Chapter XI: Letter III: Roxbury, December 24, 1772 (2)

Various causes might contribute toward the outrageous attack upon the house and property of Mr. Hutchinson. As long back as 1748, the currency having depreciated to about an eighth of its original value, he, being then speaker of the house, projected and carried through a bill for abolishing it, and substituting gold and silver in its place, which made him extremely obnoxious to several who had lived by fraud, and were much dissatisfied with the alteration. They then threatened him with destruction; and retaining their rancour, are supposed to have been aiders and abettors, if not actors in the riot. A certain gentleman of great integrity, and who fills a place in the judicial department with much credit, and to the satisfaction of the public, has expressed a strong apprehension that the mob was led on to the house by a secret influence, with a view to the destruction of certain papers, know to be there, and which, it is thought, would have proved, that the grant to the New-Plymouth compay on Kennebec river, was different from what was contended for by some claimants. The papers were never found afterward.—But Mr. _Hutchinson_ had certainly disgusted the people exceedingly, by promoting the superior court’s granting writs of assistance; and by showing himself so strenuous in supporting government, when become odious, by the measures adopted for obliging the colonies to pay taxes in compliance with British acts of parliament.—He was also strongly suspected of having forwarded the stamp act, by letters written upon the occasion. These circumstances, co-operating with the general disposition in the people to tumult, produced by a prevailing persuasion, that they were deprived of the liberties of Englishmen, will account for the excessive outrages against him in particular. But their enormity was alarming. No one knew who might be the next sacrafice. The town of Boston, therefore, beside condemning them the next day, unanimously voted, “That the select men and magistrates be desired to use their utmost endeavours to suppress the like disorders for the future:” and for some time, the magistrates and private gentlemen, the cadet and other companies, kept watch at night to prevent further violences.

In justice to Mr. _Hutchinson_, it must be observed, that from his letters to Messrs. _Bollan_, _Jackson_, and others, it appears, that he then considered parliament’s taxing the colonies as inconsistent with the rights of the colonists, and as a mere act of power, without regard to equity. He was at the trouble of writing a pamphlet in 1764, cantaining _A brief state of the claim of the colonies, and the interests of the nation with respect to them_. This, when he had disguised it so as that it might not be suspected to come from America, he sent to Mr. Jackson the agent, who was either to suppress or publish it; and he afterward expressed a surprise at his not having done the latter. The following are extracts from it.

“The right to new acquired countries, according to the constitution of England, two hundred years ago, was allowed to be in the crown. The crown from time to time disposed of these countries not only to their own subjects, but to foreign princes: particulary _Acadia_ and _Nova-Scotia_, when begun to be settled by British subjects, were ceded to _France_, although France had no better claim to them than New-England: and _Surinam_ was sold to, or exchanged with the _Dutch_.” He might have adduced in proof of James I. being of opinion, that he had a personal right to alienate at pleasure new acquired territory, his granting, in September 1621, _Nova-Scotia_, which he could not inherit but as king of England, to Sir _William Alexander_, of Menstry, afterward Lord Stirling, under the seal of Scotland; and his erecting it into a palatinate, to be holden as a fief of the crown of Scotland. Under the same seal, and in the same words, the grant was confirmed by Charles I. in June 1625. The legality of these grants appear not to have been questioned at the time, which indicates that the prevailing opinion of the English corresponded then with that of their sovereigns.

Mr. Hutchinson goes on to mention, “_American_ lands in their natural state are of no value; there is not any colony which has not cost more to render it capable of rendering profit than it is now worth.”

“In the trading towns, in some of the colonies the last war, one fourth part of the profit of the trade was annually paid to the support of the war, and other public charges. In the country towns, a farm which would not rent for twenty pounds a year, paid ten pounds taxes. Was it from parental affection to the colonists, and to save them from French vassalage, that Great-Britain was at such expence; or was it from fear of losing the advantageous trade she had carried on with her colonies?”

“When there is peace in Europe, what occasion is there for any national expence in America?”

“It cannot be good policy to tax the Americans; it will prove prejudicial to the national interests. The advantages proposed by the increase of the revenue, are fallacious and delusive. You will lose more than you will gain. Britain reaps the profit of all their trade, and the increase of all their substance.”

