
is particularly stated of Mithæcus by Maximus Tyrius VII. 22. ed.
Davies.

1309 Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7. There was a separate _broth-maker_ (ζωμοποιὸς)
for the king, Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.

1310 Heraclid. Pont. 2. who perhaps says too generally, πέττει σῖτον
οὐδείς (πέττειν is said of ἄρτος made of ἄλευρα as μάττειν of μᾶζα
made ἄλφιτα). Comp. Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 A. Plutarch
Alcib. 23.

1311 Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Varieties of ἄρτος were also eaten at the
κοπὶς, Molpis ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. Hesychius in
κοπὶς, βέσκεροι ἄρτοι, and πητεῖται πιτυρίαι ἄρτου. There was a
Lacedæmonian kind of barley, Theophrast. Hist. Plant. VIII. 4.
_Siligo Lacedæm_. Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4.

1312 B. II. ch. 10. § 4.

1313 Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077.

1314 Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8.

1315 Ælian V. H. III. 31.

1316 Dicæarchus ubi sup. A little pig was called by the Lacedæmonians
ὀρθαγορίσκος, Athen. p. 140 B. see Hesychius in βορθαγορίσκος et
ἡμιτύγια above p. 110. note y. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “days of each month,” starting “Herod. ubi sup.”]

1317 Ἀφέδιτοι ἡμέραι, according to Hesychius. cf. in διαφοίγιμόρ.

1318 See Critias the Athenian in Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. XI. p. 463
C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 172. In _Crete_
however the whole table drank from one large goblet, Dosiadas ap.
Athen. IV. p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 1860. 45.

1319 Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from which passage
it also follows that all the inhabitants of Laconia were prohibited
from attending drinking entertainments (συμπόσια). The Dionysia at
Sparta were also more serious than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. Athen.
IV. p. 155 D.

1320 Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1321 B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In Sparta the guests, as in the time of Homer,
were called δαιτύμονες, Alcman ap. Strap. X. p. 482. fragm. 37. ed.
Welcker. Herod. VI. 57. and a κρεοδαίτης presided at the meal
(above, p. 251, note r. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“volunteers in the army,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7.”] comp.
Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux VI. 7. 34.), as a
δαιτρὸς in ancient times; each guest in Sparta having a certain
_portion_ or _mess_ allotted to him.

1322 See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. Ruhnken.
p. 449. ed. Bekker.

1323 B. III. ch. 12. § 4. It is to this that Dionysius Hal. refers, when
he says that the Phiditia made men ashamed to leave their comrades
in the field of battle, _with whom they had sacrificed and made
libations_, Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed. Reisk.

1324 Persæus ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 F. and see below, p. 288, note k.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “vegetables
(ἀβαμβάκευστα),” starting “Pyrgion ap. Athen.”]

1325 Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a certain
sense βουλευτήρια ἀπόῤῥητα καὶ συνέδρια ἀριστοκρατικά, and compares
them with the Prytaneum and Thesmothesium of Athens.

1326 B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The only ἐπάϊκλον eaten by boys was some dough
of barley-meal baked in laurel leaves (καμματίδες), and kneaded in
oil (Hesychius in ἁμφιμάντορα, ἀμφίτοροι); a cake of this kind was
called κάμμα, and from its use παλλιχιὰρ, Meursius Misc. Lac. I. 12.

1327 Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alcman describes a
κοπὶς in the following verses, Κλίναι μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τόσαι τράπεσδαι
Μακωνίδων ἄρτων ἐπιστεφοῖσαι Λίνω τε σασάμω τε κἠν πελίχναις
Παίδεσσι χρυσοκόλλα, fragm. 17. ed. Welcker.

1328 Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and above, p. 287, note b. [Transcriber’s Note:
This is the footnote to “aristocratical principles,” starting
“Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.”] Concerning Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup.

1329 Critias ubi sup. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1330 Φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα
κατάρχειν, fragm. 31. ed. Welcker.

1331 It is very probable that this φειδίτια was a ludicrous distortion of
an ancient Spartan name φιλίτια, _i.e._, “love-feasts.”

1332 Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. Polit. II. 7.
3. The word αἷκλα is also used by Epicharmus for δεῖπνα.

1333 Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143. E. and Casaubon’s note. Ephoras ap. Strab.
X. p. 483 A. For Sparta, see Alcman quoted in p. 288 note d.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the
kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Quæst. Græc. 33.
p. 332. Concerning the Phigalean custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 F.
From the passage quoted in p. 287 note a, [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “state in itself,” starting “Persæus ap. Athen.”]
it also follows that guests of inferior rank sat ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιμποδίου,
as was also the custom among the Macedonians, according to Athen. I.
p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. Doctr. v. 3. ad Plat. Phæd. Addit. p.
234.

1334 This follows from Plat. Leg. VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp. Plutarch
Lycurg. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221. παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ (_i.e._, at home)
δειπνεῖν. See also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius περὶ Ἀλκμᾶνος ap. Athen.
XIV. p. 646 A. speaks of banquets of the women at Sparta, at which
certain cakes (κριβάναι) were carried, when they were about to sing
the praise of the virgin, probably at marriages. Aristotle Polit.
II. 7. 4. says that in Creta the women also were fed at the _public
cost_, not that they ate _in public_.

1335 Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143 B. with the assistance of some men τῶν
δημοτικῶν. Does he mean Periœci or Mnotæ? Young women were used as
cup-bearers among the Dorians, above, p. 276 note u. [Transcriber’s
Note: This is the footnote to “wine to the labourers,” starting
“Pythænetus ap. Athen.”]

1336 Dosiadas and Pyrgion ubi sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see the decree of
the Olontians in Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 137. cf. p. 131, 134.

1337 Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1037. Suidas in ἄθρυπτος et Δωριοσ.
Δωριοσ οικονεμια in Diog. Laërt. IV. 3. 19. for a plain rough mode
of living.

1338 Συρακοσίων et Σικελῶν τράπεζα, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 527 C.
Zenob. Prov. V. 94. Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. Σικελικὸς κότταβος
Anacreon ap. Athen. X. p. 427. fragm. p. 374. ed. Fischer. The
Σικελικὸς βίος is opposed to the Δωριστὶ ζῆν in the 7th (spurious)
Platonic Epistle, p. 336.

1339 See, among others, Timæus fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. The
Argives and Tirynthians were reproached for their debauchery, Ælian.
V. H. III. 15. Athen. N. p. 442. D.

