Chapter XXX: Letter XV: Roxbury, December 30, 1775 (2)

[Sept. 22.] The troops embarked on board the batteaux, and proceeded to Fort Western on the east side of the river. From thence, captain Morgan, with three companies of riflemen, was sent forward by water, [Sept. 25.] with orders to get on to the great carrying place in the most expeditious manner, and to clear the road, while the other divisions came up. The second division embarked the next day, and the third the day after. As they advanced up the river, the stream grew very rapid, and the bottom and shores were rocky. [Sept. 29.] By eleven in the morning, major Meigs with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax, standing on a point of land between the rivers Kennebec and Sebasticook. In their progress up the river, they met with two carrying-places, over which they were obliged to carry their batteaux, baggage, and every other article, till they came again a part of the river which was navigable, and no longer obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or other encumbrances, as was that which they avoided. [October 3.] They got to Norridgewalk, where the major’s curiosity was entertained by the sight of a child 14 months old, the first white one born in the place. After crossing over more carrying places, he and his men encamped at the great carrying place, [Oct. 10.] which was twelve miles and a half across, including three ponds that they were obliged to pass. These ponds had plenty of trout. Two days after colonel Enos arrived at the same place with the 4th division of the army consisting of three companies of musket men. [Oct. 13.] Colonel Arnold meeting with an Indian, wrote to general Schuyler, and inclosed his letter to a friend in Quebec. Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he venturously intrusted the packet with him, to be carried and delivered according to order. This strange confidence may ruin his expedition, beside involving his friend in great trouble. [Oct. 15.] The provision was so reduced, that the men were put to allowance, 3–4lb. of pork and 3–4lb. of flour a day for each. The next day they reached Dead river. Colonel Enos having got up with his division in about three days, was ordered to send back the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provision; but, contrary to colonel Arnold’s expectation, returned to Cambridge with his whole division a few days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on with his division, [Oct. 19.] for Chaudiere head, with the greatest expedition. But they proceeded very slowly by reason of falls, carrying places and bad weather. Their course was only three miles. [Oct. 22.] The rains made the river raise the preceding night in some parts eight feet perpendicular: and in many places it overflowed its banks, and rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to march. The next day the stream was so rapid, that, in passing it, five or six batteaux filled and overset, by which they lost several barrels of provision, a number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such was the rapidity of the stream, and interruptions by carrying places, that it was with much fatigue they got on one-and-twenty miles within the three following days. To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying place, [Oct. 27.] which lies across the height of land that runs through the colonies to Georgia, and on the further side of which the stream run the reverse of the river they had ascended. They crossed the heights to Chaudiere river, and continued their march by land to Quebec. [Nov. 1.] The marching through the woods was extremely bad. Major Meigs passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It was not in his power to help or relieve them. But one or two dogs were killed, which the distressed soldiers eat with a relishing appetite, without sparing either feet or skin. A few eat their cartouch-boxes, breeches and shoes, being several days without provision. The major and his men marched on upon the banks of the Chaudiere, [Nov. 3.] and at twelve o’clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible joy of the soldiers, who were near starving. Colonel Arnold, with a small party, made a forced march, and returned with provisions purchased of the inhabitants; on which the hunger-bitten adventurers made a voracious meal. [Nov. 4.] The next day at eleven, major Meigs and his men arrived at a French house, and were hospitably treated. It was the first house he had seen for 31 days, having been all that time in a rough, barren, and uninhabited wilderness, where he never saw a human being except those belonging to the detachment. He and his party were immediately supplied with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables, at this settlement called Sertigan 25 leagues from Quebec. They were kindly entertained while marching down the country. When colonel Arnold got within two leagues and a half of Point Levi, [Nov. 8.] he wrote to general Montgomery, that as he had received no answer either from general Schuyler or his friend, he made no doubt but that the Indian had betrayed his trust: and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding that the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time apprised of his coming, and had destroyed all the canoes at Point Levi to prevent the detachments from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead of delivering the packet as directed, carried it to the lieutenant-governor, who on reading the letters, secured Mr. Mercier the merchant, and began immediately to put the city in the best state of defence he could; whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and might easily have been carried by surprise. [Nov. 9.] Colonel Arnold arrived at Point Levi, where we leave him to remove, if possble the embarrasments into which his own imprudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an unknown Indian with dispatches of the utmost consequence. The detachment suffered hardships, beyond what can well be conceived of, in the course of the expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying places; and to march through morasses, thick woods and over mountains, for about 320 miles. In many places they had to pass over the ground and the mountains several times, as without it they must have left much of their baggage behind, and have failed in the enterprise. They lost all their powder, except what was in cartridges and horns, while penetrating through the woods. But what proved the greatest trial to them, was the starving condition to which they were reduced, when approaching the end of their tedious and distressing march. The pork being gone, they had for four days only half a pound of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was then divided, which yielded about four pints of flour per man—a small allowance for men near a hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It was used sparingly; but several when they had baked and eaten their last morsel, discovered, to their great confusion, that they had thirty miles to travel before they could expect the least mouthful more. But their dread of consequences was soon removed, by the unexpected return of colonel Arnold with cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest fortitude and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty and an easy situation, soon lost all painful remembrance of what had happened, and gloried in having accomplished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an undertaking above the common race of men in this debauched age. Let us attend to colonel Enos. His return to camp excited both astonishment and indignation. [Dec. 1.] A court martial was ordered to sit upon him; when it appeared, that he had but three days provisions, and was about one hundred miles from the English settlements; that a council of war was called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel’s whole division, and that he was for going on without, but that it was opposed. It was the unanimous opinion of the court, that colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning, and he has been acquitted with honor. A number of officers of the best character are fully satisfied, and persuaded that his conduct deserves applause rather than sensure. Had he not returned, his whole division must have been starved.

