Chapter XXVI: Letter XIV: Roxbury, August 15, 1775 (2)

[June 9.] They having been applied to by a letter of May 16th from the Massachusetts convention, for their explicit advice, resolved, “That no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, nor to a governor or lieutenant-governor who will not observe the directions of, but endeavor to subvert that charter, the governor and lieutenant-governor of that colony are to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant; and as there is no council there, and the inconveniences arising from the suspension of the power of governments are intolerable; that, in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit and substance of the charter, it be recommended to the provincial convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places entitled to representation in assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that the assembly, when chosen, do elect counsellors; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government, until a governor of his majesty’s appointment will consent to govern the colony according to its charter.

[June 10.] It was recommended to the united colonies to collect salt-petre and sulphur, and to manufacture the same into gun-powder, for the use of the continent.

[June 14.] Congress agreed to the resolutions of the committee of the whole house, “That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia; and that each company, consisting of sixty-eight privates, beside officers, march as soon as completed, and join the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry.”

[June 15.] They proceeded to choose by ballot a general to command all the continental forces, and _George Washington_, esq. was unanimously elected.

[June 16.] The president informed him of the choice which the congress had made, and of their requesting his acceptance of that employment. Colonel Washington, standing in his place, answered,

“Mr. _President_,

“Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness, that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentuous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation.

“But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with.

“As to day, Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expences. Those, I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire.”

The colonel did not aspire to the honor of commanding the army; he was rather solicitous to avoid it, upon an apprehension of his inadequacy to the importance of the service. The partiality of congress, however assisted by a _political motive_, rendering his reasons unavailing; and led him to “_launch into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for his abilities, and far, very far beyond his experience_,” as his prevailing modesty induced him to express himself. He is doubtless active, attentive to business, temperate, humane, formed for gaining and securing the affections of officers and soldiers, far from haughty and supercilious, though naturally reserved, which is a quality that may secure him from answering, without offending many improper questions, that the New-Englanders will be likely to ask, for they are amazingly addicted to inquisitiveness; this is greatly owing to the equality that prevails among them, and leads them into those mutual freedoms, which are censured in places where distinction in fortune and rank are far more prevalent and disproportioned. The personal appearance of the colonel is noble and engaging. He certainly possesses strong powers of mind, which will tend much to supply in a short season, any present deficiencies, that the want of more extensive reading, and of more practical knowledge in military matters, may inevitably occasion. His days have been spent in America, and he has had little opportunity of seeing service. As you have already been informed, in 1755, he prevented the total ruin of the British troops after general Braddock’s defeat, by covering their retreat with his rangers; but he has never been accustomed to the command of a regular regiment, to which is to be imputed his saying to the volunteers he lately commanded in Virginia, that a gun and a good sword or hanger was all the soldier wanted, without mentioning a word of the bayonet—it was all that the ranger wanted. When the last French war was closed, the cessions made to Britain in these American regions, cut off all expectation of future hostile armies in the country; and made the professed study of the arts of war superfluous to a person inclined to the pleasure of a plantation.

Though the late Rev. Mr. Davis, whom you well remember when at London, inserted the following note in a sermon of his on some special occasion, “I may point out to the public that heroic youth colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country;” yet as no human knowledge could, at that period, fathom the events of the present day, and as there was no evidence of its being in a degree prophetic, it can be ascribed only to the admiration the author felt while contemplating the character of the colonel. But his being a person of strict honor and probity, was undoubtedly a main reason with congress for electing him to the chief command of the American army. They are fully persuaded of his patriotism, that it is not pretended; that he will not betray the cause of the united colonies; that he will not lavish away those scanty supplies, which call for the greatest œconomy; that he will never prey upon the vitals of his country to enrich himself, nor countenance others in doing it; that while he is entrusted with the power of the sword he will pay a sacred regard to the civil rights of his fellow-subjects; and that he will not add needless barbarity to the unavoidable horrors and calamities of war. He does not understand French; the knowledge of which many will view as an important accomplishment, especially should the continuance of the present rupture make the aid of France hereafter a desirable acquisition. But should the times ever induce French adventurers to repair in shoals to head-quarters, he may bless his ignorance for securing him from many impertinent, long, and tiresome applications of military men, of no eminence and little worth, mere soldiers of fortune, who are after rank and riches, both which the united colonies should deal out with a parsimonious hand, in accommodation to their own circumstances. He entered on the forty-fourth year of his age the 11th of last February. You will wish to know the _political motive_ which may have swayed colonel Washington. You must not look for it in any supposed neglect on the part of the British government, after he had done them such eminent service in covering the retreat of the troops in 1755. This may be insinuated to lessen his character. But did he even think himself slighted at the time, he would scarce have remembered it, much less have harbored any resentment upon the occasion, for twenty years together. The _political motive_ must certainly have been of another nature. It was probably complex. A common danger has united the colonies; but has not eradicated all the jealousies that before existed among them. New-York, Pennsylvania, and the colonies to the southward, have not such confidence in the Massachusetts Bay, as to admit that one of their own natives should be the commander in chief. There is too great a nationality among the Bay-men; such a one might be unduly prejudiced in favor of his own colony. Beside, colonel Washington and the other colonists were in pursuit of an honorable accommodation, and had not the most distant thought of separating from Great-Britain. They could not be certain, whatever was the case at present, that the Massachusetts would not shortly aim at a separation; it was then a matter of consequence who headed the army. Whatever some of the Massachusetts delegates might wish in their hearts, they perceived the necessity of accommodating themselves to the inclinations of others at such a crisis; and hence the unanimity with which colonel Washington has been elected; for though it was by ballot, it was not without pre-concerted counsel.