1340 See Æginetica p. 188.

1341 See above, p. 266 note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “from the street,” starting “Towards the street.”] In Crete it
was called βοωνία, Hesych. in v.

1342 Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. Mai.

1343 According to the supposed saying of Lycurgus, “_first make a
democracy in thine own house_.” Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophth.
p. 124. Lac. Apophth. p. 225.

1344 See particularly Eurip. Androm. 596.

1345 Κόροις καὶ κόραις κοινὰ τὰ ἱερά. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. above
ch. 2. § 2.

1346 Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. So also the Arcadians had, according to
Polybius IV. 21. 3. (though not for the reason which he assigns)
συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ, ἔτι
δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων. The unrestrained manners, and
the public games and dances of the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch Mul.
Virt. p. 277. Antonin. Liber. met. 1.), probably were derived from a
Cretan custom (see above, p. 236. note q. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “with an axe,” starting “Heracl. Pont. 7.”]), and
certainly one prior to the Ionic migration.

1347 Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10.

1348 VI. 61, 65.

1349 Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. with
Casaubon’s restoration from Plutarch. Ages. 19. Hesychius in
κάνναθρα, Eustathius ad Il. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. Schol. ad Aristoph.
Vesp. 413. The temple of Helen, mentioned by Hesychius in κάνναθρα,
is that at Therapne, above the Phœbæum, of which Herodotus speaks,
VII. 61.

1350 Λακεδαιμονίην τε γυναῖκα in the oracle; and how, in the Lysistrata
of Aristophanes, the Athenian women admire the lusty and vigorous
beauty of Lampito. comp. Athen. XII. p. 609 B.

1351 Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.

1352 If the father and grandfather died, the right, even in Doric states,
_e.g._, in Cyrene, passed to the brothers, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p.
303. Polyæn. VIII. 41.

1353 Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. Lac. I. 5.
The account of Hermippus in Athenæus XIII. p. 555 C. is absurdly
disfigured. The same is true of Hagnon, ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This
explains the statement of Herodotus VI., 65. that Demaratus obtained
possession of Percalus the daughter of Chilon, who was betrothed to
Leotychides, by _previously carrying her away by force_, φθάσας
ἁρπάσας. In later times, whoever ravished a virgin at Sparta (as
also at Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) was punished with death,
Xenoph. Ephes. V. 1; and compare Marcellinus on Hermogenes, although
this account does not belong to the age of which we treat.

1354 Plutarch. Cleom. 38.

1355 Strabo X. p. 482 D. from Ephorus.

1356 According to Hesychius. Homer. Il. XVI. 180. calls Eudoxus a
παρθένιος, τὸν ἔτικτε χορῷ καλὴ Πολυμήλη, which I explain thus: she
produced him “_in the chorus_,” _i.e._, while she yet belonged to
the ἀγελὴ of the virgins. The passage is quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or.
VII. p. 273., who also speaks of the Lacedæmonian παρθενίαι.

1357 Justin. III. 4. _Nulli pater existebat cujus in patrimonium
successio speraretur._

1358 Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The common narrative of Ephorus is repeated by
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and is evidently invented to account for
the name Παρθενίαι, which Antiochus declines to explain.

1359 Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plutarch Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4. Lac. Apophth.
p. 224.

1360 Hesychius in v.

1361 Op. et Di. 695.

1362 Leg VIII. p. 785. Aristotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) gives 37 years
as the most fitting time for marriage in a man; which number Larcher
(_Chronologie d’Herodote_) has no reason to suppose borrowed from
the laws of Laconia. The Trœzenians were forbidden by the oracle
from making early marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. 14. 4.

1363 See Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lysand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. Apophth. p.
223. Clearchus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pollux III. 48. VIII. 40.
Stobæus Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom. II. p. 182. compare
Schläger’s Præfat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. 1744. p. 10. It is most
singular that the cowards (τρεσάντες) to whom every man denied his
daughter, were punished for not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. 9. 5.

1364 Pollux VIII. 40.

1365 Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. p. 216. fragm.
p. 355.

1366 Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. III. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the ius
trium liberorum in Sparta.

1367 Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα συνελώρει, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. Later writers
often give fabulous accounts of this point, particularly Theodoretus
Græc. Affinit. 9.

1368 B. III. ch. 10. § 4.

1369 See the saying of Geradates in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. Apophth. p.
225. comp. Justin. III. 3. The νόθοι in Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9., who
were a separate class, but shared in the education of the Spartans,
probably were composed of a mixture of different ranks, and
certainly were not the offspring of a regular _stuprum_. At Rhodes,
according to Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 992, the νόθοι were called
μαστρόξενοι, _i.e._ those who at a public scrutiny (called at Athens
διαψήφισις) were rejected from the lists of citizens. The
investigation was perhaps conducted by the μάστροι, Hesych. in v.
comp. Harpocrat. μαστῆρες.

1370 Herod. V. 39, 40.

1371 Plutarch Agid. 11.

1372 The history of women in the heroic age has been better treated by
Lenz, than by Meiners in his _Geschichte des Weiblichen
Geschlechts_; although even he has many prejudices, _e.g._, that
women are always improved by education, the reverse of which was the
case in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) correctly remarks, that in Homer the
manners of unmarried are represented as less restrained than those
of married women; although their intercourse with men was more free
than among the Dorians. Comp. p. 143.

1373 I. 146.

1374 Though she lived in the interior of the house, as is proved by the
Doric term for a wife, μεσόδομα: see Hesych. in οἰκέτις, Theocrit.
Id. XVIII. 28. and compare the sayings of Aregeus in Plutarch Lac.
Apophth. p. 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and of the Lacedæmonian woman,
p. 262. who being asked what she understood, answered, εὖ οἰκεῖν
οἶκον.

1375 Plutarch. Lyc. 14.

1376 Vol. I. p.

1377 Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plutarch Lyc. 14. At that time moreover the
manners of the Spartan women had really degenerated, and a
considerable licence (ἄνεσις) prevailed, Aristot. Polit. II. 6. 5.
Plat. Leg. I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist. Rom. II. 24.

1378 Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp. Num. 3. Aristotle also (Polit. II. 6, 7.)
speaks of their influence on the government in the time of the
ascendency of Sparta; it increased still more, when a large part of
the landed property fell into the hands of women. The singular
assertion of Ælian V. H. XII. 34. that Pausanias _loved his wife_,
has been correctly interpreted by Kühn to mean a too great, or
uxorious affection; and so likewise Menelaus appears to have been
represented, see, _e.g._, Aristoph. Lysist. 155.