We must now resume the account of the military transactions in the Massachusetts, from the period of colonel Arnold’s leaving the camp.

The Americans, that they might equal in some measure the British, have built some floating batteries with a deck, to secure the people on board from suffering by musketry. General Washington perceiving that the expence of supporting the army will by far exceed any idea formed of it in congress, is alarmed at the apprehension of consequences, and most earnestly wishes for such a termination of the campaign, as may make the army no longer necessary. The want of powder has subsided in part. Salt-peter is made in every colony. Powder-mills have been erected at Philadelphia and New-York. Non only so, but upward of a hundred barrels of powder have been taken out of the magazine at Bermuda, as supposed by a sloop from Philadelphia, and a schooner from Carolina. It was easily accomplished from the magazine’s being situated far distant from the town, without any dwelling-house in the vicinity. Some of the inhabitants were probably concerned in the transaction. It might be connected with the address to the deputies from the different parishes of Bermuda presented to congress in July, and might influence the subsequent resolve of congress in November, “That the inhabitants of Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America, and ought to be supplied with such a quantity of the produce of these colonies, as may be necessary for their subsistence and home consumption.”

[Oct.] The perfidy of Dr. Church has been at length detected, by the discovery of a traiterous correspondence with a British officer in Boston. He had intrusted a letter in cypher with his kept mistress to be forwarded, which being found upon her, she was taking and carried to head quarters. The Doctor not being suspected, had an opportunity of speaking to her, so that she would not discover the writer, till terrified into it by the severest threats. The general was shocked at the discovery, and talked with the doctor upon the baseness of his conduct. The marks of guilt were apparent. The doctor was confounded, and never attempted to vindicate himself. He was immediately secured. Since the letter has been decyphered, and the doctor has had opportunity of recollecting himself, he has pleaded that his intentions were not criminal; admitting his plea, so gross a piece of stupidity in so sensible a man is quite a prodigy. But this plea was invalidated, though not by the contents of the letter, which served mainly to point out the necessity of a speedy accommodation; yet by the marks of guilt he discovered in the presence of the general, and in his attempt to conceal the writer, instead of declaring at once who he was, what was his design, and what he had written. The doctor being a representative, was, on the 27th of October, examined at the bar of the house. He endeavored to evade the censure of the house, by insisting, that as the affair would be before another court where the matter must have a final issue, should the house proceed to expel him it would have a fatal effect whenever a final judgment was to be given on his conduct. He made the most solemn appeal to heaven, that the letter was written with the design of procuring some important intelligence. He observed, that there was not a single paragraph in it which contained information that could hurt the Americans; and that the exaggerated accounts of their force, strength and unanimity, tended to dishearten the enemy, and keep them quiet, at a time when the Americans were poorly able to have withstood a vigorous attack. It is impossible to write all he said; but if the force of rhetoric and the powers of language, if the most pathetic arts of persuasion, enforced by all the ingenuity, sense, and spirit of the doctor, could have made him innocent, he would have appeared spotless as an angel of light.—The house however expelled him as guilty; and congress afterward resolved, “That he be close confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink and paper, and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”

The time for which the continental soldiers were engaged to serve, was hastening to a close; the evil of a very short inlistment was felt; it was therefore unanimously agreed at a council of war, [Oct. 8.] that the men to be raised for the future army, should be engaged to the first of December 1776, but be discharged sooner if necessary. Hopes still remain, that an accommodation may possibly take place.