[June 17.] A draught of general Washington’s commission was agreed to, and ordered to be fairly transcribed, signed, and delivered to him; after which the congress declared, that they would maintain and assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the maintenance and preservation of American liberty. They then proceeded to choose by ballot, Artemas Ward, esq. first major-general, Horatio Gates adjutant-general, and Charles Lee, esq. second major-general. Two days after, they choose Philip Schuyler, esq. third major-general, and Israel Putnam, esq. unanimously, fourth major-general.

Having attended to the proceedings of the general congress down to the choice of their first officers to command the continental army, let us return to the Massachusetts.

[June 15.] The committee of safety, having received various accounts of the movements of general Gage’s army, and of his intention soon to make an attempt to penetrate into the country, recommended to the congress the ordering of all the militia to hold themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice; and to the council of war, the maintaining of Bunker’s Hill by a sufficient force posted thereon, and the taking of such steps respecting Dorchester Neck, as to them should appear to be for the security of the colony. Bunker’s Hill is just at the entrance of the peninsula of Charlestown, and is considerably high and large.

[June 16.] Orders were issued, that a detachment of a thousand men, under colonel Prescott, do march at evening, and entrench upon the hill. By some mistake Breed’s Hill, high and large like the other, but situated on the furthest part of the peninsula next to Boston, was marked out for the entrenchment instead of Bunker’s. The provincials proceeded therefore to Breed’s Hill; but were prevented going to work till near twelve o’clock at night, when they pursued their business with the utmost diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of day they had thrown up a small redoubt, about eight rods square. Such was the extraordinary silence which reigned among them, that they were not heard by the British on board their vessels in the neighboring waters. The sight of the works was the first notice that the Lively man of war had of them, when the captain began firing upon them, about four in the morning. The guns called the town of Boston, the camp, and the fleet, to behold a novelty which was little expected. The prospect obliged the British generals to alter the plan which they meant to execute the next day. They grew weary of being cooped up in Boston; and had resolved upon making themselves masters of Dorchester Heights, and securing the _elbow room_ which general Burgoyne proposed enjoying. But the present provincial movement prevented the expedition. They were now called to attempt possessing themselves of _Breed_’s Hill; on which the provincials continued working, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the enemy’s ships, a number of floating batteries, and a fortification upon _Copp_’s Hill in Boston, directly opposite to the little American redoubt. It is called Copp’s Hill, though the original name was Cope’s Hill, from the name of the first owner. An incessant shower of shot and bombs was rained by the batteries upon the American works, and yet but one man was killed. The Americans continued laboring indefatigably till they had thrown up a small breast-work, extended from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but were prevented completing it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. By some unaccountable error, the detachment which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor supplied with refreshment, but was left to engage under these disadvantages.

