Chapter XXVII: Letter XIV: Roxbury, August 15, 1775 (3)

General Green testified his regard for the commander in chief, by addressing him on his appointment and arrival, and by declaring the satisfaction he should feel in serving under his command. He was joined in the address by the officers of his brigade. If other generals and officers have done the like, it has not come to my knowledge. This singular instance of respect must make a favorable and lasting impression on the mind of general Washington. The general, after a careful inspection, could not estimate the continental army at more than 14,500 men capable of duly, who had to defend an extent of at least twelve miles. But such has been the precaution and guard exercised on every side of Boston, that the regiment of light cavalry arrived there, has not set foot beyond the garrison, and serves only to create new wants, and to increase the inconveniencies of the people as well as of the British army. The hay growing upon the islands, together with the sheep and cattle remaining upon them, proved an object of necessary attention:—but the continentals possessing a number of whale boats, and being masters of the shores and inlets, were successful in burning, destroying, or carrying off those essential articles of supply, notwithstanding the number of British ships of war and armed vessels.

[July 11.] A party of 500 continentals went at night from the Roxbury camp, and getting into 65 whale boats, proceeded to Long-Island, and brought off 15 of the enemy, about 20 head of cattle, and 100 sheep. The next day [July 12.] they went again and burnt the hay, &c., when there was considerable fighting between them and the British boats and schooners. About six days after, a number burnt the light-house on an island, nine miles below Boston, at the entrance of the harbour, though a man of war lay within a mile of the place.

Since the arrival of the continental generals, the regulations of the camp have been greatly for the better. Before, there was little emulation among the officers: and the soldiers were lazy, disorderly and dirty. The freedom of which the New-Englanders have alway been accustomed, makes them impatient of controul, and renders it extremely difficult to establish that discipline so essential to troops, in order to success. Discipline will not inspire cowards with courage, but it will make them fight. The army has been thrown into three grand divisions: general Ward commands the right wing at Roxbury; general Lee the left at Prospect Hill; and the centre, in which is included a corps de reserve, is commanded by general Washington. Adjutant-general Gates has been of special service in arranging the army. His military skill in those matters has supplied the want of it in others. The public cannot be too thankful for this benefit. Every officer and private begins to know his place and duty. Method and punctuality are growing into use, and becoming habitual. The troops will shortly have the mechanism and movements, as well as the name of an army.

The continental lines are so strengthened, the number of redoubts and mounted cannon so many, as to make an attack upon Cambridge, or a penetration into the country that way impracticable. The British according to the intelligence obtained from Boston, have lost by death, including the slain, and those who died of their wounds near upon 2500, since the nineteenth of April.

General Washington acquainted congress, that the allowance of provisions to the troops and the mode of delivering out, are different from what has fallen within his experience, and must prove very wasteful and expensive. The high pay of the soldiers,[128] which greatly exceeds that of the British will make a more œconomical plan necessary. But the most painful information he had to communicate, was that of the want of powder. [August 13.] He discovered, that the whole stock of the army at Roxbury, Cambridge, and the adjacent places, consisted but of ninety barrels or thereabouts: that there were no more than 36 in the Massachusetts magazine, which with the stock of New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, made but 9937lb. not more than nine rounds a man. The continentals remained in this destitute condition for about a fortnight or more, till the Jersey committee of Elizabeth-Town, upon receiving the alarming news, sent on a few tons, which they were obliged to do with the greatest privacy, lest the fears of their own people, had it been known, should have stopt it for their own use, in case of an emergency. During this interval, the scarcity of powder became a camp talk; and a deserter carried the account of it to Boston. The British dared not to rely upon the intelligence, having been so often deceived. Beside, though they had met with unexpected proofs of American courage, yet they could not believe the colonists possessed of such consummate assurance, as to continue investing them, while so destitute of ammunition. They rather suspected a deep laid plot to ensnare them.

All the riflemen are arrived in camp. The congressional resolve, for raising eight hundred, passed on the fourteenth of June, and on the twenty second they agreed upon two additional companies of Pennsylvanians. No orders were dispatched before the fourteenth, and the expresses had to ride three or four hundred miles to the persons directed to raise them. The men to the amount of 1430, were raised, completely armed, most with their own rifles, and accoutred for the field with such expedition as to join the army at Cambridge, one company on the 25th of July, the rest on the 5th and 7th of August; all had marched from four to seven hundred miles. The whole business was performed in less than two months, without a farthing advanced from the continental treasury.

The present is a good time for relating what the congress have been doing.