[October 10.] General Gage sailed for Great-Britain, leaving several thousand of the inhabitants of the town in want of bread and every necessary of life. Before his departure, he was addressed by his majesty’s mandamus council; by a number of gentlemen and principal inhabitants of the town; and by such as were driven from their habitations in the country to Boston, amounting to no more than seventy-six, a small number considering the extent and populousness of the colony, and that many of them would not pass for gentlemen in Great-Britain. The command of the army devolved of course upon general Howe, who issued one proclamation, condemning to military execution, such inhabitants as attempt to quit the town without a written licence, if detected and taken; if they escape, they are to be proceeded against as traitors, and their effects are to be forfeited: and another, declaring that if such as are permitted to depart, attempt carrying away more than five pounds in specie, to which sum they have been restrained for some time past, they shall forfeit the whole sum discovered, beside suffering fine and imprisonment.

Congress having intimated to general Washington, that an attack upon Boston was much desired, a council of war was called, [October 18.] but unanimously agreed that it was not expedient, at least, for the present. On the same day captain Mowat destroyed 139 houses, and 278 stores and other buildings, the far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth in the northern part of the Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in compliance with a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories carrying out their effects, gave some violent obstruction to the loading of a mast ship, which drew upon them the indignation of the admiral. Captain Mowat was dispatched in the Canceaux, of sixteen guns, with an armed large ship, schooner and sloop. After anchoring toward the evening of the seventeenth, within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore giving them two hours for the removal of their families, as he had orders to fire the town, they having been guilty of the most unpardonable rebellion. A committee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that his orders were to set on fire all the sea-ports between Boston and Halifax; but agreed to spare the town till nine o’clock the next morning, would they consent to send him off eight small arms, which was immediately done. The next morning the committee applied afresh; he concluded to spare the town till he could hear from the admiral, in case they would send him off four carriage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. and four gentlemen of the town as hostages. That not being complied with, about half past nine he began to fire from the four armed vessels, and continued it till after dark. With shells and carcases, and about thirty marines whom he landed, he set the town on fire in several places. About a hundred of the worst houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage. The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of their furniture, and had not a person killed or wounded, though the vessels fired into the town about three thousand shot, beside bombs and carcases. General Lee reprobates their cowardice, in admitting such a paltry party to land with impunity, an set their town in flames, when they had at least two hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. In the private letter wherein he expressed these sentiments, he made no mention of the sailors being repulsed, with the loss of a few men; though this might happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for its being related by others. The burning of Falmouth spread an alarm upon the sea-coast, but produced no disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the armed British agents. The people in common, chose rather to abandon the sea-ports that could not be defended, than quit their country’s cause; and therefore removed back with their effects to a safe distance.

The congress, the latter end of September, concluded upon sending a committee of three members, to confer with general Washington and the governor of Connecticut, the lieutenant-governor of Rhode-Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the president of the convention of New-Hampshire, and others, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. They met and agreed on the measures to be pursued. Dr. Franklin being one of the committed, the Massachusetts general court embraced that opportunity [Oct. 23.] of ordering the treasurer to pay him £.1854 sterling, in full for his late services as agent, from October 31, 1770, to March 1, 1775. You may recollect that governor Hutchinson always refused signing the grants made him by the house of assembly. The doctor might lave liked specie at the time such grants were made, better than the present paper money; but his foresight will undoubtedly transform the latter into some solid substance. He had to pay £.100 of it back into the hands of a committee, appointed to wait upon him within a day or two, being the amount of a sum sent by several persons from England, for the relief of those Americans who were wounded in the battle of Lexington, and of the widows and children of those who were then slain.

[October 27.] The old south meeting-house, a large, handsome brick building, well fitted up without and within, was taken possession of, and destined for a horse riding-school and the service of the light dragoons. It is said and believed, that an offer was made of building a complete riding-school for less money than it would cost to remove the pews and the side galleries (the front remains for the accommodation of tea-company and others) and to make a proper flooring for the horse. In clearing every thing away, a beautiful carved pew, with silk furniture, formerly belonging to a deceased gentleman in high estimation, was taken down and carried to Mr. John Amory’s house, by the order of an officer, who applied the carved work to the erecting of a hogsty. Had the meeting-house and its contents been honored with episcopal consecration, these proceedings would be deemed by multitudes, profane and sacriligious. But they, who in the present day hold not with the holiness of any buildings, will censure the insults offered professors of whatever denomination, by needlessly demolishing their places of worship, or consigning them to despicable and filthy uses. When Roman virtue and patriotism were at their height, the Roman officers would not allow the religion or temples of the persons with whom they fought, to be insulted and profaned. They were more politic than to exasperate men into a ferocious courage for the defence of their altars. But too many of the present British officers act as though they owed a spite to all the meeting-houses of the presbyterians, by which common name they stigmatize those who dissent from the church of England, without reflecting that it is no stigma in Scotland, but the reverse.