Between twelve and one o’clock, and the day exceeding hot, a number of boats and barges, filled with regular troops from Boston, approach Charlestown. The men are landed at Moreton’s Point. They consist of four battalions, ten companies of the grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a proportion of field artillery, but by some oversight their spare cartridges are much too big for them, so that when the Americans are at length forced from their lines, there is not a round of artillery cartridges remaining. Major-general Howe and brigadier-general Pigot, have the command. The troops form, and remain in that position till joined by a second detachment of light infantry and grenadier companies, a battalion of the land forces, and a battalion of marines, making in the whole near upon 3000 men. Generals Clinton and Burgoyne take their stand upon Copp’s Hill, to observe and contemplate the bloody and destructive operations that are now commencing. The regulars form in two lines, and advance deliberately, frequently halting, to give time for the artillery to fire, but it is not well served. The light infantry are directed to force the left point of the breast-work, and to take the American line in flank. The grenadiers advance to attack in front, supported by two battalions, while the left, under general Pigot, inclines to the right of the American line. One or two of the continental regiments had been posted in Charlestown; but afterward removed to prevent their being cut off by a sudden attack; so that the British are not hurt in the least by any musketry from thence, whatever may hereafter be pretended; neither do generals Clinton and Burgoyne perceive any[123] though properly stationed for observing all that passes. General Gage had for some sime resolved upon burning the town, when once any works were raised by the Americans upon the hills belonging to it;[124] and while the British are advancing nearer and nearer to the attack, orders come to Copp’s Hill for executing the resolution; soon after a carcass is discharged, which sets fire to an old house near the ferry way; the fire spreads, and most of the place is instantly in flames. The houses at the eastern end of Charlestown are fired by men landed from the boats. The regulars derive no advantage from the smoke of the conflagration, for the wind suddenly shifting, carries it another way, so that they have not the cover of it in their approach. The provincials have not a rifleman among them, not one being yet arrived from the southward; nor have they any rifle guns; they have only common muskets, nor are these in general furnished with bayonets; but then they are almost all marksmen, being accustomed to sporting of one kind or other from their youth. A number of the Massachusetts troops are in the redoubt and the part of the breast-work nearest it. The left of the breast-work, and the open ground stretching beyond its point to the water side, through which there has not been the opportunity of carrying the work, is occupied partly by the Massachusetts forces, and partly by the Connecticut, under capt. Nolton of Ashford, and the New-Hampshire, under colonel Stark.

By the direction of the officers, the troops upon the open ground pull up the post and rail fence, and carrying it forward to another of the same kind, and putting some newly mowed grass between them, form a slight defence in some parts. General Warren joins the Massachusetts forces in one place, and general Pomeroy in another. General Putnam is busily engaged in aiding and encouraging, here and there as the case requires. The provincials are impatiently waiting the attack of the enemy. What scenes now offer to our view! Here, a large and noble town, consisting of about 300 dwelling houses, and near upon 200 other buildings, in one great blaze, burning with amazing fury, being chiefly timber, with but little exception. The only place of worship, a large commodious meeting house, by its aspiring steeple, forms a pyramid of fire above the rest. There, in Boston, the steeples, houses, and heights, are covered with the inhabitants, and those of the military, whose duty does not call them elsewhere. Yonder, the hills around the country, and the fields, that afford a safe and distinct view of the momentous contest, are occupied by Americans of all ages and orders. The British move on steadily, but slowly, instead of using a quick step; which gives the provincials the advantage of taking surer and cooler aim. These reserve their fire till the regulars come within ten or twelve rods, when they began a furious discharge of small arms, by which the enemy is arrested, and which they return for some time without advancing a step. The stream of American fire is so incessant, and does such execution, that the regulars retreat in disorder, and with great precipitation toward the place of landing, and some seek refuge even in their boats. The officers are seen by the spectators on the opposite shore running down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and pushing them forward with their swords. At length they are rallied; but march with apparent reluctance up to the entrenchment. The Americans again reserve their fire, till the enemy come within five or six rods; then discharge their well directed pieces, and put them a second time to flight. Such is the loss already sustained, that several of the officers say, “It is downright butchery to lead the men on afresh against the lines.” But British honor is at stake; these must therefore be carried. General Howe and the officers double their exertions. General Clinton perceiving how the army is staggered, passes over, without waiting for orders, and joins them in time to be of service. The united and strenuous efforts of the different officers are again successful, notwithstanding the men discover an almost insuperable aversion to renewing the attack. The Americans are in want of powder, send for a supply, but can procure none; for there is but a barrel and a half in the magazine. This deficiency disables them from making the same defence as before; while the British reap a farther advantage by bringing some cannon to bear so as to rake the inside of the breast-work from end to end; upon which the provincials retreat within their fort. The regular army now makes a decisive push. The fire from the ships and batteries and field artillery is redoubled. The officers in the rear goad on the soldiers, and the redoubt is attacked on three sides at once. The provincials are of necessity ordered to retreat; but they delay, and keep the enemy at bay for some time with the butt end of their muskets, till the redoubt is half filled with regulars; the works of which are easily mounted, a few hours only having been employed in throwing them up.