“Your commerce with the colonies will be enough for you, should you have no commerce elsewhere, if you encourage, the colonies to increase the consumption of your manufactures for fifty years to come, as they have done for fifty years past; and with no more than reasonable encouragement they will infallibly do it, and in much greater proportion.”

Though the disturbances began in _Boston_ yet they were not confined to the _Massachusetts_. They broke out in the other colonies; and so near to the same time, as to excite suspicions that it was not wholly the effect of accident, but partly of a pre-concerted design. _Rhode-Island_ and _Providence Plantations_ shewed themselves among the foremost in their opposition to the stamp act.

[Aug. 24.] A gazette extraordinary was published at _Providence_, with _Vox populi, Vox Dei_, in large letters for the frontispiece; and underneath, _Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty_. The publication had a tendency to prepare the people for action. Effigies were also exhibited; and in the evening cut down and burnt by the populace.

[27.] About nine in the morning, the people of _Newport_, in _Rhode-Island_, brought forth three effigies, meant for Messrs. _Howard_, _Moffat_, and _Johnson_, in a cart, with halters about their necks, to a gallows near the town-house, where they were hung; after a while cut down, and burnt amid the acclamations of thousands.

[28.] By the next day there was time enough to hear of what had been done at _Boston_. The people collected, or rather were mustered afresh, and beset the house of Mr. _Martin Howard_, jun. a lawyer of reputation, and a writer in defence of the parliament’s right to tax the colonies. They destroyed every thing, and left only a shell. They passed on to Dr. _Thomas Moffat’s_, a physician, one who had warmly supported in conversation the same right, and behaved in like manner. They intended doing it to Mr. _Augustus Johnson_, but desisted upon persuasion; and on his coming to town, and giving it under his hand that he would not accept the office of distributor of the stamps, unless the public were satisfied, they became quiet. Messrs. Howard and Moffat hastened on board a ship of war for personal protection.

The commotions in _Connecticut_ were not equally violent; but Mr. _Ingersoll_ was the subject of exhibition in several places.

[Aug. 22.] They had their pageantry at _Norwich_, which they committed to the flames when the day closed.

[26.] They had the same at _Lebanon_; but before they executed and burnt, they had a parade of a mock trial.

[27.] The next day there was a repetition of the like, excepting the trial. At length the resentment against the stamp distributor became so general and alarming, that he resigned his office.

A like resignation takes place in _New-York_, some time in August. It becomes a necessary point of prudence from the spirit which the citizens discover. The stamp act is treated with the most indignant contempt, by being printed and cried about the streets, under the title of, _The folly_ of ENGLAND _and ruin of_ AMERICA. Toward the end of October the stamp papers arrive; and Mr. M‘Evers having resigned, lieutenant governor Colden takes them into _Fort George_. Some extraordinary preparations for securing them, having displeased the inhabitants, joined to the dislike they have entertained to Colden’s political sentiments, [Nov. 1.] and its being the day for the stamp act to take place, numbers are induced to assemble in the evening. They proceed to the fort walls; break open his stable; take out his coach; and, after carrying it through the principal streets of the city in triumph, march to the common, where a gallows is erected; on one end of which they suspend his effigy, having in his right hand a stamped bill of lading, and in the other, a figure for the devil. After hanging a considerable time, they carry the whole, with the gallows entire, the coach preceding, in procession to the gate of the fort; from whence it is removed to the bowling-green, under the muzzles of the guns, where a bonfire is immediately made, and all, coach included, are consumed amid the exultations of some thousands of spectators. They go from hence to major _James’s_ house, before known by the name of _Vaux-Hall_, which is genteelly furnished, contains a valuable library, and many curiosities, and has a handsome garden belonging to it. They strip it of every article, make another bonfire, and consume the whole, beside destroying the garden; and all because of his being a friend to the stamp act.