The southern colonies, in consequence of accounts transmitted to them from the camp, begin to entertain prejudices with respect to the troops raised in the Massachusetts. They ought to allow for the precipitation with which the army was necessarily collected. General Thomas declared [Oct. 24.] that the regiments at Roxbury were equal, as to the privates, to any with whom he served the last war, and many of them have proved themselves brave. The greatest part of the officers are unexperienced, and in general unqualified, being strangers to subordination, which was not unexpected to the general, as they were chosen by their privates. He complained of many of the southern riflemen, that they often deserted to the enemy, were mutinous, repugnant to all kind of duty, and so exceedingly vicious that the army would be as well without them; but spake with satisfaction of their officers. It is a mortifying truth, that some of the Massachusetts officers disgrace the colony, by practising the meanest arts of peculation. Every subtilty that avarice can invent, or rascality carry on, are used to cheat the public, by men who procured commissions, not to fight for the liberty of their country, but to prey upon its distresses. The army about to be enlisted, will undoubtedly be better officered.

Gentlemen, ladies, and others, from neighboring and distant colonies, attracted by curiosity, have visited the American troops, and animated them by their presence. A number of Indian chiefs have also been down, that they might see and judge for themselves, how far the reports propagated among them, were true or false. They were treated at head-quarters, and by different officers, with much respect. One evening they entertained the general and others with a war dance, if that may be called an entertainment, wherein the motions and actions of the dancers were calculated to alarm and terrify those who were not acquainted with such sights. They were pleasant and agreeable company. Two of them had their squaws or wives with them; who were well looking women, allowing for their dark complexion; one of them was much dejected, having lately lost her papoos or child. When the Indians danced in company with the American gentlemen and ladies, both men and women kept time with far greater exactness than the others. They went off upon their return, fully satisfied with the treatment they had received; and it is hoped will carry back those accounts which will keep their tribes peaceable.

Many of the Americans have sickened and died of the dysentery, brought upon them, in a great measure, through an inattention to cleanliness. When at home, their female relations put them upon washing their hands and faces, and keeping themselves neat and clean; but being absent from such monitors, through an indolent heedless turn of mind, they have neglected the means of health, have grown filthy, and poisoned their constitutions by nastiness.

[Nov. 2.] The weather set in very cold, and the soldiers were distressed for want of wood. The building of barracks had been delayed too long: and they were not in sufficient forwardness to admit and accommodate all the troops. Several regiments were obliged to keep the field; and some in a bleak position on the brow of hills, where it was difficult to drag up the wood with which they could be supplied. It is mortifying to reflect how these supplies have been reduced by short measure. But many persons think it no harm in this way to cheat the united colonies, and to deliver a less quantity than they are paid for.

[Nov. 9.] Several companies of the British regulars passed over from Charlestown to Phipp’s farm, and kept possession of the ground for near an hour before they could be obstructed, owing to a high tide that prevented the Americans crossing the causeway, which was overflowed. During this period they were employed in shooting cattle with a design of carrying them off. At length a battalion of riflemen, under colonel Thomson, took to the water, when up to their middles, and a quarter of a mile across; at their approach the British hastened to their boats.—The Charlestown forts, one in Boston and a frigate, kept up a warm fire upon the Americans the whole time, killed them one man and wounded three. The British have provided for the security of Charlestown, by the erection of a strong citadel on Bunker’s Hill, with convenient barracks for the garrison. [Nov. 16.] Such was the distress of the inhabitants in Boston, that fences, trees, houses, &c. were taken down and carried off for fuel: beef, mutton and pork, were 1s. 1½d. sterling per lb. geese, half a guinea a piece, and fowls five shillings. At the scarcest season half a guinea was given for a dozen of common eggs.

General Washington, desirous of improving the troops to the utmost ere the army was weakened by the return of the Connecticut ones to their own colony, resolved upon securing Cobble, or Miller’s Hill, about half a mile in a direct line from the enemy’s works on Bunker’s Hill, and at a like distance from the shipping at West Boston. About 1000 men broke ground on the hill, [Nov. 22.] without having a single cannon fired at them. They went on intrenching and planting several 9, 18, and 24 pounders, till they made themselves secure. General Howe does not seem so fond of cannonading as was general Gage. [Oct. 24.] To lessen the demand for provision, he ordered a transport ship to carry about 400 of the inhabitants out of the town to Point Shirley, to be taken care of by the country. Ten days after he sent out 300 more. The persons thus sent out were not thought to be wholly free from the small-pox; and it was suspected that there might be a design of spreading that disorder among the American troops, which induced the Massachusetts assembly to resolve upon measures for preventing such an event.