[July 6.] They agreed to a _Declaration_ in behalf of the colonies, _setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms_. After enumerating the injuries they had suffered, they reprobated the principles of lord North’s conciliatory plan, without naming it, and said, “Parliament adopted an insidious manœuver, calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives.” They went on to mention the perfidy of general Gage in breaking his agreement with the inhabitants of Boston—the wanton burning of Charlestown, and a considerable number of houses in other places—the seizure of their ships and vessels—the instigation of the Canadians and Indians to fall upon them. They then said, “We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.”

“Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great; and if necessary _foreign assistance_ is undoubtedly attainable.” This intimation of _foreign assistance_, was not founded upon any private information, but flowed solely from the persuasion that one or more foreign powers will readily embrace the opportunity of a fixed breach between Great-Britain and the colonies, to weaken the power of the first by assisting the last. But that they might not by their declaration, disquiet the minds of their friends and fellow-subjects, congress assured them, that they meant not to dissolve that union which had so long and so happily subsisted between them and Britain. They concluded thus, “With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.”

The declaration of congress has been read with religious solemnity by the chaplains, to the different bodies of the American army about Boston, and received with loud acclamations by the troops, and the numerous spectators who were present upon the occasion. The same day that congress agreed upon the declaration, they resolved upon a letter of thanks to the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London, for their virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive and ruinous system of colony administration adopted by the British ministry.

[July 8.] The petition to the king being ready, it was signed by the members present. It is a decent, dutiful, and truly filial petition, and deserves to be written in letters of gold, for the sentiments it breathes toward the parent state. Had money been wanting to have purchased it, it would have been wisdom to have bought it at any price. If properly received, it may be made the basis of an internal compact between Great-Britain and her American colonies, which may to all ages bid defiance to the intrigues of France, and the murmurs of rotten hearted men, either in Britain or America. The sincerity of it may be called into question by the ministry. Let them put the sincerity of it to the test, by promoting a compliance with the contents, and so over-reach those individual delegates who may wish a continuance of the present quarrel. The colonies, as yet, desire no more than a redress of grievances, and security against a repetition of them. They most ardently long for a firm and indissoluble union with the parent state, upon these grounds. Thus it is with the army. It is the wish of general Washington particularly, and such is its reasonableness, that he hopes and expects that the contest will be shortly terminated, so as to admit of his eating his next Christmas dinner at his own delightful residence on _Mount Vernon_.

The same day the congress agreed to an _Address to the inhabitants of_ Great-Britain—In it they said, “We have again presented an humble and dutiful petition to our sovereign; and to remove every imputation of obstinacy, have requested his majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting; and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavors will be attended with a removal of ministerial troops, and a repeal of those laws, of the operation of which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army, and a dissolution of our commercial associations, on the other.” They, after that, insinuated the danger the inhabitants of Britain would be in of losing their freedom, in case their American brethren were subdued. The address is intended to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of Britain to the measures that the colonists have already taken, or may be obliged further to take, and to obtain the countenance of the former.

The petition to the king, the address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, and the letter to the lord mayor, &c. were ordered to be sent under cover to Richard Penn, esq. whom the president was to request, in behalf of the congress, to join with the colony agents in presenting the petition to the king. Mr. Penn sailed four days after this order, for England.

[July 12.] The congress agreed upon appointing commissioners to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies.—Proper talks to the Indians were ordered to be prepared, which were reported the next day [July 13.] and accepted.

[July 18.] The congress resolved to recommend to all able-bodied effective men in each colony, between sixteen and fifty, immediately to form themselves into regular companies of militia; to acquire military skill, and to be well prepared for defence; and that a fourth part of the militia in every colony be selected for minute-men, and be ready to march wherever their assistance may be required. It was earnestly recommended to those who could not conscientiously bear arms in any case to contribute liberally to the relief of their distressed brethren, and to do all other services to their oppressed country, which they could consistently with their religious principles. They also proposed that each colony should appoint a committee of safety, to direct all matters necessary for the security of their respective colonies, in the recess of their assemblies and conventions; and should make such provision, by armed vessels or otherwise, as might be judged expedient for the protection of their harbours and navigation on their sea-coasts, against all hostile cutters and ships of war.

[July 20.] This being the day appointed for the continental fast, congress agreed to meet, and go in a body to divine service both parts of the day. They requested Mr. _Duche_ to preach before them in the morning, and Dr. _Allison_ in the afternoon. But before the service, they met time enough to read some dispatches brought by express from general Schuyler, and a letter from the convention of Georgia, setting forth that the colony had acceded to the general association, and appointed delegates to attend the congress.