[Nov. 2.] The next morning a paper is privately drawn up, and given to a man to read from the balcony of the coffee-house, to and about which the citizens are used to frequent; it sets forth the necessity of being peaceable, and calls upon the inhabitants to turn out with their arms upon any alarm, and quell all riotous proceedings. The effect it appears to have upon being heard, is frustrated by captain _Isaac Sears_, who formerly commanded a privateer, and is bitterly set against the stamp act. Having been secretly informed in the morning what is to be done, he is present, and tells the populace who collect about him, “The intention of the proposal that has been read, is to prevent our having the stamp papers;” and adds, “but we will have them within four and twenty hours.” He then flourishes his hat, and cries, “Huzza, my lads.” They immediately comply in loud shouts. He turns to several gentlemen present, and says, “Your best way, as you may now see, will be to advise lieutenant governor _Colden_ to send the stamp papers from the fort to the inhabitants.” In the evening the mob assemble, and insist upon his delivering them into their hands. He hopes to satisfy them, by declaring he will do nothing in relation to the stamps, but leave it to Sir Henry Moore to do as he pleases on his arrival. The people are not contented; they will have the stamps, or attempt taking them away by force; which must probably be attended with much bloodshed. After repeated negociation, it is agreed that they shall be delivered to the corporation; which is accordingly done, and they are deposited in the city-hall, to general satisfaction. Ten boxes of the like, which arrive afterward, meet with a worse fate, being committed to the flames.

The destruction of major _James’s_ house, (for it was reduced to a shell) convinced the gentlemen who were standing up for the rights of the colonies, that it was necessary to have leaders to manage the mob. It was therefore contrived to call the people together.

[Nov. 6.] They met in the fields; and it was proposed, that a committee be appointed to open a correspondence with the other colonies. This was a measure of so serious and important a nature, as to endanger the lives and property of the committee, especially should the stamp act be enforced and carried through; and therefore there was no one, for more than half an hour who would venture to accept. Mr. _James De Lancey_, who had joined the popular side, in order to secure a seat in the assembly at the next general election, was nominated; but declined, pleading his being upon the committee to converse with the lawyers, on their proceeding to business without stamps, instead of suspending it, as they appeared to intend. At length, however, captain Sears, with four others, offered and were approved.

They agreed among themselves to sign all the letters with their several names, and to open a correspondence with all the colonies. The _Philadelphians_ were requested to forward their inclosed letters to the more southern states, and the _Bostonians_ to forward those for _New-Hampshire_.

Here we see another set of corrosponding sons of liberty originated to strengthen the opposition of the colonies to parliamentary taxation.

The commotions beyond _New-York_, did not terminate in similar excesses to what had happened there, at _Newport_ and _Boston_; but the exhibition of effigies in the day, the burning them at night, and other marks of displeasure, induced the stamp officers to resign. Some did it with a better grace than others. Mr. _George Mercer_, distributor for _Virginia_, arrived in the evening at _Williamsburg_. The people immediately urged him to resign. The next day he declined acting, in so genteel a manner, that he had the repeated acclamations of all present. At night the town was illuminated, the bells were set a ringing, and all was joy and festivity.

[Oct. 3.] At _Philadelphia_ upon the appearance of the ships having on board the stamps, all the vessels in the harbour hoisted their colours half-staff high; the bells were muffled and continued to tool till evening; and every ccuntenance added to the marks of sincere mourning. A large number of people chiefly of the presbyterian persuasion, and of the proprietary party, with _William Allen_, esq. the chief justice’s son at their head, assembled and endeavoured to procure the stamp distributor’s resignation. It had been for some time warmly talked of, that he ought to resign. Mr. _Hughes_ was obnoxious to both the presbyterian and the proprietary party; but particularly hateful to the latter as it was his _interest_, _assiduity_, and _influence_, in the _Pennsylvania_ house of assembly that enabled the province to send home Dr. _Franklin_ to present their petitions, for a change of govenment from proprietary to royal—a change highly disagreeable to each party. The body of quakers seemed disposed to pay obedience to the stamp act, and so did part of the church of _England_, and of the baptists not under proprietary influence. But no pains were spared to engage the _Dutch_ and lower class of people in the opposition; and though Mr. _Hughes_ held out long,[84] yet he found it necessary at length to comply.

Mr. _Hood_, stamp distributor for _Maryland_, that he might avoid resigning fled to _New-York_, and obtained protection in the fort. Upon Sir _Henry Moor’s_ arrival he left the fort, and went to _Long-Island_. A number of the freemen crossed over unexpectedly; surprised him; obliged him to sign a paper, declaring his absolute and final resignation; and then took him before a magistrate, to whom he read the paper, and afterward made oath to the matter therein contained.