The Massachusetts assembly resolved, October the ninth, to fit out armed vessels; which proving a sufficient encouragement for individuals to apply themselves to that business, and some being in proper forwardness, an act was passed in November for granting letters of marque and reprisal, and the establishment of courts of admiralty. The declared intention of the act was for the defence of the American coast, and the condemnation of those vessels only which should be proved to be the property of, or in any wise employed by the enemies of the united colonies, or for supplying said enemies. The Lee privateer, captain Manly, belonging to Marblehead, was soon at sea, and took the brig Nancy, [Nov. 29.] an ordinance ship from Woolwich, containing, beside a large brass morter upon a new construction, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools, utensils and machines, necessary for camps and artillery, in the greatest abundance. General Washington, but thirteen days before wrote, “I am in very great want of powder, lead, morters, indeed of most sorts of military stores.” Had congress sent an order for articles most wanted, they could not have made a more satisfactory invoice. The morter is now at Cambridge, in the park of artillery, is named _the Congress_, and is much admired for its size by every spectator, whether acquainted or nor with the uses for which it is designed. About two months before this capture, a ship from Bristol with flour for Boston, having parted with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, and secured for the benefit of the Americans.

[Dec. 8.] Three ships from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various stores for the army, and a brig from Antigua with rum, were taken in the bay by captain Manly, by whale-boats, &c. A number of men in whale-boats can overpower unarmed vessels, and carry them off into secure harbours. These and the privateers captured several more store-ships before five days were ended. Among the privateers were some continental ones, for general Washington fitted out a few armed vessels, which has met with the approbation of congress. These repeated and considerable captures have increased the distress of the troops and people in Boston, and furnished the continental army with many, valuable articles. But though the success of the Americans upon the watery element has been matter of joy and triumph, their affairs upon land do not answer the wishes of the genuine patriots. On the first of the month the enlistment of the Connecticut troops expired. They were urged to tarry longer by different persons, who harrangued them upon the occasion. A few hundreds were prevailed upon to continue; but the main body marched off, leaving the army in too week a condition. It is true they had suffered greatly through the intenseness of the cold, and the want of fuel, with which they ought to have been more faithfully and punctually supplied. The Massachusetts and New-Hampshire men complete their term the first of January; and the enlistment of the new army goes on very heavily. There is a general reluctance among the soldiers to inlisting afresh. The Massachusetts people show as much backwardness as the others. In short, they expect to be hired, and that at a very high price, to defend their own liberties; and choose to be slaves unless they can be bribed to be freemen. _Quid facit libertas, cum sola pecunia regnat?_ How must it afflict general Washington to observe in the present crisis, so little of that patriotic spirit, which he was taught to believe was the characteristic of the Massachusetts people; and on which he relied greatly for support. While burdened with an apprehension that he might possibly be deserted, he could recollect the severity of the season, and the distresses of his fellow-creatures at a distance, and wrote to the gentleman with whom he had intrusted the management of his concerns at Mount-Vernon, “Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with respect to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed. I mean, it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself or wife are now in the way to do these good offices.”

[Dec. 11.] About 2000 militia arrived in camp, and 3000 more were expected every hour, making in the whole the number required by the general to supply the deficiency of the continental regiments. The American army being by this mean sufficiently strengthened, carried their approaches to within half a mile of Boston, and broke ground at Lechmere’s Point which brought on a cannonade from the batteries of Charlestown and Barton’s Point, that continued for four days, without obliging them to desist. Their labor was hard, owing to the ground’s being so frozen; but they persevered till they had perfected their design.

[Dec. 25.] Some persons have been so curious as to note the number of men killed by the firing of the enemy on Cambridge side of the American lines, and on the Roxbury, as also, the number and nature of their firings. The accounts stands thus “From the burning of Charlestown down to this day, the enemy have fired upward of 2000 shot and shells, an equal number of 24 pounders with any other sort. They threw more than 300 bumbs at Plowed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere’s Point. By the whole firing on Cambridge side, they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side five, just a dozen.”