While these operations are going forward, at the breast-work and redoubt, the light infantry are engaged in attempting to force the left point of the former, through the space between that and the water, that they may take the American line in flank. They exhibit repeated proofs of undaunted courage; but the resistance they met with is as formidable and fatal as what their fellow soldiers experienced in the other quarter. Here the provincials also, by command, reserve their fire till the enemy is near, and then pour in their shot upon the infantry with such a true direction, and amazing success, as to mow them down in ranks. Some of them are slightly guarded by the rail fences above mentioned: but others are quite exposed, and more than is needful; and the regulars will have no reason in future to charge them with fighting unfairly, because of their using defences not formed by military rules and workmen. The engagement between the two parties is kept up with great resolution, but the well-aimed fire of the Americans does astonishing execution; and the strenuous exertions of the regulars cannot compel them to retreat, till they observe that their main body has left the hill: when they give way but with more regularity than could be expected from troops who had been no longer under discipline, and in general never before saw an engagement.

The courage and conduct of the provincials that opposed the light infantry, saved their co-patriots, who were overpowered and obliged to retreat from the fort; and who must otherwise have been cut off, as the enemy, but for such opposition, would have been instantly upon the back of the redoubt. While these brave men were retreating, general Warren was shot in the back part of his head, on the right side:[125] having mechanically clapt his hand to the wound, he dropt down dead.

The retreat of the Americans lay over the Neck, which joined the peninsula of Charlestown to the main land; and the Glasgow man of war and two floating batteries were so stationed as to rake every part of it with her shot, it was feared that they would be cut off after all, but they retired with very little loss. The incessant fire kept up by the ship and batteries across the Neck from the beginning of the engagement, prevented any considerable reinforcements getting to the hill; but this was owing more to the cowardice of some provincial officers than to the execution of the shot.

The number of Americans engaged, including those who dared to cross the Neck and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; but the unengaged, who appeared in various parts, did, by their different movements, lead many of the Boston spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they consisted of some thousands.

It was feared by the Americans, that the British troops would push the advantage they had gained, and march immediately to head-quarters at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence. But they advanced no further than to Bunker’s Hill, of which they possessed themselves the night of their retreat from Lexington; and here they threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same upon Prospect Hill in front of them, about half way to Cambridge. The apprehensions of each side in regard to the other appeared to be similar. Both were guarding against an attack, in hopes of preventing it. Had the resolution of either led on immediately to a fresh engagement, the day would probably have been far more decisive. But the loss of the peninsula damped the courage of the Americans, and the loss of men depressed the spirits of the British. A veteran officer, who was at the battles of Dittengen and Minden, and at several others in Germany, has said, that for the time the engagement lasted, and the number of men in it, he never knew any thing equal it. There was a continued sheet of fire from the provincials for near half an hour, and the action was hot for about double that period. In this short space, the loss of the British, according to general Gage, amounted to 1054, of whom 226 were killed, of these 19 were commissioned officers, including a lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, and 7 captains; 70 other officers were wounded. Among those more generally regretted, were lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie and major Pitcairn, who occasioned the first shedding of blood at Lexington. The battle of Quebec, in the late war, with all its glory, and the vastness of the consequences it produced, was not so destructive to the British officers as this affair of an American entrenchment, the work of only a few hours. Even at the battle of Minden, where the British regiments sustained the force of the whole French army for a considerable time, the number of officers killed, including two who soon died of their wounds, was only 13, and the wounded remaining 66; their whole loss in killed, was 291, in wounded 1037, together 1328.[126] That the officers suffered so, must be imputed partly to their being aimed at by the Americans; and this may account for most of those who were near the person of general Howe being slain or disabled. It was a wonder that the general himself escaped. The men, habituated to take sight, would naturally aim at the officers, without expecting or waiting for orders, from an apprehension that much confusion would follow upon their dropping. Gage’s account of the killed and wounded is large, but does not equal by much, what has been given to one of the select men of Boston, remaining in the town, by a sergeant who declared he had seen the returns from the proper persons, the total of which was 1325. The light infantry and grenadiers, the moment they presented themselves, lost three-fourths of their men, and in a few instances more. Of one company only three or five, and of another only fourteen escaped. A number of tories served as volunteers, several of whom were killed. The unexpected resistance of the Americans called forth all the courage and exertions of the British officers, which did not fail upon the occasion; but whatever commendations they are entitled to upon that account, the Americans are certainly entitled to a proper portion of the like, for having made the same necessary. These have now wiped away the reproaches unjustly cast upon them by their enemies in Britain. Let such praise the spirited conduct of general Howe and of general Clinton, and attribute in a great measure the success of the day to the firmness and gallantry of general Pigot; but let them no more pronounce the colonists cowards, who will fly at the very sight of a grenadier’s cap. The British, beside gaining the peninsula, took thirty wounded prisoners, and five pieces of cannon out of six.