At _Boston_ they took care to keep up the spirit of liberty, though they avoided former violence. [Sept. 21.] A new political paper appeared, under the significant title of “The Constitutional Courant, containing matters interesting to _liberty_, and no ways repugnant to _loyalty_; printed by _Andrew Marval_, at the sign of the _Bribe refused_, on _Constitution Hill, North America_.” It wore a more significant head-piece—a snake cut into eight pieces, the head part having N E, The initials of _New-England_ affixed to it, and the rest the initials of the other colonies to _South-Carolina_ inclusive and in order, NY, NJ, P, M, V, NC, SC.—The device accompanying them was, JOIN or DIE.

[Nov. 1.] The morning of the day when the stamp act took place, was ushered in with the tolling of bells. The large old elm (which since the fourteenth of August, when the riots began, had been adorned with an inscription, and obtained the name of _liberty tree_, as the ground under it had that of _liberty hall_—and which gave rise to other trees being so called, upon an appropriation to popular purposes by the sons of liberty) was decorated with two effigies. They were cut down at there o’clock amid the acclamations of thousands, carried about town, then to the gallows upon the Neck, there hung up again, after a while cut down, torn in pieces, and scattered. The people repaired home; and the evening passed away quietly. But a transaction took place afterward not much to the credit of the town.

[Dec. 16.] Mr. _Oliver_ was called upon by a letter from (as is was improperly signed) _the true sons of liberty_, to make a public resignation of his office on the morrow under liberty tree. He desired a gentleman to interpose, and procure him at least leave to resign in the town-house; but after several consultations, nothing more could be obtained than a promise of having no affront offered, and a proposal to invite the principal persons of the town to accompany him. He was obliged to repair to liberty tree; there to read his declaration in the presence of more than two thousand people; and then to swear to it before a justice, on the spot for that purpose. The cool, firm, and judicious sons of liberty must condemn this procedure toward the secretary, as mean, revengeful and cruel. It was torturing his feelings afresh, as upon a stage, in the most conspicuous manner, after having been terrified into a resignation four months before; and when it might be expected, that the bitterness of the resentment against him was ended.

The opposition to the stamp officers was not confined to the continent. The people of St. _Kitts_ obliged the distributor and his deputy to resign. _Barbadoes_ submitted to the act. _Jamaica_ in general cleared out with stamps; but _Kingston_, as before, without. Upon the continent, _Canada_ and _Halifax_ submitted.

The general fears that individuals were under, either of distributing or using stamps, was increased in one government by the following paper, pasted up at the door of every public office, and at the corner of the streets—

Pro Patria.

The first man that either distributes or makes use of stamped paper, let him take care of his house, person, and effects.

We dare
Vox populi.

The public resentment was kept alive and lively by the contemptuous treatment which the stamp act itself met with, being openly burnt in several places with the effigies of the officers; and by caricatures, pasquinades, puns, bon mots, and such vulgar sayings fitted to the occasion, as being short, could be most easily circulated and retained, while, being extremely expressive, they carried with them the weight of great many arguments.

The resignation of the officers, and the want of persons, either to undertake the delivery of stamps or to receive and use them, necessarily laid the colonists under a legal inability for doing business, according to parliamentary law. They however ventured upon it, and risked the consequence. The vessels sailed from the ports as before; excepting that, in some instances, a certificate was given, that the person appointed to distribute stamped papers in the province, refused to deliver them, which certificate being handed by the masters to the naval officer, they were admitted to give bond in his office, and to pass through the other offices without stamps. The _Rhode-Island_ and _Providence_ Plantations kept their courts open the whole time, even when they were suspended in the other colonies. Toward the end of November it was agreed in _Maryland_ and _Virginia_ to proceed on business in the usual manner without stamps. In the Massachusetts the popular party so far prevailed, that the house of assembly resolved, January the twenty-third, 1766, “That the shutting up the courts of justice is a very great grievance; and that the judges, justices, and all other public officers in this province ought to proceed as usual.” But when the superior court opened, on the eleventh of March, the parties concerned evaded the prosecuting of business. The lawyers in a body waited, as usual, upon the judges, on the first day of the term, before they went into the court. The chief justice, Mr. Hutchinson, not being present at this meeting, Mr. Peter Oliver said he attended according to his duty, and that he understood it would be expected that he and his brethren should proceed in business in defiance of the late act of parliament: such proceeding, he added, was contrary to his judgment and opinion; and if he submitted io it, it would only be for self-preservation, as he knew he was in the hands of the populace: he therefore previously protested, that all such acts of his, if they sould happen, would be acts under duress. To which the other judges assenting, it was proposed to each of the lawyers singly, _Do you desire that business should proceed contrary to the act of parliament?_ Every one of them answered in the negative, even Mr. Otis himself.—But they said, it would be proper to try a cause or two to quiet the people: accordingly one cause, which had been at issue before the stamp act took place, was tried and all other civil business was postponed to the middle of April.