Let me now give you the following anecdote. Deacon Whitcomb of Lancaster, (who was a member of the Massachusetts assembly till the present contest, had served in former wars, and been in different engagements) has served as a colonel in the American army; but on account of his age was left out upon the late new regulation. His men highly resented it, and declared they would not inlist again, after their time was out. The colonel told them, he did not doubt there were sufficient reasons for the regulation, and he was satisfied with it; he then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would inlist as a private. A colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favor of colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to general Washington’s ears, he has allowed of colonel Brewer’s resignation in colonel Whitcomb’s favor, appointed the former barrack-master, till he can further promote him, and acquainted the army with the whole affars in general orders. This terminates the narrative of the military and naval transactions within the Massachusetts; little remain to be mentioned of the civil. The great call there was for salt-petre, put the house of assembly upon resolving [Oct. 30.] to pay a bounty of three shillings sterling in paper currency per lb. for all that shall be manufactured before the first of next June, beside two shillings and three-pence per lb. purchase money. The assembly was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who about the middle of November, pronounced them benumbed in a fixed state of torpitude, without the symptoms of animation, unless an apprehension of rendering themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, by any act of vigor for the public service, deserved the name of animation. He charged them with inconsistent and timid conduct; and ascribed it to their torpor, narrow politics, or call it what you will, that the army had been reduced to very great distress. There was however, about the beginning of December, an act passed for emitting bills of credit to the amount of more than £.50,000 sterling, with a pretty device on the back, viz. an American with a sword in his right hand, with the following inscription suspended therefrom, “_Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem_;” and from his left hand “_Magna Charta_;” and round the figure these words, “_Issued in defence of American liberty_.” The assembly also gave orders relating to wood [Dec. 26.] that so the great distresses of the army on that head might be removed.

_New-Hampshire_ colony has presented us with a novelty, which the polititians will apply to the purpose of promoting independency. By some dextrous, or rather sinister management, instructions were delivered to the New-Hampshire delegates at the continental congress containing these expressions, “we would have you immediately use your utmost endeavours to obtain the advice and direction of the congress, with respect to a method for our administering justice and regulating our civil police. We press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will probably prevent the greatest confusion among us.” They were laid before congress Oct. the eighteenth, and proved a fine opening for those individual delegates, who were looking forward to a separation from Great-Britain, to introduce an entering wedge wherewith to divide the empire. Even these very instructions might be designedly obtained by confidential letters written to trusty deputies in the New-Hampshire convention, by certain delegates in the general congress. The first step to be taken by such was, to procure, in some one colony, the establishment of a new form of government, in which the people at large should have a leading influence, that so their attachments and efforts might be secured in support of the same. The inhabitants of adjoining colonies would soon be eager to enjoy the like power and importance, which would pave the way for their insisting also upon a change. These changes being once effected, the parties will then have gone too far to retreat, and must seek their security in independence. The scheme met with opposition, and the New-Hampshire delegates used unwearied importunity, both within doors and without, before they obtained the recommendation they were after. At length the report of the committee was taken into consideration, and it was resolved by congress, [Nov. 3.] “That it be recommended to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the said representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of government, as in their judgment will best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure the peace and good order in the province, during the continuance of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. The vote was far from being unanimous; and, in order to make it pass, was qualified with a seeming desire of an accommodation with Britain, and of restoration by that mean to the old form of government. The provincial convention, without waiting for the arrival of the recommendation, appointed a committee to report a mode of representation, which being laid before them, [Nov. 14.] they agreed, that precepts be sent to elect persons to represent the towns, &c. in congress, to meet at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, and to be empowered to prosecute such measures as they may deem necessary for the public good, during the term of one year, unless they see fit to disolve themselves sooner. And in case there should be a recommendation from the continental congress for this colony to assume a government, in a way that will require a house of representatives, that the said congress of this colony be empowered to resolve themselves into such a house as may be recommended, and remain such for the aforesaid term of one year.” The provincial congress met agreeable to the receipts, and after a while voted, “That congress will at any time take up civil government, to continue during the present contest with Great-Britain; and resolve themselves into a house of representatives, and then choose a council to continue one year from the twenty-first of December.”

The continental congress having dispatched the New-Hampshire case, immediately took into consideration the state of _South-Carolina_ and appointed a committee to consider a number of papers relative thereto, and to report what in their opinion was necessary to be done. What this opinion would be was easily foreseen, from Messrs. Chase and Samuel Adams being of the committee. The report was brought in the next day, [Nov. 4.] and it was resolved, “That for the defence of South-Carolina, there be kept up in that colony, at the continental expences, three battalions of foot: That if the convention, or council of safety shall think it expedient, for the security of the colony, to seize or destroy any ship or vessel of war, this congress will approve of such proceeding:—That Charleston ought to be defended against any attempts to take possession thereof by the enemies of America; and that the convention or council of safety ought to proceed immediately to erect such fortifications and batteries as will best conduce to its security;—That if the convention of South-Carolina shall find it necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be recommended to that convention to call a full and free representation of the people, &c. &c.” as to the convention of New-Hampshire.

The measures pursued by lord Dunmore naturally led congress to resolve, [Nov. 10.] “That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the colony of _Virginia_, to consider what provisions may be necessary for its defence, and to report the same.” Mr. Samuel Adams was of the number. New information being received before they reported, when they did it, it was in such a way that congress resolved [Dec. 4.] “That three companies of the Pennsylvania battalion immediately march into Northampton county, in Virginia, for the protection of the association—That it be recommended to the inhabitants to resist to the utmost, the arbitrary government intended to be established therein.” They then said, “Whereas lord Dunmore by his proclamation, has declared his intention to execute martial law, thereby tearing up the foundations of civil authority and government within the colony; resolved, therefore, that if the convention of Virginia, &c. &c.” as to the conventions of New-Hampshire and South-Carolina.