The loss of the provincials has been trifling. The killed and dead of their wounds, are 139; the wounded living, 278; and the missing 36, in all 453. They deeply regret the deaths of major general Warren, of colonel Gardner of Cambridge, of lieutenent-colonel Parker, of Clemsford, who was wounded taken prisoner, and perished in Boston jail; of major Moore and major M‘Clany, who were the only officers of distinction that they lost. But the death of general Warren will be most severely felt and occasions the greatest sorrow. His enemies bear testimony to his importance, by triumphing at his fall, and rating it as better to them than 500 men. Neither resentment nor interested views, but a regard to the liberties of his country induced him to oppose the measure of government. He stepped forward into public view, not that he might be noted and admired for a patriotic spirit, but because he _was_ a patriot. He was a gentleman of integrity, in whom the friends of liberty could confide. The soundness of his judgment enabled him to give good advice in private consultations. His powers of speech and reasoning commanded respect and gained him influence in the provincial congress. He aimed not at a separation from, but a coalition with Britain, upon a full redress of grievances, and a reciprocal intercourse of interests and affection. He was valued in private life for his engaging manners, and as a physician for his professional abilities. The death of an amiable consort had made his life of the greatest importance to his children; he was willing however to risk it in the service of the public. His intrepidity and zeal for the cause he had espoused, together with the electing voice of the provincial congress, induced him to enter upon the military line. Within four days after his appointment to a a major-generalship, he fell a noble sacrifice to the natural rights of mankind. He was of a middling size, and, of a lowish stature. The ladies pronouced him handsome.

The tories exulted upon the acquisition of the peninsula of Charlestown; but the experienced officers in the British service thought the advantage too dearly purchased, and their countenances became gloomy upon the occasion. The reason for it has been increasing from the frequent and multiplied deaths of the wounded. These have suffered greatly for want of fresh provisions and other supplies, which the country alone could furnish: many would have survived, had they been as well nursed as the wounded Americans out of Boston, of whom but few have died; with regard to the wounded prisoners in town, there are complaints of their having been ill-treated.

The burning of Charlestown, now a heap of ruins, though before the present troubles, a place of great trade, has not had the least tendency toward discouraging the provincials from prosecuting their opposition to ministerial measures, whatever might have been the intention of general Gage. It has not excited fear, but resentment, wrath and execration. Such military executions may distress and impoverish, but will not subdue the colonists. They might answer for the old world, but are not calculated for the new.

In the opinion of many, general Howe was chargeable with a capital error for landing and attacking as he did. It might originate from too great a confidence in the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous an opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He certainly might have entrapped the provincials by landing on the narrrowest part of Charlestown Neck, under the fire of the floating batteries and ships of war. Here he might have stationed and fortified his army, and kept up an open communication with Boston by a water carriage, which he would have commanded through the aid of the navy, on each side of the peninsula. Had he attempted this manœuvre, the provincials on observing it must have made a rapid retreat from Breed’s Hill, to have escaped having his troops in their rear, and being inclosed. It is said that general Clinton proposed it. The rejection of the proposal, if really made, has greatly weakened the British army, and probably prevented the ruin of the American.

The colonists may regret, that general Howe conquered at Breed’s Hill; but had the provincials driven him back into Boston it might have been of far greater detriment to the common cause, than the present situation of affairs. The Massachusetts colony would scarce have been easy under the appointment of general Washington to the chief command, had general Ward been crowned with the laurels of victory. The victory, as it stands, will make the appointment go down easily, and prevent objections. Not only so, but it has occasioned Gage’s dividing his army to secure the conquest he has made. He has another post to maintain which will employ so great a force, as to cramp his future operations. Besides, had the British been driven back into Boston, they might have removed to New-York, which would have answered their general design better than remaining cooped up in their present position. In that city and colony they would have had many more friends. There it is that the ministry have their greatest influence. That would have been the securest place for the troops, and where they might have procured those supplies from the country which they are now deprived of. By early reinforcements from Great-Britain, it might have been made so strong a post, as to have commanded the North-river, and cut of the communication between the colonies which that separates.