Though the violent and righteous proceedings, which have been noticed, were severely censured by many; and numbers in all the colonies might seem inclined to submit to the stamp act, yet the right of imposing it was universally condemned, and the colonial rights as universally acceded to by the most peaceably disposed. The resolutions of the _Pennsylvania_ assembly, which met at _Philadelphia_ in September 1765, were passed _nemine contradicente_; and left upon their minutes, “as a testimony of the zeal and ardent desire of that house, to preserve their inestimable rights, which as _Englishmen_ they possessed ever since the province was settled, and to transmit them to their latest posterity.” They “resolved, That the only legal representatives of the inhabitants of this province, are the persons they annually elect to serve as members of assembly—Resolved, therefore, That the taxation of the people of this province by any other persons whatsoever, than such their representatives in assembly, is unconstitutional, and subversive of their most valuable rights—Resolved, That the laying of taxes upon the inhabitants of this province, in any other manner, being naturally subversive of public liberty, must of necessary consequence, be utterly destructive of public happiness.”[85] There might not be so many quakers in the house as usual; the times probably occasioned a larger choice out of other denominations; but there must have been several, and these we find acquiesced. These resolutions are as much opposed to the claims of the British parliament, as are those of the _Massachusetts_ assembly, passed October the twenty-ninth. Indeed the latter dwell more upon the unalienable essential rights of mankind, of which these cannot be divested, consistent with the law of God and nature, by any law of society; and they evidently mark it out, in their opinion, as one of those rights, that no man can justly take the property of another without his consent. They also resolved, that a representation in parliament of the inhabitants of their province, such as the subjects of Britain actually enjoy, is impracticable for the subjects in America.[86]—But both assemblies, though their expressions differed, agreed in resolving, that the extensions of the court of admiralty within the provinces, is a most violent infraction of the right of trials by juries. The resolves of the _Maryland_ and _Connecticut_ assemblies, passed, the one September the twenty-eighth, and the other November the first, breathed the same spirit.[87]

[Oct. 31.] But we have now to attend to a judicious measure pursued by the _New-York_ merchants, the more effectually to obtain a repeal of the stamp act. They resolved to direct their correspondents not to ship any more goods till it was repealed; and that they would not sell any goods upon commission, which should be shipped from Britain, after the first of January, unless upon that condition. They were the foremost in adopting the non-importation agreement; and recommended the like conduct to the _Massachusetts_, and the neighboring provinces in trade.

[Nov. 7.] The merchants and traders of _Philadelphia_ had a general meeting, and entered into a similar agreement. Some quakers, who would not sign the combination, thought it prudent to be governed by the same restriction; and gave directions that the goods ordered should not be sent, unless the stamp act was repealed.

It was not till December the ninth, that the merchants and traders of Boston resolved upon a non-importation. Government may deem such combinations illegal, as they are apt to do all that are opposed to their own measures; but surely the case of communities is bad indeed, if they have not a right voluntarily to agree among themselves, merely to suspend buying till they can obtain their own terms, when equitable.

The peaceable line pursued in these agreements, had not been attended to by all who opposed the stamp act. They therefore, for their own safety, had a recourse to another, which might have drenched the country with blood, had not the repeal prevented. The way had been prepared by the publication of a system of politics, which appeared originally in the New-York papers, the principal point of which was, that the colonies are no otherwise related to Great-Britain than by having the same king. The essays meant to propagate and support this system, made their first appearance in the New-York prints, but most probably some of the manuscripts were sent from Boston. The New-York sons of liberty had, at length, a meeting, wherein they resolved, that they would go to the extremity, with lives and fortunes to prevent the stamp act. This spirit produced the following agreement between them and the sons of liberty in Connecticut:

[Dec. 25.] “Certain reciprocal and mutual agreements concessions and associations made, concluded, and agreed upon by and between the sons of liberty of the colony of _New-York_, of the one part, and of the sons of liberty of the colony of _Connecticut_, on the other part, this twenty-fifth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign lord _George_ the Third, by the grace of God, of _Great-Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, king, defender of the faith, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five.