The day was kept at Philadelphia as the most solemn fast ever held in that city. It was religiously observed throughout the united colonies. The united synod of New-York and Philadelphia had published a pastoral letter some time before; it was read on that day in the churches under their care, which are very numerous. They said in it, “As the whole continent, with hardly any exception, seem determined to defend their rights by force of arms, it becomes the peculiar duty of those who profess a willingness to hazard their lives in the cause of liberty, to be prepared for death, which to many must be a certain, and to every one is a possible or probable event. It is well known to you (otherwise it would be impudent thus publicly to profess) that we have not been instrumental in inflaming the minds of the people, or urging them to acts of violence and disorder. Perhaps no instance can be given, on so interesting a subject, in which political sentiments have been so long and so fully kept from the pulpit, and even malice itself has not charged us with laboring from the press; but things are now come to such a height, that we do not wish to conceal our opinions as men. Suffer us therefore to exhort you, by assuring you, that there is no army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death. Let, therefore, every one who, from generosity of spirit, or benevolence of heart, offers himself as a champion in his country’s cause, be persuaded to reverence the _Lord of Hosts_, and walk in the fear of the _Prince of the kings of the earth_, and then he may, with the most unshaken firmness, expect the issue either in death or victory.”

After several other exhortations, they offered six advices, in substance as follows: 1st, Let every opportunity be taken to express your attachment to king George and the revolution principles. We recommend esteem and reverence for the person of the prince, who has probably been misled into the late and present measures by those about him; neither have we any doubt, that they themselves have been in a great degree deceived by false information from interested persons residing in America.—2dly, Be careful to maintain the union which at present subsists in all the colonies, on which the success of every measure depends.—3dly, We earnestly beseech all societies to watch over their members, and discourage luxury of living, public diversions, and gaming of all kinds.—4thly, We recommend a regard to public order and peace; that all persons conscientiously pay their debts, and to the utmost of their power serve one another, so that the evils inseparable from a civil war may not be augmented by wantonness and irregularity.—5thly, We recommend to all ranks, but particularly to those who may be called to action, a spirit of humanity and mercy. We recommend that meekness and gentleness of spirit which is the noblest attendant on true valor. That man will fight most bravely, who never fights but when it is necessary, and who ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over.—Lastly, We would recommend to all societies, not to content themselves with attending devoutly on fasts, but to continue habitually in prayer, and to have frequent voluntary meetings for solemn intercession with God on the important trial.”

The accession of Georgia, was owing much to the exertions of the reverend Dr. Zubly; who roused the attention of many in the province to the alarming situation of American affairs; so that at length a general election was held for delegates to set in provincial congress. They met on the fourth of July in Savannah: and requested the governor to appoint a day of fasting and prayer throughout the province, that a happy reconciliation might soon take place between America and the parent state, and that, under the auspicious reign of his majesty and his descendants, both countries might remain united, virtuous, free and happy, till time should be no more. His excellency James Wright consented, as the request was expressed in such loyal and dutiful terms, and the ends proposed such as every good man most ardently wished. They chose the reverend Dr. Zubly, and four others, delegates to represent the province in the continental congress; and at once entered into all the spirit of the resolutions formed by the other colonies, and adopted similar. They declared, that, though their province was not included in the late restraining bill, they considered that circumstance rather as an insult than a favor, as being meant to break the union of the provinces, as being grounded on the supposition, that the inhabitants of the excepted province could be base enough to turn the oppression of America into a mean advantage. They also agreed upon an humble address and representation to his majesty, which as it was not deficient in a certain freshness of colouring, had the appearance of novelty.

[July 25.] The congress agreed in an address to the assembly of Jamaica: and in it said, “We receive uncommon pleasure from observing the principles of our righteous opposition distinguished by your approbation. We feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf with the crown. The peculiar situation of your island forbids your assistance. But we having your good wishes to the friends of liberty and mankind, shall always derive consolation.”

They also resolved, That a body of forces, not exceeding five thousand, be kept up in the New-York department:—and that a further sum of one million Spanish milled dollars, be struck in bills of thirty dollars each.

[July 26.] They established a post-office, to reach from Falmouth, in New-England, to Savannah, in Georgia; and then unanimously elected Benjamin Franklin, esq. post-master general.

[July 27.] They proceeded to the establishment of an hospital for an army of 20,000 men; and elected Benjamin Church, to be director of and physician in it.

[July 28.] They agreed to an address to the people of Ireland, and in it furnished them with a true state of the colonial motives and objects, the better to enable them to judge of the conduct of the colonists with accuracy, and to determine the merits of the controversy with impartiality and precision. They then anticipated the golden period, when liberty, with all the gentle arts of peace and humanity, should establish her mild dominion in the western world, and erect eternal monuments to the memory of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who shall have fought and bled, and suffered in her cause. Toward the close the language is, “Accept our most greatful acknowledgments for the friendly disposition you have always shown toward us.—We know that you are not without your grievances—We sympathize with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us, has persuaded administration to dispense to _Ireland_ some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine.—Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel toward you.—In the rich pastures of Ireland, many hungry parricides have fed, and grown strong to labour in its destruction.” In the body of it, a shaft is elegantly pointed at one of the British generals.—“_America_ is amazed to find the name of _Howe_ in the catalogue of her enemies:—she loved his brother.” The former lord _Howe_ fell by the shot of a French Indian, after landing on the left toward the bottom of Lake George, and while heading his corps and marching under the command of general Abercrombie, to attack Tyconderoga. The Massachusetts assembly, to express their affection and strong sense of his worthy character, had a monument erected to his memory in Westminster-abby.