The provincials have been indefatigable in throwing up works and securing the most exposed parts of their lines, with strong redoubts, covered with artillery. They had strangely neglected fortifying the passage from the Neck to the post of Roxbury, and even the post itself: but since the Breed’s Hill battle they have compensated for the defect; and to make their defence the more perfect have pulled down a very good house (on a point where the road coming from Boston divides) which was built by governor Dudley, and to whose false politics many are ready to ascribe the early origin of those designs which the ministry are now endeavoring to accomplish. The ministerial army abound in military stores and artillery, and are not sparing in throwing shells and supporting a great cannonade upon the provincial works, especially at Roxbury. It was terrifying at first to raw troops, who, not being accustomed to, expected to suffer greatly by it. Some damage has been done among the houses in the street, one or two have been burnt, and a man or two killed. But the provincials stationed there have found by experience, that tho’ the noise is great, the damage is trifling, and therefore despise it. They are so hardened by repeated firing, that a cannonading is no more minded than a common thunder shower.

Breed’s Hill engagement excited fresh desires in the inhabitants of Boston to leave the town. The select men had given repeated assurances to general Gage, that they had delivered up their arms according to agreement. In order to justify his detaining them [June 19.] he issued a proclamation, in which he declared, that he had full proof of the contrary, and that many had been perfidious in that respect, and had secreted great numbers. Some few might secrete their sporting guns, or curious arms. No doubt however is to be made, but that the greatest part, or nearly all the training arms were delivered up. The impartial world will scarcely acquit him of having been guilty of a notorious breach of faith, even admitting his own plea. If individuals had not complied with the proposal of delivering up their arms, yet as the community had done it, the innocent were entitled to all the benefits of the agreement. Numbers were afterward allowed to quit the town, but not to take their effects, tho’ that was stipulated in the beginning; the allowance, however, was thought to be owing to a desire of reducing the consumption of provisions, when a scarcity was approaching.

The day the proclamation appeared, the chiefs and warriors of the _Oneida_ tribe of Indians, directed the following speech to governor Trumbull, to be communicated by him to the four New-England provinces:

“As my younger brothers of the New-England Indians, who have settled in the vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left behind—with this belt, by them, I open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.

“We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs that way; and we hope by the help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey.

“Now we more immediately address you our brother, the governor, and the chiefs of New-England.

“Brothers!—We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds.

“Brothers! Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians.—We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers.—The quarrel seems to be unnatural.—You are _two brothers of one blood_.—We are unwilling to join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you Old and New-England.—Should the great king of England apply to us for aid—we shall deny him.—If the colonies apply—we will refuse.—The present situation of you two brothers, is new and strange to us.—We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance.

“Brothers!—For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest.—We are for peace.

“Brothers!—Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we should look into the matter.—We hope through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed, and the dark clouds be dispersed.

“Brothers!—As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren in New-England for assistance.—Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle your own disputes betwixt yourselves.

“Brothers!—We have now declared our minds—please to write to us, that we may know yours. We the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of _Oneida_, send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other chiefs in New-England.”

Signed by _William Sunoghsis_, _Nicklasha Watshaleagh_, _William Kanaghquaesea_, _Peter Thayeheare_, _Jimmy Tekayaheare Nickhis Aghsenhare_, i. e. garter; _Thomas Yoghtanowea_, i.e. spreading the dew; _Adam Ohonwano_, _Quedellis Agwerondongwas_, i. e. breaking of the twigs; _Handereheks Tegahsweahdyen_, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended; _Johnko Skeanendo_, _Thomas Teondeatha_, i. e. a fallen tree. Above a hundred years back, a sachem of a family which was becoming extinct, adopted a numerous family, and to commemorate their own decay and extinction, called the adopted _Teondeatha_, which name is perpetuated, as are several of their family names.

The speech was dated from _Kononwarohare_, i. e. a head erected on a pole.