“The aforesaid parties taking into their most serious consideration the melancholy and unsettled state of _Great-Britain_ and her _North-American_ colonies, proceeding, as they are fully persuaded, from a design in her most insidious and inveterate enemies, to alienate the affections of his majesty’s most loyal and faithful subjects of _North-America_ from his person and government—Therefore to prevent as much as in us lies, the dissolution of so inestimable an union, they do, in the presence of _Almighty God_, declare, that they bear the most unshaken faith and true allegiance to his majesty king _George_ the Third—that they are most affectionately and zealously attached to his royal person and family, and are fully determined, to the utmost of their power, to maintain and support his crown and dignity, and the succession as by law established; and with the greatest cheerfulness they submit to his government, according to the known and just principles of the BRITISH CONSTITUTION, which they conceive to be founded on the eternal and immutable principles of justice and equity, and that every attempt to violate or wrest it, or any part of it, from them, under whatever pretence, colour, or authority, is an heinous sin against God, and the most daring contempt of the people, from whom (under God) all just government springs. From a sacred regard to all which, and a just sense of the impending evils that might befal them in consequence of such a dreadful dissolution, they do hereby voluntarily, and of their own free will, as well for the support of his majesty’s just prerogative and the British constitution, as their own mutual security and preservation, agree and concede to associate, advise, protect, and defend each other in the peaceable, full, and just enjoyment of their inherent and accustomed rights as British subjects of their respective colonies, not in the least desiring any alteration or innovation in the grand bulwark of their liberties and the wisdom of ages, but only to preserve it inviolate from the corrupt hands of its implacable enemies—And whereas a certain pamphlet has appeared in America, in the form of an act of parliament, called and known by the name of the _Stamp Act_, but has never been legally published or introduced, neither can it, as it would immediately deprive them of the most invaluable part of the British constitution, viz. the trial by juries, and the most just mode of taxation in the world, that is, of taxing themselves; rights that every British subject becomes heir to as soon as born. For the preservation of which, and every part of the British constitution, they do reciprocally resolve and determine to march with the utmost dispatch, at their own proper costs and expence, on the first proper notice (which must be signified to them by at least six of the sons of liberty) with their whole force, if required, and it can be spared, to the relief of those that shall, are, or may be in danger from the _stamp act_, or its promoters and abettors, or any thing relative to it, on account of any thing that may have been done in opposition to its obtaining—and they do mutually and most fervently recommend it to each other to be vigilant in watching all those who, from the nature of their offices, vocations or dispositions, may be the most likely to introduce the use of stamped papers, to the total subversion of the British constitution and American liberty; and the same, when discovered, immediately to advise each other of, let them be of what rank or condition soever; and they do agree that they will mutually, and to the utmost of their power, by all just ways and means, endeavor to bring all such betrayers of their country to the most condign punishment—and further, they do mutually resolve to defend the liberty of the press in their respective colonies from all unlawful violations and impediments whatever, on account of the said act, as the only means (under divine Providence) of preserving their lives, liberties, and fortunes, and the same in regard to the judges, clerks, attornies, &c. that shall proceed without any regard to the _stamp act_, from all pains, fines, mulcts, penalties, or any molestation whatever—and finally, that they will, to the utmost of their power, endeavor to bring about, accomplish and perfect the like association with all the colonies on the continent, for the like salutary purposes, and no other.”

The opposition to the stamp act raged apparently more in New-York and Connecticut than in the Massachusetts; but the association being agreed upon, was sent by express to the sons of liberty at Boston, and received Sunday the second of February, 1766. On its receipt, letters were forwarded to a few individuals; and on the sixth of February, a circular letter to the several towns in the colony, containing the association and the desire of the first original associators to accomplish the like association, with a request to be informed of the sentiments and dispositions of the people in such towns. A letter was also sent on the same subject, to the sons of liberty at Portsmouth, in Hampshire colony. They met; and in their answer of February the eighth, testified their approbation of the measure already taken, and their determination to oppose the execution of the stamp act, &c.