[July 29.] The quotas of the several colonies toward the common expence was settled, for the present, subject to a future revision and correction.

[July 31.] The assemblies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia, having referred to the congress the resolution of the house of commons, comprehending lord North’s conciliatory plan, they expressed their opinion upon it, to the following purpose, viz. “The colonies are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money. As they possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they entitled at all times to inquire into their application. This privilege of giving or withholding their monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative.

“The proposition contained in the resolution is unreasonable and insidious: _unreasonable_, because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare without reservation, we will purchase the favor of parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price they will please to estimate their favor; it is _insidious_, because individual colonies, having bid and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their powers to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer. The suspension of the exercise of their pretended power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. The proposition is altogether unsatisfactory, because it imports only a suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us; because too, it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament complained of as grievances.

“Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us, but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament having now been so good as to give up this, the colonies are unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied: whereas, in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of demanding _ad libitum_, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property.”

Congress had reprobated the conciliatory plan in their address to the British inhabitants; but now they discussed it fully, and exposed its futility. The next day, August the first, they adjourned to Tuesday the fifth of September.

The declaration of congress, their petition to the king, their address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, the other to the people of Ireland, and their opinion upon the resolution of the house of commons, must evidence to the world, that they have men of the first abilities among them, whose writings will vie with the public declarations and acts of any powers, on the greatest occasions, in respect to art, address and execution.

When you consider the variety of climates, soils, religions, civil governments, commercial interests, &c. which were represented in the former congress, and the late session of the present; and the various occupations, educations and characters of the gentleman who composed them; you will judge, that the general harmony and unanimity which prevailed in them, is scarcely to be paralleled. At the revolution, such mighty questions as, “Whether is the throne vacant or not? Whether shall the prince of Orange be king or not?” were determined in the convention parliament, by small majorities—the last question by two only. The great majorities, the almost unanimity, with which most capital questions have been decided in the continental congress, will be considered by numbers in no other light than as the happiest omens; or rather as providential dispensations in favor of the colonies; as well as the clearest demonstrations of their cordial, firm, radical, and indissoluble union.

The adjournment of congress affords the delegates the best means of consulting with their constituents, as to what further measures it may be necessary to adopt: as also certain individuals who may look forward to independency, a much more favorable opportunity of ripening their designs by private, personal intercourse with special confidents, than can be enjoyed by an epistolary correspondence. By well-timed hints, they may scatter those sentimental seeds, which shall at length produce events not at present suspected even by the persons attending to such hints.

The Georgia delegates did not come on, and join the congress before the session was closed.

The inhabitants of South-Carolina were so zealous, and the alarm spread by the Lexington engagement so extensive through the colony, that 172 members met in provincial congress, [June 1.] agreeable to the summons issued three and twenty days before by the general committee.

[June 2.] They unanimously resolved, that an association was necessary, which was drawn up and signed by their president Henry Laurens, esq. and all the members present. In it they declared—“Thoroughly convinced that, under our present distressed circumstances, we shall be justified before God and man, in resisting force by force, we do unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honor, and associate as a band in the defence of an injured country against every foe—hereby solemnly engaging, that, whenever our continental or provincial councils shall decree it necessary, we will go fourth, and be ready to sacrifice our lives and fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in full force until a reconciliation shall take place between Great-Britain and America, upon constitutional principles—an event which we most heartily desire. And we will hold all those persons inimical to the liberty of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe this association.” This was afterward prettly generally subscribed by the inhabitants.

[June 5.] It was resolved to raise two regiments of foot, and a regiment of rangers; and to put the town and province in a respectable posture of defence. The provincial congress were sensible that the expences would be great. But it was the language there, as well as in the other colonies, among the friends to freedom, “_We will freely give up half, or even the whole of our fortunes to secure our liberties_.” Bills of credit were struck, which, through the consent and enthusiasm of the people, supplied the present emergency.

So great was the military order among the gentlemen, that candidates for commissions were four times more than could be employed; and in the number were many of the first families and fortunes. The militia officers resigned their commissions under the governor, and by their own consent were subjected to the orders of the provincial congress.