My friend the Rev. Mr. Samuel Kirkland, a missionary among the Oneidas, and who understands the language, interpreted and wrote the above. He tells me, that the Indian names of men, rivers and places, have often special meanings, alluding to events or qualities, as is much the case in the Hebrew language. The Indians are very deliberate in their speeches, often pausing, to engage a closer attention to what they deliver. They have a prevailing species of politeness, frequently wanting in the conversation of civilized Europeans, too apt to pronounce them savages and barbarians. They give close attention to the person addressing them. They do not interrupt him while speaking, but wait till he has finished; and consider it as great rudeness to be interrupted. In their councils every one is heard with patience in all that he has to say; profound silence reigns among the audience, to the exclusion o£ all disturbance, and there are no private confabulations

The above Indian speech seems to refer to one which had been delivered to the provincial congress eleven days before, by the Stockbridge delegate, being the answer of the Indians dwelling there, to a message of the former congress. This answer was—“Brothers! we have heard you speak by your letter—we thank you for it—we now make answer. Brothers! you remember when you first came over the great waters I was great and you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all round the world. I am become small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take care of me, and I look to you for protection. Brothers! I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and Old England. It appears that blood soon must be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came from. Brothers! Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about you to revenge my brother’s blood. Although I am low and very small, I will gripe hold of your enemy’s heel, that he cannot run so fast and so light as if he had nothing at his heels.

“Brothers! You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say—I have been thinking before you come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my Indian brethren the six nations, and know how they stand, whether they are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they have always looked this way for advice concerning all important news that comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger from behind you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know by me.—Now I think I can do you more service in this way, than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there; it may be a great while before blood runs. Now as I said, you are wiser than I, I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled.

“Brothers! I would not have you think by this that we are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and shall be guided by your counsel.

“Brothers! One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know.”

This speech was delivered the eleventh of April, 1775, by the chief sachem of the _Moheakounuck_ tribe of Indians, residing at Stockbridge, after sitting near two days in council. The provincial congress ordered the following reply on the eighth of June, viz.

“Brothers! We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of your friendly answer to our speech to you by captain William Goodrich, which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which we have not yet received. We now reply.

“Brothers! You say that you was once great, but that you are now little; and that we were once little, but are now great. The supreme spirit orders these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the path of friendship clear which our fathers made, and in which we have both travelled to this time. The friends of the wicked counsellors of our king, fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last by our letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in our great town called Boston, which they have made strong. We have now made our hatchets, and all our instruments of war sharp and bright. All the chief counsellors who live on this side the great water, are sitting in the grand council-house in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all as one man fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong fort, and follow them till they shall take their hand out of our pouches, and let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, and as our father’s did in old times.

“Brothers! Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to help us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young men should have a mind to see what we are doing here, let them come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide for them while they are here.

“Brothers! When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we will help you.”

To captain Solomon _Ahhaunnauwaumut_, chief sachem of the
_Moheakounuck_ Indians.

[June 20.] the Massachusetts congress wrote to the several towns, that the continental congress resolved on the 9th instant, “that no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony, &c.” and directed them to elect one or more freeholders to represent them in a great and general court, to be held upon the 19th of July, at Watertown. They also chose colonel Heath major-general, in the place of the late general Warren.

[June 22.] Before general Washington left Philadelphia, the continental congress chose by ballot, eight brigadier-generals—Seth Pomeroy, esq. of the Massachusetts colony, the first; Richard Montgomery, esq. of New-York, the second; David Wooster, esq. of Connecticut, the third; William Heath, esq. of the Massachusetts, the fourth; Joseph Spencer, esq. of Connecticut, the fifth; John Thomas, esq. of the Massachusetts, the sixth; John Sullivan, esq. of Hampshire, the seventh; and Nathaniel Greene, esq. of Rhode-Island, the eighth; and resolved, that the officers in the army should receive their new commissions through the hands of the general.

The same day they resolved, “That a sum not exceeding 2,000,000 of Spanish milled dollars, be emitted by the congress, in bills of credit, for the defence of America; and that THE TWELVE CONFEDERATED COLONIES (thus they are termed) be pledged for the redemption of the bills.” This is an expedient, without which they are not able to prosecute the defence of America, as they have neither money nor revenues to recur to. Some few of the delegates know, from what has happened in the northern colonies, that the effects of a paper emission will be bad when it becomes plentiful; has no stable fund for the speedy redemption of it; and cannot be exchanged in the common intercourse of business for specie or specie value. But the risk of smaller and personal evils must take place rather than the total subversion of the rights of the united colonies be endangered. No one delegate therefore opposed the present expedient. As the news of Breed’s Hill battle had reached them by means of a quick conveyance, they resolved, “That Pennsylvania raise two more companies of riflemen, and that the whole eight be formed into a battalion, to be commanded by such officers as shall be recommended by the assembly or convention of said colony.”