1379 Πολλὰ λέγειν ὄνυμ᾽ ἀνδρὶ, γυναικὶ δὲ πᾶσι χαρῆναι, fragm. 13. ed.
Welcker. comp. Franck’s Tyrtæus p. 173 and 203.

1380 See, _e.g._, Plutarch Cleom. 38.

1381 Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. H. N. VII. 41. Compare the saying of
Gorgo in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 258.

1382 The Bœotian poetesses, however, Corinna and Myrto, and Diotima the
Arcadian (concerning whom see Frederick Schlegel, Griechen und
Roemer, vol. I. p. 275.), were on the rank of Doric women; although
in Bœotia the female sex was very much restricted, and placed under
the superintendence of γυναικονόμοι (as under the ἁρμόσυνοι at
Sparta, ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21.

1383 See b. II. ch. 10. § 7. Aristoph. Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et Schol.
Suidas in ἑταῖραι Κορινθ and χοῖρος. Pollux IX. 6. 75.
Κορινθιάζεσθαι τὸ μαστροπεύειν η ἑταῖρειν (see b. I. ch. 8. § 3.)
Eustath. ad II. p. 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon XXXII. 10. whose
poems are of the Achæan or Roman time. Compare also the Κορινθία
κόρη in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. Κορίνθια παῖς, Eurip. Sciron. ap.
Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the proverb in
Suidas (XIV. 81. Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. ἀκροκορίνθι ἔοικας
χοιροπολήσειν. Compare Jacobs in the Attisches Museum, vol. II. part
III. p. 137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der Alten Welt, vol. I. p.
177.—The women of _Sicyon_ were, according to the βὶος Ἕλλαδος of
Dicæarchus, exceedingly graceful in their carriage.

1384 Plutarch Lycurg. 17. Dionys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old men could
punish persons conducting themselves improperly (ἀκοσμοῦντες) by
striking them with their sticks.

1385 Εἰσπνήλας is probably the genuine form; see Callim. Fragm. 169. ed.
Bentl. Etymol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion,
p. 617. 49. Εἴσπνηλος is used by Theocritus Id. XII. 13.

1386 Ælian V. H. III. 12. Ἐμπνεῖσθαι is the word used by Plutarch Cleom.
3.

1387 Vol. I. p. 5. Compare Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gudian. ubi sup.
Ἀείτης was used by Aristophanes; see Bekker’s Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes
ad Lycophr. 459, and ἀΐτιας by Alcæus ap. Athen. p. 430 D. Alcman
also called lovely young women ἀΐτας κόρας; see Schneider’s Lexicon
in v. and Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3; also the Lexicon _vocum
peregrinarum_ in Valpy’s edition of Stephens’s Thesaurus, part XII.
p. 492.

1388 Servius ad Æn. X. 325. _adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris de re
publica_ (p. 280. Mai.) _opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus si amatores
non haberent_.

1389 Ælian III. 10.

1390 Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. 22.

1391 Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apophth. p. 177.

1392 Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25.

1393 Plutarch Cleom. 3.

1394 Ib. c. 37.—The youth of Argilus, loved by Pausanias, cannot be
mentioned among these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos Pausan. 4.

1395 Ælian V. H. III. 10.

1396 Id. III. 12.

1397 Plutarch Lyc. 25.

1398 Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39. Plutarch Reg. Apophth. quoted in note e, p.
301. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “also a hearer,”
starting “Plutarch Ages. 13.”]

1399 See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 209. In Bœotia also ἀνὴρ καὶ παῖς
συζυγέντες ὁμιλοῦσιν, Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12.

1400 Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Ælian V. H. III. 10.

1401 Athen. XIII. p. 601 E. p. 602 F. from Timæus, Heraclid. Pont. 3.
Heyne ad Apollod. III. 1. 2. Κρῆτες ἐρωτικώτατοι, together with the
Lacedæmonians and Bœotians, Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37.

1402 Athen. XV. p. 782 E.

1403 Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483. Hesychius in φιλήτωρ.

1404 Ephorus ubi sup. Compare Plutarch de Educ. 14.

1405 Ephorus and Heraclides Ponticus. Arms were in Crete, according to
Nicolaus Damascenus, the most honourable present that could be made.
Concerning the cup, see Hermonax ap. Athen. XI. p. 502 B.

1406 Ælian V. H. III. 9. comp. N. A. IV. 1.

1407 Aristot. Polit. II. 9. 6, 7.

1408 Aristoph. Acharn. 774. Theocrit. Id. XII. 28. and Schol.

1409 According to Plato and Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B. Tusc. Quæst. IV.
34. comp. Boeckh ad Leg. p. 106.) This practice _originated_ from
the gymnastic exercises; a supposition probably not true in this
general sense.

1410 Polit. II. 7. 5.—It is however true of Athens only, and not of the
Dorians, that the love of the male supplied the place of that of the
female sex.

1411 Welcker, Sappho von einem herrschenden vorurtheill befreit, p. 41.
Confederates in arms are called Ἀχίλλήιοι φίλοι in the beautiful
Fragment of Æolian lyric poetry, attributed to Theocritus, XXVIII.
34. Comp. Arrian. Peripl. Pont. p. 23.

1412 Cicero de Rep. IV. 4. _Lacedæmonii ipsi cum omnia concedunt in amore
juvenum præter stuprum, ienui sane muro dissæpiunt id quod
excipiunt: complexus enim concubitusque permittunt._

1413 Ælian V. H. III. 12. On account of this provision the Lacedæmonian
law is called ποίκιλος by Plato Sympos. p. 182. The purity of the
Lacedæmonian custom is also attested by Xenophon, the best authority
on Doric manners. Εἴ τις παιδὸς σώματος ὀρεγόμενος φανείη, αἴσχιστον
τοῦτο θεὶς (ὁ Λυκοῦργος) ἐποίησεν ἐν Δακεδαίμονι μηδὲν ἧττον ἐραστὰς
παιδικῶν ἀπέχεσθαι ἢ γονεῖς παίδων ἢ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφῶν εἰς
ἀφροδίσια ἀπέχονται, de Rep. Lac. 2. 13; and see Schneider’s note.
Plato however has a different opinion of it, Leg. I. p. 638. VIII.
p. 836. The Cretan fell into worse repute than the Lacedæmonian
custom, Plutarch de Educ. 14. Both however are praised as equally
innocent by Maximus Tyrius, Diss. X. p. 113. The suspicions thrown
upon it are perhaps to be entirely traced to the Attic comic poets;
thus Eupolis ap. Athen. I. p. 17 D. Hesych. et al. Lexicog. in
Κυσολάκων and λακωνίζειν. Comp. Suidas and Apostolius, XI. 73.
Λακωνικὸν τρόπον περαίνειν.