Thus the popular leaders, in a few weeks, had an army and treasury at their command. Thirteen gentlemen were chosen a council of safety.

While this congress was setting, lord William Campbell, governor of the province, arrived, and was received with all the demonstrations of joy usual on similar occasions.

[June 12.] The congress waited on him with an address, in which they disclosed to him the true causes of their present proceedings; and declared, that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least influence upon their councils; but that they had been impelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence of their lives, liberties and properties. They entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his majesty, that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes in his real service. His lordship returned a very mild and prudent answer.

[June 22.] They adjourned, having first delegated a great part of their authority to the council of safety and the general committee; the former of which is in the nature of an executive, and the latter of a legislative authority. It was particularly recommended to the general committee, to take effectual methods to have the association signed through the province, and to demand from the non-subscribers the reasons of their refusal.

The non-subscribers have been advertised as inimical to the liberties of America, and all intercourse between them and the associators interdicted. An oath of neutrality has been required of all, to which some have agreed; others refusing have been disarmed; and a few, who would not enter into any engagements for the public security, have been confined to their houses and plantations.

In these kinds of interesting civil broils, matters are generally carried to an excess, and policy often tramples upon truth and justice. Among the non-subsribers, there may have been several real friends to the liberties of America, who could not in conscience subscribe the association.

The South-Carolinians, having agreed upon a military opposition, were resolved to defend Charlestown to the last extremity; and yet the whole quantity of powder in the colony did not exceed three thousand pounds. A military opposition, not being originally designed or expected by them any more than by the people of the other colonies, there was the like inattention as elsewhere, in regard to the providing of stores. Reduced now to the alternative of fighting or submitting, they took extraordinary methods to obtain a supply. The inhabitants of East-Florida, having never joined in measures of opposition to Britain, the ports of that province were open for the purposes of trade.

Twelve persons, therefore, authorised by the council of safety, sailed from Charlestown for that coast; and by surprise, boarded a vessel near the bar of St. Augustine, though twelve British grenadiers, of the 14th regiment, were on board. They took out fifteen thousand pounds of powder, for which they gave a bill of exchange to the captain; and having secured a safe retreat to themselves, steered for Beaufort, and from thence by an inland navigation escaped their pursuers, and got safe to Charlestown.

North-Carolina was no less spirited than South. The militia were arrayed and exercised, and other measures taken to support whatever opposition they might be called to make against the British adherents. Governor Martin was equally vigorous, though not equally successful. He expected, by means of the back settlers, Scotch inhabitants, and Highland emigrants, to have made a stand against the patriotic party, and therefore took pains to fortify his palace at Newbern; but before it could be effected, his attempting to move the palace guns, alarmed the committee of the place; who, at the head of a body of armed men, interposed, seized and carried off six pieces of artillery, which lay behind the palace. This occasioned the governor’s making a precipitate flight to Fort Johnson on Cape-Fear river. The people, apprehensive that he would strengthen, and prepare it for the reception of a force to be employed in reducing the colony, and concluding, that he would encourage the slaves to revolt, in case of the failure of all other means to maintain the king’s government; collected at Wilmington under colonel Ashe, who had resigned his governmental commission, [July 17.] and accepted one from popular authority. The colonel designed removing the king’s artillery from the fort; but the cannon and stores were secured in time, by order of the governor, who retired on board the king’s sloop the Cruiser.

[July 18.] Colonel Ashe, in the dead of the night, entered the fort, fired it, and reduced the houses and buildings to ashes. The next day he compleated the destruction of its wooden defences, to which the fire had not extended; and burnt the houses, and desolated every thing in the neighborhood of the place, that so they might prove of no benefit to the governor.

The Newbern committee apprehending he means to erect the king’s standard, and to commence hostilities, have resolved “That no person or persons whatsoever have any correspondence with him, on pain of peing deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly.” Persons, throughout the united colonies, dread being advertised for _enemies to the liberties of America_.

In treating of Virginia, we must go back to captain Henry’s advancing with his volunteers toward Williamsburgh. The alarm it occasioned, put lord Dunmore upon converting his palace into a garrison, fortifying it in the best manner he could, and surrounding it with artillery. From thence he issued a proclamation, charging Mr. Henry and his followers with rebellious practices, and attributing the present commotions to disaffection in the people, and a desire of changing the established form of government; which served only to increase the discontent. On the other hand, the Virginians, in their county meetings, applauded Mr. Henry’s conduct; and insisted, that they wanted nothing but to preserve their ancient constitution, and only opposed innovations. The disturbances they charged to the governor’s late conduct. The discontents of the people were increased by some procured copies of letters from his lordship to the minister of the American department, and which were severely censured as containing not only unfavorable, but unfair and unjust representations, as well of facts, as of the temper and disposition of the colony.