A growing change in the sentiments of congress, would of course follow upon the dispatches received the day before the committee on the state of Virginia was appointed. Their agents informed them, that the American minister told them, some days after the delivery of the petition by the late governor Penn, _No answer will be given to it_; and that no one person in authority had, since the arrival of that gentleman, deigned to propose a single question to him, or to desire the smallest information from him. This cavalier treatment of a petition containing professions of the greatest loyalty to the king, and attachment to the mother country, and couched in terms the most moderate and humble; and of the person who was intrusted with it; left no reasonable ground for hoping that the present dispute could be amicably adjusted.

Having been led by the New-Hampshire instructions, to mention some of the doings of congress, let me proceed to relate some others which have been unnoticed.

Congress resolved, that the new army intended to lie before Boston [Nov. 4.] consist of 20,372 men, officers included. Beside, it has been recommended to particular colonies to raise battalions at the expence of the continent. Orders have also been given for fitting out four armed vessels, for the intercepting of such transports as may be laden with warlike stores and other supplies for the enemy; and for the protection and defence of the united colonies. [Nov. 9.] It was agreed, “That every member consider himself under the ties of virtue, honor, and love of his country, not to divulge, directly or indirectly, any matter or thing agitated or debated in congress, before the same shall have been determined, without the leave of congress; or any other matter or thing determined in congress, which the majority of congress shall order to be kept secret; and that if any member shall violate this agreement, he shall be expelled this congress, and be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America, and liable to be treated as such; and that every member signify his consent to this agreement by signing the same.” [Nov. 10.] They resolved upon raising two battalions of marines, to be considered as part of the number of which the continental army before Boston is to consist.

[Nov. 28.] A committee appointed to take into consideration the state of _North-Carolina_, made their report, whereupon it was resolved, among other matters, that two ministers of the gospel be applied to, to go immediately among the regulators and highlanders of that colony, for the purpose of informing them of the nature of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. Instead of a similar recommendation to what was given to South-Carolina about establishing a form of government, it was only recommended to the convention or committee of safety, in case the method of defending the colony by minute-men, be inadequate to the purpose, to substitute such other mode as to them should appear most likely to effect the security of the colony.

[Nov. 29.] Congress resolved, that a committee of five be appointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great-Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world. Information being given, that there is a large quantity of powder in the island of Providence, the secret committee were ordered to take measures for securing and bringing away the said powder. To prevent any petition to the king from a particular colony, they declared [Dec. 4.] that in the present situation of affairs, it would be very dangerous to the liberties and welfare of America, if any colony should separately petition the king, or either house of parliament. This declaration is thought to be owing to an apprehension that the New-Jersey assembly would be drawn in, by the art and persuasion of governor Franklin and his adherents, to adopt such a measure. Congress were certainly alarmed at some disagreeable appearances, for they appointed a committee to confer with that assembly immediately after the declaration. [Dec. 6.] They agreed to the report of the committee on proclamations. It contained many severe remarks upon the royal proclamation of August, for suppressing rebellion and sedition; together with many pointed questions, designed to sink it into equal contempt with what it experienced at the Royal Exchange, where we have heard it was read by one of the lord mayor’s officers, accompanied only by the common crier, without horse or mace to grace the ceremony, and when finished, saluted with a general hiss. Toward the close, the report holds forth the following threat; “we, in the name of the people of these united colonies, and by authority, according to the purest maxims of representation, derived from them, declare, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of our enemies, for favoring, aiding, or abetting the cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind and the same degree, upon those in our power, who have favored, aided, or abetted, or shall favor, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression.”

[Dec. 13.] Congress determined upon building five ships of 32 guns, five of 28, and three of 24, in all 13; one in New-Hampshire, two in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode-Island, two in New-York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. [Dec. 20.] They, having taken into consideration the dispute between the people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the lands near Wyoming, on the Susquehannah river, recommended, that “the contending parties immediately cease all hostilities; that all persons seized and detained on account of said dispute, on either side, be dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes; and that, things being put in the same situation they were before the late unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably, until a legal decision can be had on said dispute, or congress shall take further order thereon.” The committee appointed to fit out armed vessels, having procured a few, laid before congress [Dec. 22.] a list of the officers by them appointed; and were directed to give such instructions to the commander of the fleet, Ezekiel Hopkins, esq. touching the operations of the ships under his command, as should appear to them most conducive to the defence of the united colonies, and to the distress of the enemy’s naval forces and vessels.