1414 On the subject of this last part generally, see Meiners’
Miscellaneous Philosophical Writings, vol. I. p. 61, and History of
the Female Sex, vol. I. p. 321. Herder’s Thoughts on the Philosophy
of History, Works, vol. V. p. 173. Since the first publication of
this work, the view of the above question taken in the text has been
approved by Jacobs, Miscellaneous Works, III. Leben und Kunst der
Alten, II. (1829) pp. 212, sqq.

1415 Lucian. Anach. 38. θῆλυς νεολαία Theocr. Idyl. XVIII. 24. Comp.
D’Orville ad Charit. p. 22. Alberti ad Hesych. in v.

1416 Plutarch, Lycurg. 16. I have written _house_ instead of _tribe_, as
above, b. III. ch. 10. § 2.

1417 The philosopher Archytas is mentioned as the inventor of a child’s
rattle, πλατάγη, Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 1. Apostol. XVI. 21.

1418 μίτυλλα, ἐσχατονήπια Hesychius.

1419 Plutarch, ubi sup.

1420 Concerning this expression see Plutarch, Ages. 1. Cleom. II. 37.
Λακωνικὴ ἀγωγὴ Polyb. I. 32, also Zonaras and Suidas. The
Λυκούργειος ἀγωγὴ was in later times supplanted by the Ἀχαϊκὴ
παιδεία, the object of which was utility, Plutarch, Philop. 16.
comp. Pausan. VII. 8. 3.

1421 According to the correct reading in Athen. VI. p. 271 E. These are
the same as οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παῖδες: see above, p. 22. note p.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “assuredly had not,”
starting “Χωρίτης.”] From the expression ὡς ἂν καὶ τὰ ἴδια
ἐκποιῶσιν, we may infer that the fathers paid the expenses of
education, which was observed in b. III. ch. 10, § 7.

1422 Xenoph. Hellen. V. 3. 9. τῶν ἐν τῆ πόλει καλῶν οὐκ ἄπειροι. The
δημοτικὴ ἀγωγὴ in Polyb. XXV. 8. 1. is an inferior degree.

1423 See in particular Plutarch, Lac. Apophthegm. p. 243.

1424 Any one who when a boy would not undergo hard labour, according to
Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 3. had no longer any share τῶν καλῶν; _i.e._ the
remaining education (τὰ καλὰ in Sparta; comp. Xenoph. Hellen. V. 4.
32, and above, note h [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“half-blood were admitted,” starting “Xenoph. Hellen.”]), and became
ἀδοκιμος in the town, not ὅμοιος. Plutarch, Inst. Lac. p. 252, says
too generally, that “any one who did not go through the education
lost the right of citizenship; which conversely might be obtained by
a stranger who submitted to it.”

1425 Plutarch, Ages. i.

1426 Plutarch, Lycurg. 16: comp. above, ch. 2. § 5.

1427 Photius in συνέφηβος, where for ἑξῆς δέκα read ἑκκαίδεκα. Schneider
Lexicon in σκύθραξ proposes συνεύνας; but all these were in the
Agelæ. More general names are derived from κόρος, _e.g._ κωραλίσκοι:
see Hesych. in v. From thence the piece of Epilycus, the scene of
which was laid in Sparta, had its title: see above, p. 288, note d,
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the
kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] κυρσανίον, Aristoph. Lysistr. 983.
Schol. also Suidas, Photius in κυρσάνια, Hesych. in v. also in
κύρσιον, σκύρθακες, σκυρθάκια: comp. Hesych. in σκύθραξ et
σκυρθαλίας. Phot. in σκυρθάνια.

1428 In the second year after this period he was called Eiren, before it
Melleiren, Plutarch, Lycurg. 17. Etym. Mag. and Gloss. Herodot. in
εἴρην, Hesych. in ἰρίνες, ἴρανες, μελλίρην. Hesychius explains
ἴρανες by ἄρχοντες, διώκοντες; and εἰρηνάζει to mean κρατεῖ, and
this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amompharetus,
Callicrates, &c., the ἰρένες in Herod. IX. 85. were certainly not
youths, but commanders, particularly Amompharetus, was lochagus of
the Pitanatan lochus. After that same period he was called
Proteires, Phot. p. 105. κατὰ πρωτεῖρας, Hesych. κατὰ πρωτῆρας. It
appears that in this composition εἴρης is the same word as εἴρην.

1429 Pausan. III. 14. 6, and see Boeckh Inscript.

1430 Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi sup. and b. III. ch. 11. § 3.

1431 Above, b. III. ch. 3. § 4.

1432 Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 5.

1433 Hesych. and Etym. Mag. in βουόα, where for ἀγλεῖ τις, read ἀγέλη
τις, Valcken. ad Adon. p. 274.

1434 Xen. Rep. Lac. 2. 11. Plutarch, Lycurg. 16, 17. Inst. Lac. p. 248.

1435 At Tarentum, the commander of the ile was called βειλαρμόστας, the
digamma being prefixed; see Hesych.

1436 See Hesych. in ἵππαρχος ἡνιοχαράτης, and according to Eustath. ad
Il. θ᾽. p. 727. 22. not merely the 300 were called cavalry, but all
the ἱππεῖς of the elders.

1437 Xen. Plutarch, ubi sup. uses the word agele instead of ile.

1438 Plutarch Lyc. 18.

1439 Xenoph. 2. 2. Plutarch. Hesych. According to Xen. 4. 6 the ἱππεῖς
were still under the superintendence of the παιδονόμος.

1440 Xenoph. ubi sup.

1441 Hesych. where the βουάγορ is erroneously called παῖς. See b. III.
ch. 7. § 8.

1442 Hesychius in ἄμπαιδες.

1443 Who were called κῶραι, πῶπαι, πάλλακες. For the first expression see
Maittaire, p. 156. κόρα amongst the Pythagoreans. Jambl. Pyth. XI.
56. For the second, see Hesychius in v. where read κόραι. For the
third see Etym. Mag. p. 649. 57.