In this state of disorder, on the arrival of dispatches from Great-Britain, the house of burgesses was suddenly and unexpectedly convened by the governor, [June 1.] The grand motive for it was to procure their approbation of lord North’s concilitary plan; accordingly in his speech he used the utmost address to carry this point.

The first act however of the house, was the appointment of a committee to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state of the magazine, that measures might be taken for its replenishment. Means having been contrived by his lordship’s order for securing the magazine, and notice having been given of spring guns being prepared, some inconsiderate young men attempted to furnish themselves with arms out of it, and one of them was wounded. The mode of defending the magazine by spring guns, and the unfortunate accident, irritated the minds of many, who were joined by others. A great concourse of people, from different parts, assembled, and though the house was sitting, broke open the magazine, and took away many of the arms. Some of the members, hearing what was going forward, repaired to the magazine, and though not in time to prevent its being forced open, by remonstrating with all the people they met against such proceedings, prevailed with them to return the arms. The keys of the magazine were afterwards delivered to the committee of the house, by his lordship’s order; who, upon examination, found most of the remaining powder buried in the magazine yard, where it suffered considerable damage by the rain; the muskets were deprived of their locks; and the magazine was naked and insufficient in all respects.

[June 7.] An account was brought into Williamsburgh, that captain Collins of the Magdalen, had slipped his cables, and was come up the river with a number of boats, containing a hundred men at least, intended to be marched into the city. Upon this report a number of people assembled under arms, that they might defend the city and its inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. Upon hearing what his lordship had said to the council, they retired peaceably and quietly, without any disturbance. However, their readiness to assemble under arms upon reports, without waiting to know whether they were true or false, made such an impression upon the governor’s mind that he with his lady and family quitted the place, early in the morning of July 8, proceeded to York-town, and went on board the Fowey man of war. He had the honor of being the first governor,[129] who thinks it necessary to quit his government, and take refuge on board his majesty’s fleet: though in his letter of May the first, he held out to ministry his hope, that with a supply of arms and ammunition, he should be able to collect from among Indians, negroes, and other persons, a sufficient force to defend government. He left a message for the house of burgesses, acquainting them, that both himself and family were in constant danger through the fury of the people; that he hoped they would proceed in the business before them; and that he should attend as usual to the duties of his office, and was disposed to restore the harmony, which had been so unhappily interrupted.

[June 9.] The message produced a joint address from the council and house, declaring that they would cheerfully concur in any measure he should propose for the security of himself and family; observing how impracticable it would be to carry on business at such a distance, and intreating his return with his lady and family to the palace, as what would also afford great public satisfaction, and be the likeliest means of quieting the minds of the people.

[June 10.] His lordship returned a written answer, in which he justified his apprehensions of danger, and specified several charges against the house of burgesses. It contained many other matters tending to irritate; but concluded with mollifying terms, by no means equal, however, to the removal of the acrimony excited by the preceding severe charges and implications. It soon produced a reply, of an uncommon length, under the form of an address. The address comprehended the substance of the report of the committee, appointed by the house of burgesses when they first met; and was fraught with all the bitterness of recrimination, as well as with defensive arguments, and an examination of facts. And yet the terms in which it was expressed, were as respectful as possible, and of a nature suited to the representative of their sovereign, and to their own dignity. When upon his lordship’s letter to the earl of Dartmouth, they replied to his assertion, “_not a few did join_ (in what he was pleased to call an _opprobrious measure_) _to avoid paying their debts, in which many of the principal people here are much involved_.” “We can only answer for ourselves in the negative; and must consider so indiscriminate a charge as extremely injurious.” It is well known, that many not only in Virginia, but in every other colony, were deeply indebted to British creditors; and it many be admitted, that several of the number became professedly zealous patriots for American liberty, with a view either of escaping or of delaying the payment of their just debts. However to infer from thence that the great body of popular leaders in the present dispute, were or are actuated by such a motive, would be highly culpable. All the supporters of a good cause should be influenced by principles that are unexceptionable; but the state of mankind forbids the expectation of so desirable an event.

The report of the committee asserted, that a general tranquility prevailed previous to the affair of the powder, and the governor’s declaration about freeing the slaves; that the people had no design or wish after an independency of Great-Britain; that they had a most eager desire for such a connection as existed before the late acts of parliament; and that a redress of grievances would immediately establish tranquility, and be productive of a reconciliation with the parent state.