The Boston sons of liberty accepted the proposal of uniting themselves to _New-York_ and _Connecticut_; and in their letter to the brotherhood at _Norwich_, proposed to commence a continental union, of which the latter greatly approved in their answer of February the tenth.

On February the thirteenth, the sons of liberty at _Boston_ wrote a _circular letter_ to _New-Hampshire_, _Connecticut_, and _New-York_; and before the month was ended, the _New-Yorkers_ sent circular letters as far as _South-Carolina_, urging a continental union.

Most of the towns in the _Massachusetts_ having been applied to, signified “their determination to march with their whole force to the support of the British constitution, and consequently the relief of those that shall or may be in danger from the stamp act, or its abettors.”

It is not to be supposed, that the disorderly proceedings above related, were chargeable solely on the dregs of the colonies.—The sons of liberty at New-York, who held regular meetings, were said to be directed by much greater persons than any that appeared among them. The mobs consisted not of mere rabble; but were composed much of independent freemen and freeholders, so that some of the first people in the provinces were intimidated, and left the cause of the parliament without proper support. Merchants, assemblymen, magistrates, &c. united directly or indirectly in the riots, and without their influence and instigation the lower class of inhabitants would have been quiet; but great pains were taken to rouse them into action. At _Boston_ such was the protection and countenance given to the rioters, that some of the principal ringleaders walked the streets with impunity, no officer daring to attack them, no attorney-general to prosecute them, no witness to appear against them, and no judge to sit upon them. But when the enormities are said to have originated from the Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the charge must be imputed to malevolence, or to gross ignorance, or a mixture of both. The gentlemen on the side of government who were upon the spot, in their letters written at the time, placed them to the account of the _Virginia_ resolves. Mr. _Hutchinson_ tells his correspondent, “Nothing extravagant appeared in the papers till an account was received of the _Virginia_ resolves.” Mr. _Hughes_ writes, “the fire began in Virginia:”—governor _Bernard_, “the publishing the _Virginia_ resolutions proved an alarm bell to the disaffected:” another, in his letter to Mr. Secretary _Conway_ from _New-York_, “the resolves of the assembly of _Virginia_ gave the signal for a general outcry over the continent.” The _Virginians_ are episcopalians and if there is either blame or merit in exciting that fixed and spirited opposition to the stamp act which followed upon their resolves, let them be credited for the same; to them belongs the honor or disgrace; and solely to particular colonies the disgrace of the several enormites committed in them. The bulk of the people at _Boston_ are congregationalists; at _New-York_, the presbyterians, including the Dutch and foreign societies, may possibly be fully equal to, or even exceed the episcopalians. At _Newport_ all denominations are equally encouraged, and enjoy no ascendency over each other, and therefore might be equally concerned, the peaceable quakers excepted. At _New-York_ the most violent actors were episcopalians; at _Boston_ congregationalists; though here they were joined by a number of episcopalians, and there by a number of presbyterians.

People in _Britain_ were differently affected by the disturbances in the colonies. This party was for supporting the authority of parliament at all adventures, and for enforcing the stamp act, if needful, with the point of the sword: that for quieting the colonies by the repeal of it. Happy for them, Mr. _Grenville_ and his party had thrown themselves out of place on a difference as to the regency bill; so that the marquis of _Rockingham_, and others in opposition, who were better inclined to the Americans, came into office, July 10, 1765. The marquis and his friends did not come to a resolution directly to repeal the act. The main lines of their own plan were not marked out, nor the repeal determined upon, until a little before the meeting of parliament. But the choice of the measure, and of the principle to proceed upon was made before the session. The papers relative to American affairs were produced to the house of commons; and it was a kind of plan on all sides, to maintain the authority of parliament, and by that very authority to give the colonies every relief the nature of the case required. But the great commoner Mr. _Pitt_, who neither communicated, nor connected himself with any one, came to the house and declared, that parliament had _no right_ to tax the colonies; and said also, _I am glad America has resisted_. He hereby deranged matters; threw the opposition into a rage; and reduced the ministry to a necessity of accompanying the repeal, with a declaratory bill, expressive of the _right_ of parliament to _bind_ the colonies _in all cases whatsoever_.