1444 Theocrit. Idyll. XVIII. 23. comp. Pind. Fragm. Hyporch. 8. Boeckh,
Callim. Lav. Pall. 33.

1445 In Porphyr. Pyth. VIII. 61. p. 263. Goeller: comp. Jambl. Pyth. 30.

1446 σκότιοι: see Schol. in Eurip. Alcest. 989. This also was the time in
which the boys were taken away from home; see above, ch. 4. § 7; and
from the circumstance of their belonging to no agele, they were
called ἀπάγελοι, Hesych. in v.

1447 Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 483.

1448 Hesych. Ephorus ubi sup. and Nicol. Dam. mention indeed only a
παίδων ἀγέλη, but use παῖς in an extensive sense.

1449 Chishull, p. 134.

1450 Ephor. ubi sup. Heracl. Pont. 3. From this circumstance, according
to Hesychius, the ephebi in the agele were called ἀγελαστοὶ, for
which Meursius reads ἀγελαῖοι from ἀγελάζω, without any authority.

1451 See book III. ch. 8. § 2.

1452 Suidas.

1453 οἱ δέκα ἔτη ἐν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἠσκηκότες, according to the correction
of Valcken. ad Ammon. I. 12.

1454 Eustath. ad II. θ᾽. p. 727. 18. ad Odyss. θ᾽. 1592, 57. Rom.
Ammonius in gerôn.

1455 τριακάτιοι. Eustath. and Ammon. ubi sup. Hesych. in v. οἱ ἔφηβοι καὶ
τὸ σύστημα αὐτῶν. comp. Intpp. vol. II. 1412. The observations of
Mazocchi, Tab. Heracl. p. 258. 87. are very absurd.

1456 Hence a particular oil vessel used in the gymnasia was called Δωρὶς
ὄλπα, Theocr. Idyll. II. 156. it was probably a very simple utensil,
since the Spartans, instead of the στλεγγὶς, used a bundle of reeds,
Schol. ad Plat. Charm. p. 90. Ruhnken. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.
Lobeck ad Phrynich. p. 430. remarks ingeniously that several
_vocabula musica_, _palæstrica et mititaria_, even in the common
Grecian dialect, had a Doric character, being particularly in use
amongst the Dorians.

1457 Dion. Chrysost. Orat. 37. 33. Φιλογυμναστοῦσι Λάκωνες. The same is
said in Plato Protag. p. 342. of the imitators of the Spartans, who
also (contrary to the customs of their original) were addicted to
the contest with the cæstus. Aristot. Polit. VIII. 3. 3. merely
says, that the discipline to which the Spartan youth were subjected
made them too brutal, θηριώδεις.

1458 Comp. what the Spartan in Plutarch. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 246. says
concerning the distinction between κρείσσων and καββαλικώτερος, a
better wrestler.

1459 Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophthegm. p 125. Lac. Ap. p. 225. Seneca
de Benef. V. 3. Xenophon’s remarks in Rep. Lac. 4. 6. on the boxing
of the ἡβῶντες, do not apply to the gymnastic exercises.

1460 Plato, Laches, p. 183.

1461 Where it was without doubt connected with the military service, and
a display of valour in the practice of war.

1462 Athen. IX. p. 154 D. The Mantinean ὁπλομαχία will account for a
Mantinean being reported to have invented the ἐνόπλιος ὄρχησις,
Plutarch. Num. 13. There was also a peculiar Μαντινικὴ ὅπλισις.

1463 Corsini, Diss. Agon. p. 127.

1464 Thus, as is his usual practice, Hermippus gives a fictitious account
of the victory gained by the son of Chilon in the contest with the
cestus at Olympia. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 5.

1465 Pausan. V. 8. 3. It is however surprising that the πένταθλον παίδων
existed only in one Olympiad, viz. the 38th, when a Lacedæmonian
obtained the victory.

1466 See the Grammarians in the proverb ὑπὲρ τὰ ἐσκαμμένα πηδᾷ.

1467 The Olympic conqueror, Philip of Croton, the friend of Dorieus the
Spartan, was considered the most beautiful of the Greeks, Herod. V.
47. Cicero de Invent. II. 1. says of the Crotoniats as follows:
“Quodam tempore Crotoniatæ multum omnibus corporis viribus et
dignitatibus antesteterunt, atque honestissimas ex gymnico certamine
victorias domum cum maxima laude retulerunt. Quum puerorum igitur
_formas et corpora_ magno hic (Zeuxis) opere miraretur: horum,
inquiunt illi, sorores sunt apud nos virgines.” This is doubtless a
correct description of the flourishing period of the youth of
Croton: but it falls much before the time of Zeuxis.

1468 Strab. VI. p. 262. comp. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenshaft, book
III. ch. 2.

1469 Diagoras, his sons Damagetus, Acesilaus, Dorieus, and grandsons
Eucles and Peisirrhodus; perhaps also Hyllus, see Boeckh Expl. Pind.
Olymp. VII. p. 165.

1470 Æginetica, p. 141. see also Menand. de Encom. III. 1. p. 97. ed.
Heeren.

1471 Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268. Pyth. V. p. 287. to which add
Hesych. in ἐλαία.

1472 Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. IV. p. 143.

1473 Olymp. XII. 20. comp. Boeckh Expl. p. 210.

1474 The Spartans were particularly fond of the mode of wrestling called
κλιμακίζειν: see the verses of Plato the comic poet quoted above, p.
280, note x. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “ornament
of a man,” starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”] comp. Plut. Lac.
Apophthegm. p. 241. The ἀπὸ τραχήλον γυμνάζεσθαι, Xen. Rep. Lac. 5.
9. appears to have required particular strength of neck. The Argives
were dexterous ἑδροστρόφοι (throwers of crossbuttocks), Theocr.
Idyll. XXV. 109.

1475 See b. I. ch. 4. § 3.

1476 Above, ch. 4. § 7.

1477 Above, § 3.

1478 See b. III. ch. 3. § 4.

1479 Xenoph. Anab. IV. 6. 14.

1480 Heracl. Pont. 2. Xen. Rep. Lac. 2, 6. Justin. III. 3. 6. 7 comp.
Cicero apud Nonium in _clepere_. Gellius N.A. XI. 18. &c. Plutarch
Lycurg. 17. does not state the reason accurately, comp. Inst. Lac.
p. 249. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 239. The Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 225.
ed. Ruhnken. 450. ed. Bekker. confound the cryptia with this
institution.