[July 14.] The house of burgesses presented their address in answer to the governor’s speech; in which they said of lord North’s conciliatory motion, “We examined it minutely; we viewed it in every point of light in which we were able to place it, and, with pain and disappointment, we must ultimately declare, it only changes the form of oppression, without lightening its burden.” They close with these expressive words—“We have decently remonstrated with parliament; they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our king with supplications; he has not deigned to answer us. We have appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation: their efforts in our favor have beer hitherto ineffectual. What then remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the even-handed justice of that Being who doth no wrong; earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that, through their wise direction, we may again see re-united, the blessings of liberty and property, and the most permanent harmony with Great-Britain.” The body of the address contains this remark, “Lord Chatham’s bill on the one hand, and the terms of the congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negociation, which a spirit of accommodation, on both sides, might herhaps have reconciled.”

Every day afforded new ground for bickering, and every incident fresh room for altercation between the governor and the house of burgesses. At length the necessary bills having passed the house, and the advanced season requiring the attendance of the members in their several counties, the council and burgesses jointly intreated the governor’s presence to give his assent to them and finish the session. After messages to and fro, his lordship declined meeting them at the capital, though they pledged their honor and every thing sacred for his security; but he informed them, that he would be ready to receive them at his present residence. This answer put an end to all public correspondence between the governor and the colony. The burgesses passed resolutions, declaring, that the message requiring them to attend him on board a ship of war, was a high breach of their rights and privileges; that they had reason to fear a dangerous attack might be meditated against the unhappy people of the colony; and that it was therefore their opinion, that they should prepare for the preservation of their property, and their inestimable rights and privileges. They then made strong professions of loyalty to the king, and amity to the mother country, and adjourned themselves to October.

[July 18.] A convention of delegates was appointed to supply the place of the house of burgesses, who, having an unlimited confidence reposed in them by the people, became accordingly possessed of an unlimited power in all public affairs. They also formed themselves into a committee to take into consideration the state of the colony; and the next day resolved [July 19.] that a sufficient armed force be immediately raised and embodied for its defence and protection.

Nothing more need be said of the Delaware counties, than that they remain firm to the cause they have espoused.

[July 26.] The Maryland convention met at Annapolis, and unanimously resolved upon an association, to be signed by the members, and by all other the freemen of the province. They said, “We do unite as one band, and solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, and to America, that we will, to the utmost of our power, support the present opposition carrying on, as well by arms as by the continental association, restraining our commerce.” They also resolved, “That there be forty companies of minute-men enrolled as soon as may be; and that every able bodied effective freeman within the province, between sixteen and fifty (clergymen of all denominations, practising physicians, the household of the governor, minute and artillery men, and persons who from their religious principles cannot bear arms in any case, excepted) as soon as may be, and at furthest before the fifteenth of September, shall enroll himself in some company of militia.” They established a council of safety, consisting of sixteen persons, who are to regulate the operations of the minute-men and militia, and are also, during the recess, to do all other matters for securing the province, and for providing for its defence.

They ordered committees of observation and of correspondence to be chosen; and bills of credit, to the amount of 266,666 dollars, to be struck with all convenient speed, for the service of the province.

The Pennsylvania assembly have established a military association through the colony, and ordered several battalions to be raised, clothed and armed. The whole colony is preparing for a vigorous defence. The change in the assembly from a most pacific to a martial complexion, is owing to the times. The number of Quakers returned to serve in it, was not so large as formerly; and some of them, being upon principle opposed to present measures, have resigned their seats, (which they have the privilege of doing) and left them to be filled by persons of a different judgment.

The Philadelphians, with a view to the safety of the city, are also engaged in making huge machines to sink in the narrow part of the Delaware, and in completing a number of large galliots, carrying at their bows guns from 32 to 48 pounders, swivels, &c. The machines are formed of large heavy square pieces of timber. Two long ones, at a proper parallel distance from each other, form the horizontal base, that is to rest on the bed of the river. Right over these are placed two others of similar size, rising from toward the ends of the horizontal base, in such an angular direction, as with their elevated ends, fortified with strong iron points, to pierce any vessel which may sail against them. The degree of elevation is such as to give the greatest resistance with the least danger to the timbers. The four main pieces are joined to each other by many shorter ones. The whole machine is so contrived, that, with its own weight, and what may be added to it when sunk, it can neither be broken, nor forced backward, nor turned over. They have given the name of chevaux-de-frise to these machines.

There is nothing in New-Jersey which requires particular notice.

The New-Yorkers were freed from the apprehensions they were under, through the expectation of troops from Europe, soon after their arrival. The second embarkation from Cork, consisting of four regiments, got safe to Sandy-Hook, where they received orders from general Gage to sail for Boston. They were wanted to strengthen the army, after the loss it had sustained by Breed’s Hill battle. The few troops that were stationed at the barracks, about fifty, went on board the Asia man of war some time before, on the sixth of June, so that the city of New-York was wholly without regulars.