[1766.] Mr. _Grenville_ moved that the stamp act should be enforced, and was supported by 134, but opposed by 274—The merchants and manufacturers joined their efforts with ministry to obtain a repeal. They were alarmed at the non-importation agreement, and the confusions which existed, as being necessarily prejudicial to their own interests, and tending to the destruction of commerce. The ministry did not fail to encourage petitions, complaining of hardships brought on by the great decay of trade to the American colonies; and also instructions to members from the trading and manufacturing towns. The petition of congress was not admitted; the members not being called together by the authority of the crown, though a futile, was yet a prevailing argument against its admission. But the repeal was grounded on the other petitions; and after a six weeks inquiry into _American_ affairs, was moved for, with the greatest propriety, by general _Conway_, the secretary, who had opposed the stamp bill at the second reading, and denied the right of parliament to tax the Americans. The debate, which ensued, was warm, interesting and long. But, by three o’clock in the morning, “[Feb. 22.] the house, by an independent noble spirited and unexpected majority, in the teeth of all the old mercenary _Swiss_ of the state, in despite of all the speculators and augurs of political events, in defiance of the whole embattled legion of veteran pensioners and practised instruments of court, gave a total repeal to the stamp act, and (if the scheme of taxing the colonies had been totally abandoned) a lasting peace to the whole empire.”[88] The motion was carried by 275 against 167. The cyder counties supported it; for they expected a repeal of the duty on cyder, and obtained it in April. It has been said, that had not the ministry bartered the stamp act against the repeal of the cyder duty, they would not have succeeded.[89] This however must be a false charge, if the former marked paragraph is strictly true. During the debate, “the trading interests of the empire crammed into the lobbies of the house of commons, with a trembling and anxious expectation, and waited, almost to a winter’s return of light, their fate from the resolution of the house. When at length, they had determined in their favor, and the doors thrown open, showed them the figure of their deliverer, in the well earned triumph of his important victory, from the whole of that grave multitude there arose an involuntary burst of gratitude and transport. They jumped upon him, like children on a long absent father. They clung about him as captives about their redeemer, All _England_ joined in his applause. Nor did he seem insensible of the best of all earthly rewards, the love and admiration of his fellow citizens. _Hope elevated, and joy brightened his crest._”[90]

The ministry had certainly great difficulties to encounter: the principal originated in the colonies, and were caused by the intemperate proceedings of the various ranks of men within them. “Their violence awakened the honor of parliament, especially after Mr. _Pitt’s_ speech, and thereby involved every friend of the repeal into the imputation of betraying its dignity. This is so true, that the act could not have been repealed, had not men’s minds been in some measure satisfied with the _declaration of right_.”[91] All the _Scotch_ members, save two, voted against the repeal. Mr. Bollan, who informed lieutenant-governor Hutchinson of it by letter, omitted mentioning the names of the gentlemen.

The bill having passed the house of commons, went up to the house of lords. Lords _Bute_ and _Strange_ publicly declared, that his majesty’s wish was nor for a repeal. The marquis of _Rockingham_ and Lord _Shelberne_ went together to the king, and told what was reported. They were informed, that his majesty had expressed his desire that it should be inforced; but if it could not be done peaceably and without bloodshed, it was his sincere desire and intention that it should be totally repealed. The dukes of York and Cumberland, the lords of the bedchamber and the officers of the household, were for carrying fire and sword to America. Most of the bench of bishops joined them. Instead of ascribing that to a sanguinary disposition, to which their profession was opposed; let it be imputed to the painful prospect of being hindered eventually from establishing the English hierarchy whithin the American colonies. There was in the house of lords, proxies included, for the repeal 105, against it, 71.

On Wednesday, March the nineteenth, his majesty went to the house of peers, and passed the bill for repealing the American stamp act; as also that for securing the dependency of the colonies on the British crown. On this occasion the American merchants made a most numerous appearance, to express their gratitude and joy; ships in the river displayed their colours; houses at night were illuminated all over the city, and every decent and orderly method was observed, to demonstrate the just sense they entertained of his majesty’s goodness, and wisdom of parliament in conciliating the minds of the people on this critical occasion. An express was dispatched immediately to Falmouth, with letters to the different provinces, acquainting them with the news of the repeal: that so their fears might vanish, and give place to joy and exultation.