1481 ὅσα μὴ κωλύει νόμος. Xenoph. Anab. ubi. sup. comp. De Rep. Lac. 2.
6. Cicero’s assertion de Rep. III. 9. _Cretes latrocinari honestum
putant_ should also be taken in a limited sense; comp. however
Polyb. VI. 46. 1.

1482 B. II. ch. 9. § 6. Concerning the διαμαστίγωσις, comp. Plutarch
Lycurg. 18. Inst. Lac. p. 254. Athen. VIII. p. 350 C. Lucian.
Icarom. 16. Musonius apud Stob. Serm. 92. p. 307. Schol. ad Plat.
Leg. I. p. 224. Ruhnken. p. 450. Bekker. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. V. 27.
Seneca de prov. IV. To this add the passages in Manso I. 2. p. 183.
Creuzer Init. Philos. Plat. II. p. 166. A βωμονίκης occurs in a
Lacedæmonian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1364. I am not yet convinced
of the truth of Thiersch’s conjecture, that the bronze statute of
the youth at Berlin is of this character. I should rather take it to
represent a conqueror in the pancration τῶν παίδων, in the attitude
of returning thanks to Jupiter for his victory.

1483 Pausan. III. 14. 8. comp. II. 2. Plat. Leg. I. p. 633. Cic. Quæst.
Tusc. 5-27. Lucian. Anach. 38. Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm. p. 239.
Lacæn. p. 258. what Plato terms γυμνοπαιδιὰς, are in general
exercises of naked boys in the heat of summer, comp. Schol. ad loc.
and Suidas in Λυκοῦργος. The ἡβῶντες according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 4.
4. also fought with the selected three hundred wherever they
encountered them.

1484 Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 483. Heracl. Pont. 3.

1485 Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. The Lacedæmonian ἀγωγὴ was in later times
considered as a gymnastic education. Thus Phocion had his son
brought up in the Lacedæmonian manner, and Alcibiades was at least
nursed by Amycla, Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Schol. Plat. I. p. 77.
Ruhnken.

1486 Herod. IX. 72. A Lacedæmonian strikingly resembled Hector, _i.e._
the ideal of heroic excellence, according to Plutarch Arat. 3.

1487 Nicol. Damasc.

1488 Plutarch Lycurg. 14. Lac. Apophthegm. p. 223. comp. Manso I. 2. p.
162. Respecting the exercise of running ἐνδριώνας, Welcker ad Alcm.
p. 10 sq. The exercises, besides the gymnasia, are mentioned by a
poet in Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II. 15. and referred to also in Aristoph.
Lys. 117.

1489 Plato Theæt. p 162, 169. Plutarch Lycurg. 14. only says, that they
witnessed the procession and dances of the young men.

1490 In Athen. XII. p. 550 D. comp. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

1491 According to Isocr. Panath. p. 544. comp. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H.
XII. 50. That they learnt to read, is asserted by Plutarch Lycurg.
16. Inst. Lac. p. 247. but contradicted by a Soph. anon. in Orelli
Opp. Mor. II. p. 214. The ancient simplicity of their manners is
evident from the custom of cutting a staff (σκυτάλη) in pieces, and
dividing the fragments, to be preserved as memorials of a contract
entered into, Photius in σκυτάλη, and Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1284.
from Dioscorides περὶ νομιμων. Concerning the schools of learning in
Crete, see Heracl. Pont. 3. Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 482. The most
ancient Grecian letters appear also to have been called Doric,
Suidas in Κόριννος.

1492 Ælian. V. H. II. 39. The same practice was enjoined by the laws of
Lycurgus, see book I. ch. 7. § 3.

1493 Hence also δωρίζειν, _to sing in the Doric style_, Hesychius. A
cithara strung so as to suit that measure was called a Δωρία
φόρμιγξ. Pindar Olymp. I. 17. who also calls the rhythm which suited
the Doric mode, Δώριον πέδιλον, Olymp. III. 5. and the whole
together Δωρία κέλευθος ὕμνων, Fragm. Incert. 98.

1494 Plat. Lach. p. 188 D.

1495 Some endeavoured to explain this name by supposing that Thamyris was
the inventor, who had contended with the Muses at _Dorium_, Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. comp. Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 301.

1496 Vol. I. p. 351. note g. It was on this that Glaucus ap. Plutarch
Music. 4. probably grounded his proof of the date of Terpander.

1497 According to the important testimony of Sosibius the Laconian, the
musical contests at the Carnea were first instituted in Olymp. 26.,
and according to the catalogue of Hellanicus, Terpander was the
first who gained the prize, Athen. XIV. p. 635. The Parian Marble
ep. 35, places his new regulation of music at Sparta in Olymp. 33.
4. The other statements on the time of Terpander are far inferior to
these in authority.

1498 Thus Pindar (ap. Athen. p. 635 D. fragm. Scol. 5. Boeckh.) says,
that Terpander first heard at Lydian banquets the strings of the
lyre sound _in opposition to_ the high πηκτίς.

1499 For the whole of this, see Boeckh de Metric. Pindar. p. 238. and
particularly Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. XIV. p. 624 D.

1500 See Athenæus, p. 632. from Heraclides Ponticus.

1501 The supposed Plutarch, in the learned and excellent Essay on music,
c. 9.

1502 See Aristotle and Ælius Dionysius in Eustathius p. 741. 15.
Heraclid. Pont. 2. Plutarch de Sera Num. Vind. 13. Hesychius in μετὰ
Λέσβιον ᾠδὸν, Apostolius XII. 70. &c. According to Plutarch Mus. 6,
the last of that school who appeared at the Carnea was Pericleitus,
who lived before Hipponax. If so, Ælius Dionysius is wrong in
mentioning Euænitides and Aristocleides, the latter of whom was
certainly of a later date. Phrynis is altogether out of the
question.

1503 Diod. fragm. II. p. 639. Plutarch Music. 42. Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. ed.
Buttman. Tzetzes Chil. I. 16. Marm. Par. ep. 35.

1504 Although he is said to have been first fined by the ephors on
account of the number of the strings, Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 251.
but the account is very confused. Yet Athenæus XIV. p. 628 D., when
he says that the Spartans saved music _three times_, seems to allude
to it.