Measures being pursued in North-Carolina to defeat the American association, they resolved [June 26.] “That it be recommended to all in that colony, who wish well to the liberties of America, to associate for the defence of American liberty, and to embody themselves as militia, under proper officers; and that in case the assembly or convention of that colony shall think it absolutely necessary for the support of the American association and safety of that colony to raise a thousand men, this congress will consider them as an American army, and provide for their pay.” They have gone too far to recede from the use of force, and so must employ it wherever wanted to secure their friends, till the point in dispute with Great-Britain is settled. The zeal, activity, and unanimity of those Pennsylvanians in general, whose principles admit of hostile resistance, have superceded the necessity of such like resolutions in respect to them. The Philadelphia militia have been formed into three battalions for some time; and in the beginning of the month these, consisting of 1500 men, an artillery company of 150, with two twelve and four six pound brass field pieces; a troop of light horse, several companies of light infantry, rangers, and riflemen, in the whole about two thousand, marched to the common, and having joined in brigade went through the manual exercise, firing and manœuvres (with a dexterity scarcely to be expected from so short a practice) in the presence of the members of the continental congress, and several thousand spectators. A considerable number even of the quakers, have joined in the military association of the city. There is one company composed entirely of gentlemen belonging to the religious denomination of people they are convinced that weapons of war may be lawfully employed in defending their national rights and liberties, though they are averse to all offensive operations to gratify ambition covetousness or revenge. The Pennsylvanians are careful to order the militia of the counties to be frequently exercised. The colony has put on the most martial appearance.

About the begining of June a committee of congress drew up a declaration containing an offer to Great-Britain, “That the colonies would not only continue to grant extraordinary aids in time of war, but also, if allowed a free commerce, pay into the sinking fund such a sum annually for one hundred years, as should be more than sufficient in that time, if faithfully applied, to extinguish all the present debts of Britain. Or, provided this was not accepted, that to remove the groundless jealousy of Britain, that the colonies aimed at independence, and an abolition of the navigation act which in truth they have never intended: and also, to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating their commerce for the general benefit they would enter in a covenent with Britain, that she should fully possess and exercise that right for one hundred years to come.” This declaration was never entered upon the minutes of congress, for before that could be done, they received the accout of the two restraining acts, which proved its ruin.[127]

They resolved, “That in case any agent of the ministry shall induce the Indian tribes, or any of them, to commit actual hostilities against these colonies, or enter into an offensive alliance with the British troops, thereupon the colonies ought to avail themselves of an allience with such Indian nations as will enter into the same, to oppose such British troops and their Indian allies.”

[July 2.] General Washington, accompanied by general Lee and other gentlemen, arrived at Cambridge. A committee from the Massachusetts congress repaired to Springfield, about a hundred miles from Boston, on the way to Connecticut, there to receive them, and provide proper escorts for them from thence to the army. They had been treated with the highest honors in every place through which they passed; and been escorted by large detachments of volunteers composed of gentlemen. The general was addressed by the provincial congress of New-York as he came along. They expressed their joy in his appointment; and toward the close said, “We have the fullest assurances, that whenever this important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accomodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully rasign the important deposit committed into your hands, and re-assume the character of our worthiest citizen.” The general, after declaring his gratitude for the regard shown him, added, “Be assured, that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended to the re-establishment of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these colonies; as to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you, in that happy hour, when the establishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy country.” Since his arrival he has been addressed in the most affectionate and respectful manner by the Massachusetts congress. You must have a recourse to the public prints for his whole answer, but take the beginning for a specimen, “Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments and will be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable but arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness, and patriotism without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety.” This paragraph was extremely gratifying to the persons to whom it was directed.

The general began to give out the congressional commissions, but suspended all further delivery when general Putnam had received his, upon learning that the appointments so degraded general Thomas by ranking him far below is juniors in office, that he could not with any propriety continue in the army on that footing, but must decline serving the country in a military capacity. The several generals regretted the mistake, and wished to have the difficulty removed. Washington acquainted the congress with it, upon which they appointed him first brigadier-general, in the room of Seth Pomeroy, who had never acted under his commission, and was too far advanced in life.