[June 24.] Governor Tryon arrived at New-York from London. He is in much esteem with a large number of the citizens and others; and if any one can succeed in drawing off that colony from the union, he will probably be the person. It is not to be thought that he is limited by ministry either as to expences or promises; but may suit himself to persons and emergencies. There is apparently good policy in employing him to effect the recovery of New-York, on the side of administration. He was in hope of finding the province disunited from the others.

[July 3.] The mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city, presented him with a congratulatory address; complimented him upon the rectitude of his former administration, and expressed their trust in the aid of his intercession with his majesty, for a speedy termination of the hostile animosities of his contending subjects.

The governor in his answer confessed his disappointment at the change of circumstances in the province. To palliate the treatment which the memorial and representation of the New-York general assembly met with, and to conciliate the minds of as many as could confide in his expressions, he closed with saying, “I am acquainted with a dispatch from the earl of Dartmouth, that the memorial and representation of the general assembly of this province, were unfortunately blended with expressions containing claims which made it impossible for parliament, consistent with its justice and dignity to receive them; yet the petition to the king has been presented to his majesty, who was pleased to receive it with the most gracious expressions of regard and attention to the humble requests of his faithful subjects in New-York; and I am authorized to say, that nothing can give greater satisfaction to the royal breast, than to see us again a happy and united people.”

The same day the address was presented, all the king’s stores of various kinds, were taken from Turtle Bay, and carried clear off by the friends of congress.

Connecticut and Rhode-Island, having had no occasion to change their forms of government, proceed in their usual modes of business, to fulfil the engagements that they are under to the united colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, and flag not in their ardor to support the cause of America.

[June 28.] Let us return to the Massachusetts. Political necessity obliged the provincial congress to resolve, “That the notes and bills of the colony of Rhode-Island, of this and all the other colonies (except Nova-Scotia and Canada) shall be taken and received, and accounted a good and sufficient tender for the payment of all debts and damages arising upon the non-performance of any promises; and the committees of correspondence, inspection, and safety, in the respective towns, are to return the names of all persons who shall contravene this resolve.”

[July 9.] To procure a supply of articles for the troops of the colony, a resolve passed for the inhabitants of the several towns to furnish shirts, breeches, stockings and shoes, for the soldiers.——In a few days after a recommendation passed, not to kill any sheep or lambs, excepting in cases of absolute necesssity.

In consequence of the letters sent to the several towns and districts within the colony, for the choice of representatives, in order to take up a form of government, more than two hundred members met at Watertown [July 19.] and constituted the house of assembly. The general fast interposing, the counsellors were not chosen till Friday morning the twenty-first.

[Aug. 8.] The house agreed to raise £.30,000 sterling. The raising of money will probably produce much dissatisfaction. Great numbers, who are warm for the liberties of America, and violently opposed to being taxed by Great-Britain, are so inconsiderate as to imagine, they are to be exempted from almost every tax upon their succeeding in the present contest. They are for enjoying all the advantage of civilized society, without paying their proportion toward the expence of supporting it.

[Aug. 9.] Captain Linzee, of the Falcon sloop of war chaced two schooners from the West-Indies, one of which he soon brought to; the other, having the advantage of a fair wind, put into Gloucester harbour, at Cape-Ann, and the captain pursued into the harbour, bringing the one with him. He anchored, and sent two barges with fifteen men each, armed with swivels and muskets, attended with a whale boat, in which was the lieutenant and six privates, meaning to seize the loaded schooner. The militia and inhabitants took the alarm, collected, fired from the shore, and killed three men, beside wounding the lieutenant. On this the captain sent the other schooner and a small cutter well armed, with orders to fire on the damn’d rebels wherever they could see them, while he engaged in cannonading the town. Not a ball struck or wounded a single person, though they passed through the houses filled with women and children, in almost every direction. The party at the water side soon made themselves masters of both the schooners, the cutter, the two barges, the boat, and every man in them. The action lasted several hours. The provincials lost but one man, and had two others wounded; one of whom is since dead. They captured thirty-five men belonging to the Falcon, several of whom are wounded, and one of them since dead. Captain Linzee after this warped off, having lost half his men.

[Aug. 12.] The scarcity of ammunition is so alarming, that the house agreed upon recommending it to the inhabitants, not to fire a gun at beast, bird, or mark, without real necessity, to prevent a waste of powder.

About five weeks since general Gage sent two officers to New-York, to procure all the men they could, out of ships expected from Scotland or elsewhere, to join him as volunteers; and with orders to return to Boston with all expedition. This bespeaks a want of men. The want of fresh provision will be supplied for a short space, by the return of a fleet of transports this day [Aug. 15.] from the Sound, bringing with them about 2000 sheep and 110 oxen, beside eggs, butter, &c. which they have taken off from Gardner’s and other islands.