1505 For the statements of Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. and Eustathius ad 1.
concerning an ancient Lacedæmonian named Demodocus, of Sipias a
Dorian, of Abaris a Lacedæmonian, and of Probolus a Spartan, at the
time of the migration of the Heraclidæ, are hardly worthy of the
name of mythical.

1506 B. II. ch. 1. § 5.

1507 Concerning whom see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Ol. X. p. 197.

1508 Polymnestus wrote a poem to Thaletas for the Lacedæmonians (Paus. I.
14. 3.), probably after his death, and therefore he is
unquestionably of a later date than Thaletas; he is called the
contemporary of Sacadas, who flourished about the 48th Olympiad (588
B.C.), but was probably somewhat earlier. According to Plutarch Mus.
5. he was mentioned by _Alcman_, which does not agree, if this poet
lived in Olymp. 27 (672 B.C.) where he is generally placed: but the
other date of the ancient chronologists for Alcman, viz. Olymp. 42
(612 B.C.), is doubtless more correct.

1509 Glaucus ap. Plutarch. Mus. 10.

1510 Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 678 B. also mentions songs of Thaletas at
this festival, comp. Suidas in Θαλήτας. It seems however probable
that the introduction here mentioned did not take place before the
battle of Thyræa, about Olymp. 58. or 546 B.C., since much of the
musical solemnities of the gymnopædia referred to this action,
Athen. ubi sup. comp. Etymol. Mag. in γυμνοπαιδία, if we should
there read with Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 211. Θυραίαν for
Πύλαιαν, on which however there is some doubt. See vol. I. p. 309,
note m.

1511 Plutarch Agis 10. Lac. Apophth. p. 205.

1512 According to Plutarch Agis 10. Inst. Lac. p. 251, and Cicero de Leg.
II. 15. compare Dio Chrys. Or. XXXII. p. 382 B. ed. Reisk.

1513 Artemon ap. Athen. XIV. p. 636 E.

1514 III. 12. 8.

1515 Etymol. Mag. in σκιάς.

1516 Ap. Boeth. de Musica ad calc. Arati. Oxon. p. 66. Also in Casaubon
on Athen. VIII. p. 613. (vol. IV. p. 611. Schweigh.), Scaliger on
Manilius, Bulliald on Theon, Leopardus in his Observationes Criticæ,
Gronovius Præf. ad Thes, Ant. Græc. vol. V. from a Cambridge MS.,
Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 128, and with a collation of several Oxford
manuscripts (Cleaver’s) Decretum Lacedæmoniorum contra Timotheum
Milesium, Oxonii 1777; lastly, Payne Knight, Essay on the Greek
Alphabet, sect. 7. and Porson, Tracts, p. 145. Mus. Crit. vol. I. p.
506.

1517 The following recension of the decree is made after the manuscripts,
without any arbitrary introduction of laconisms; while the short
vowels are every where retained, and even the singular Ι for Υ.
Επειδε ὁ Τιμοθεορ ὁ Μιλησιορ παργινομενορ εν ταν ἁμετεραν πολιν ταν
παλαιαν μοαν ατιμασδε, και ταν δια ταν ἑπτα χορδαν κιταριτιν
αποστρεφομενορ πολιφονιαν εισαγον λιμαινεται ταρ ακοαρ τον νεον δια
τε ταρ πολιχορδιαρ και ταρ καινοτατορ το μελεορ, αγεννε και ποικιλαν
αντι ἁπλοαρ και τεταμεναρ αμφιεννιται ταν μοαν, επι χροματορ
σινισταμενορ ταν το μελεορ διασκειαν αντι ταρ εναρμονιο ποτταν
αντιστροφον αμοιβαν; παρακλετεις δε και εττον αγονα ταρ Ελεισινιαρ
Δαματρορ απρεπε διεσκειασατο ταν τω μιτω διασκειαν ταν γαρ Σεμελαρ
οδινα ουκ ενὀικα τορ νεορ διδακκε δεδοκται αρ περι τουτοιν τορ
βασιλεαρ και τορ εφορορ μεμψατται Τιμοθεον, επαναγκαται δε και ταν
ἑνδεκα χορδαν εκταμεν ταρ περιτταρ ὑπολιπομενον ταρ ἑπτα; ὁπορ
ἑκαστορ το ταρ πολιορ βαρορ ὁρον ευλαβεται ετταν Σπαρταν επιφερεν τι
τον με καλον ετον με ποτε ταραττιται κλεορ αγονον (according to
Porson, ἢ τῶν μὴ ποτὶ τᾶρ ἀρετᾶρ κλέορ ἀγόντων.).

1518 B. II. ch. 10. § 4.

1519 In common Greek, ἐπὶ χρώματος συνιστάμενος τὴν τοῦ μέλεος διασκευὴν
ἀντὶ τῆς ἐναρμονίου πρὸς τὴν ἀντίστροφον ἀμοιβήν.

1520 Thus, for example, we have ετων from ἔθος, the Laconian form of
which was ΒΕΣΟΡ, Valcken. ad Theocrit. p. 282.

1521 For instance, ΜΟΥΣΩ has been written for μιτω (see Valckenær. p.
379.), without a shadow of probability; for κιταριτιν ΚΙΣΑΡΙΞΙΝ, for
αμφιεννιται ΑΜΠΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from ἀμπέσαι, ἀμφιέσαι Hesychius), or
ΑΜΠΙΓΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from βέστον, Etym. M. p. 193. 45. for ἔσθος Aristoph.
Lys. 1090.); for ἐπαναγκάται ΕΠΑΝΑΓΚΑΑΙ from ποιηἁι, &c. &c.

1522 That it was a common practice to forge Spartan inscriptions is
remarked by Valekenær. p. 257. The genuineness of _this_ decree was
first questioned by Villebrun ad. Athen. VIII. p. 352. and Heinrich
Epimenides, p. 175.

1523 Plat. Leg. II. p. 660. cf. III. p. 680.

1524 Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 121.

1525 A contemporary of Timotheus, Plutarch Mus. 21. Athen. VIII. p. 352
B.

1526 Plutarch Mus. 37.

1527 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1108. Plutarch Mus. 32. ascribes a moral
judgment of music particularly to the Lacedæmonians, Mantineans, and
Pelleneans.

1528 Max. Tyr. 4. p. 46. 21. p. 216. ed. Davis. cf. Cic. de Leg. II. 15.

1529 As was always the case in Arcadia, according to Polybius IV. 20. 7.

1530 Ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 15. compare Buttmann’s Commentary, p. 35.