In Canada, Sir Guy Carleton was no sooner acquainted with the Americans having surprised Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. The British troops he had with him were too few to admit of their being drawn out of garrison. He expected a supply of Canadians sufficient for his purpose, and to have the assistance of the Indians in his intended operations; but both failed him. He established martial law in the province, that he might be able in that way authoritatively to force the people to take arms, but they refused. They had tasted the sweets of the English mode of government since the conquest of the country; and were disgusted (the noblesse excepted) at the re-establishment of the French. The Quebec act was of no use in exciting them against the colonists; on the contrary they talked much of liberty.[134] They declared themselves ready to defend the province, but absolutely refused to march out of it, and commence hostilities upon their neighbors. The governor applied to the bishop of Quebec to use his spiritual influence, particularly to issue an episcopal mandate, to be read by the parish priests in the time of divine service, but the bishop excused himself. The ecclesiastics, in the place of this, issued their letters, which were however greatly disregarded. The noblesse alone, who were chiefly considered in the Quebec act, showed a zeal against the English colonists.

Colonel Johnson, a son of the late Sir William Johnson, had repeated conferences with the Indians; at the one in Montreal, he delivered to each of the Canadian tribes a war-belt and the hatchet; after which he invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood, figuratively, an ox being roasted for the purpose, and a pipe of wine given; but the entertainment could not prevail with them to take up the hatchet. The congress, being made acquainted with the disposition of the Canadians, and the designs of governor Carleton, and expecting a powerful opposition from that quarter when European troops were arrived, unless they could prevent it by securing the country, determined upon penetrating into Canada, in hope of gaining the speedy possession of it, and of joining it to the union. The more effectually to support the reasonableness of the measure, and to strengthen the operation, it was given out, that the powers with which governor Carleton was entrusted by his commission, were special and extraordinary, _purposely_ designed to warrant his attempting by force to suppress the opposition making in the colonies to the British measures. Several, or even most of the members of congress could not but know, that the words of the commission for governing their own colonies, name and place excepted. Sir Guy’s commission was in the usual mode, and similar to what was given to Danvers Osborne, esq. governor of New-York.[135]

General Montgomery was sent forward to Tyconderoga with a body of troops, New-Yorkers and New-Englanders. When he took leave of his lady, his parting words were, “You shall never blush for your Montgomery.” [Aug. 21.] He arrived with the continental army (if not too diminutive to be so called) at the place of destination. General Schuyler, who was the chief commander, remained at Albany, to attend the Indian treaty carrying on in that city. General Montgomery made a movement down Lake Champlain, without waiting the arrival of more troops, that so he might hinder the enemy’s armed vessels getting into the lake. [Sept. 4. 5.] Schuyler having pushed forward, notwithstanding great indisposition, and joined Montgomery at Isle la Motte, they moved on, and arrived at Isle aux Noix. Here he drew up a declaration, which he sent among the Canadians by colonel Allen and major Brown, assuring them, that the army was designed only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties or religion. [Sept. 6.] The army, not exceeding a thousand men, proceeded without any obstruction toward St. John’s. When in sight of the works, and about two miles distant, the enemy began to fire, without doing any damage. After advancing half a mile nearer, the troops landed without opposition, in a close deep swamp; and being formed, marched through grounds marshy and covered with woods, in order to reconnoitre the fortresses. The left was attacked in crossing a creek, by a party of Indians, who killed a sergeant, corporal, and three privates, beside wounding eight, three of whom died. Three officers also were wounded. The Indians were soon compelled to give way, and had five killed and four badly wounded. Gen. Schuyler receiving certain intelligence in the evening, that the enemy’s fortifications were complete, and plentifully furnished with cannon, it was thought advisable the next morning, to return to Isle aux Noix, which was accordingly done; and the troops were employed in erecting proper works to secure the entrance into the lake; and in getting ready, on the arrival of further reinforcements, to take advantage of any events that might happen in Canada. Schuyler returned, leaving the command to Montgomery; who, being strengthened by an addition of men and artillery, and receiving orders to undertake the siege of St. John’s, [Sept. 17.] proceeded to execute the same. The next day the enemy threw bombs, but did no damage. The Americans returned the salute. [Sept. 21.] The lines of circumvallation were finished; but between 20 and 30 waggons with provisions, rum, brandy, &c. for the garrison, were taken prior to it. Afterwards there was a continual firing for some days and nights; and could the general have depended upon the troops, he might have ventured to promise success, but he could say nothing pleasing on that head. The men took good care of themselves; and one night captain Mott, of the 1st regiment of Yorkers, basely deserted the mortar battery without ever being attacked.