1531 Sosibius ap. Athen. p. 678 B.

1532 Pausan. III. 11. 7.

1533 Xen. Rep. Lac. IX. 5. ἐν χοροῖς εἰς τὰς ἐπονειδίστους χώρας
ἀπελαύνεται.

1534 See the apophthegm of Damonides, Plutarch Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac.
Apophth. p. 203. where however χοραγὸς is put instead of χοροποιὸς,
which magistrate had the regulation of the choruses in general (Xen.
Ages. 2. 17. Plutarch ubi sup. p. 173. but in Herodotus VI. 67.
there is no reason to introduce him on conjecture); and the saying
of Agesilaus, Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 173 (where however it is
erroneously stated that Agesilaus was appointed king when a boy).
The author of the Agesilaus attributed to Xenophon states, that
Agesilaus, before the capture of Peiræum, returned home, though
lame, in order to be conducted to his place by the choropœus at the
pæan of the Hyacinthia; but he clearly confounds him with the
Amycleans.

1535 Above, page 262, note g, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “corresponding evolutions,” starting “For this reason.”] where I
preferred the explanation of Hesychius to that of Suidas.

1536 Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 6.

1537 Plato Leg. II. p. 666.

1538 Pollux IX. 5. 41.

1539 Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 628 F. Schweighæuser asks who this poet Socrates
was? I believe the passage is from the Προοίμιον, or Hymn to Apollo,
which the philosopher composed when in prison.

1540 The cicada was considered as a musical animal, and sacred to Apollo.

1541 Ib. XIV. p. 633 A.

1542 Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. and on the other hand see Chamæleon ap.
Athen. IV. p. 184 D.

1543 Above, ch. 2. § 3. ch. 4. § 1. Hesychius φουλίδερ, παρθένων χορὸς,
Δωριεῖς.

1544 Boeckh ad Pindar. fragm. p. 598.

1545 Plutarch Lycurg. 21. de amore sui 15. Lac. Inst. p. 251. Schol.
Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnken. p. 449. Bekker Zenobius, Apostolius,
&c. They are said to have been instituted by Tyrtæus (Pollux IV. 15.
106), to whom Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 162. 21. ascribes generally a
large share in the education of youth at Sparta. It is from these of
the Spartans that Plato copies his great choruses. Leg. II. p. 664
sqq.

1546 B. II. ch. 8. § 11, 13.

1547 Concerning these songs, see Athenæus IV. p. 181 B. where it is
stated that tumbling (κυβιστᾶν) was a national custom in Crete, and
in general Aristoxenus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 B.

1548 Above, ch. 4. § 1. Eustathius ubi sup. relates that Theseus danced
thus with the seven youths and maidens to Cnosus. Compare Lobeck ad
Soph. Aj. 698. Κνώσια ὀρχήματα.

1549 Lucian de Saltat. 12. See Meursius Orchestra, tom. V. p. 237.

1550 Ephorus ap. Strab. N. p. 481 D.

1551 Herod. VI. 129. compare Wesseling’s note.

1552 Athenæus I. p. 22 D.

1553 Pausan. IV. 33. 3.

1554 Herod. III. 131.

1555 Boeckh ad Pindar, fragm. inc. 88. Concerning Hierax, see below § 7.
Ariston is also mentioned as an ancient flute-player of Argos, in an
epigram of Simonides or Bacchylides, Brunck’s Analect. vol. I. p.
141. Gaisford’s Poet. Min. vol. I. p. 383. Neue Bacchyl. fragm. 61.

1556 Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

1557 Pausan. VI. 14. 5.

1558 See the ancient Epigram in Athenæus XIV. p. 629.

1559 B. II. ch. 10. § 6.

1560 Athen. V. p. 181 C.

1561 The ἰαμβίζειν is also elsewhere connected with this worship; compare
Max. Tyr. Diss. XXI. p. 216. Davis, and the general expression
σικελίζειν for ὀρχεῖσθαι, Theophrast. ap. Athen. I. p. 22 C. And
Archilochus perhaps belonged to the colony in which the priestess
Cleobœa brought the mystical rites of Demeter from Paros to Thasos.

1562 Particularly of Artemis Χιτωνέα, as appears from Athenæus p. 629 E.
who was also originally Ionic, b. II. ch. 9. § 5.

1563 Athen. IV. p. 103.

1564 On which see Athen. p. 624 B.

1565 Pausan. II. 21. 3. Comp. Schol. Soph. Aj. 14. Eurip. Phœn. 1386.
Athene was evidently the patron of the trumpeters, under the name
Σάλπιγξ, at Argos (an allusion to which see in Æsch. Eum. 556. Soph.
Aj. 17.), because she was tutelar deity of the flute-players; and
this was also the case at Sparta. For it is plain from Polyænus I.
10. that the διαβατήρια were offered to Athene on the boundaries (b.
III. ch. 12. § 5.) only because she presided over the flutes, by
which the army was conducted.

1566 Athen. XII. p. 517 A. de XIV. p. 627 D. Plutarch Mus. 26.

1567 Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Athen. XIV. 626. Plutarch ubi sup. Lucian de
Saltat. 10. Dio Chrysost. Or. XXXII. p. 380. Reisk. Gell. N. A. I.
11. Eustath. ad Il. ψ᾽. p. 1320. 3. ed. Rom.

1568 Fragm. 14. ed. Welcker. Pausanias III. 17. 5. mentions flute, lyre,
and cithara together. The fabulous narration of Polyænus appears to
me to be historically refuted by Alcman, as also by that remarked in
b. II. ch. 8. § 11.

1569 Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Compare Strabo X. p. 483 B.

1570 B. III. ch. 2. § 4. ch. 12. § 5, 10.

1571 V. 70. See Lucian de Saltat. 10.

1572 The Ἀδώνιον was one kind of the ἐπιβατήρια, according to Hesyehius,
whose gloss ὅπερ ὕστερον παρὰ Λεσβίοις ὠνομάσθη, as well as the name
itself, is by no means clear. Ἐνόπλια μέλη ἐμβατήρια in Athenæus
XIV. p. 630 F. Valckenaer ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 283. is also of
opinion that the σαρσίτειος χορὸς to the flute was an ἐμβατήριον
(from θαρρεῖν); but an ἐμβατήριον was not a chorus.