Chapter XII: Relatio Rerum Gestarum (2)

POTRINCOVRTIVS Biencourtij pater, in Galliam mense Iulio nauigarat, commeatus summittendi gratia, cuius erant magnæ angustiæ in Porturegiensi familia, Octobri mense insequente; cibariorum tamen nihil è Gallia missum erat; idcirco Biencourtius ad Almochiquios, Choüacoetij fluminis [579] accolas, Indici milij copiis abundantes, nauigationem, comite Patre Biardo, instituit, Gallicarum mercium permutatione ad hibernam aliquam annonam frumentaturus. Sed quòd ex itinere ad Sancti Ioannis flumen, trans Francicum Sinum diuerterat, vt ex adolescente Pontgrauæo, reliquisque Maclouiensibus quintas exigeret Canadicæ negotiationis, diutiùs eum morantibus subortis cum ea familia discordiis, tempore frumentationis pæne exclusus est, ad quam deinde cùm est reuersus, Barbarorum delusus fraude, qui spem frumentariæ permutationis fecerant, vacuus in Portum Regium renauigauit. In ea excursione feliciter obtigit Patri Biardo, vt Pontgrauæo conciliaret Biencourtium, sicuti nuper Potrincourtium eidem insensum placauerat, & vt Merueillæo item Maclouiensi, de salute, ob nescio quas suspiciones, periclitanti grauiter, eadem pacificationis opera, vitam affereret; quo suo facto vtrumque sibi magnopere deuinxit. Nostro Sacerdoti demeritos esse beneficiis homines huiusmodi, cum ob cætera multa, tum ob id in primis opportunè accidebat, quòd eorum opera fideli, ac vtili esset vsurus in disciplina Canadicæ linguæ, quam Pontgrauæus callebat egregiè, si dies aliquot vnà viuere, aut certè frequentiùs congredi liceret. Id certè, vt Pater Biardus nõ expeteret, quod expetebat, ipsi vltrò ambiebant, delato ei perhumaniter suo contubernio; quibus in præsentia Pater egit gratias, habuitque, rogatis tamen, vt sibi hanc benignitatem, in id tempus reseruarent, quo bene vti fas esset; tunc enim haud [580] decere Biencourtium, in periculosa præsertim nauigatione, ab se deseri. Biencourtio deinde redeunti ex irrita illa Quinibequiensi frumentatione, quam modò indicauimus, cùm ad Pentegoetium amnem, & Sanctæ Crucis insulam ventum esset, suadere conatus est, immo supplex fuit Pater Biardus, vt se inde, loco ex propinquo, ad Pontgrauæum dimitteret, Canadici catechismi contexendi causa, quod inter eos antè conuenerat. Huic postulationi, licet æquissimæ, is cuius nihil planè intererat, non nisi eis conditionibus assensus est, quæ & iniquissimæ, & nequaquam in potestate Patris essent. Quamobrem facultate deiectus idiomatis vernaculi condiscendi, ad otiosam pæne vitam in arce degendam adactus est, ingenti sua molestia. Nouembri exeunte, iam ferme exausto penu, nulli nuncij afferebantur è Gallia; & quod reliquum esse poterat ab venatione subsidium, niuibus obsitũ solum intercipiebat; vt ex parsimonia petendum esset vectigal, quò plures in dies annona sufficeret. Demensum igitur cuiuslibet è familia, in quamque hebdomadam, ad denas panis vncias, lardi selibram, pisi aut fabæ ternas scutellas, & prunorum vnam denique redierat. Atque tametsi familia vniuersa eo commeatu, quem nostrum è Gallia importaueramus, vitam tolerabat, nihil nobis liberaliùs, quàm cuiuis de calonibus eo tempore indultum est, neque vt indulgeretur, optauimus, quamquam nebulo quidam, scripto in Gallia edito, non est veritus multa secus per summam impudentiam & calumniam disseminare. Ad nonum calendas Februarias, anni [581] sexcentesimi duodecimi, tenuerunt cibariorum angustiæ, quem ad diem in Portum Regium inuecta est nauis cum mediocri admodum annona, Dominæ Guercheuillææ sumtibus emta, & transmissa. Mille aureos nummos, ex pacto societatis cum Robinio & Patribus Canadiensibus initæ, contributos hæc pia matrona numerauerat Roberto du Thet, fratri nostro coemendis transmittendisque Porturegiensi contubernio cibariis; sed eorum quadringentis fratrem nostrum, non satis cautum depositi custodem, Potrincourtius oblata suæ syngraphæ cautione, confestim emunxit; sicque res tota rediit ad sexcentos, vnde annona nobis exigua conflaretur. Sed neque tot aureorum cibaria in nauem illata sunt, nam Potrincourtij naualis administer partem coemti frumenti auertit in Gallia, & eorum quæ aduecta erant, Porturegiensi Societati quantum collibuit, nec amplius, reddidit. Noster Gilbertus du Thet, cuius in oculis horum pleraque commissa erant, posteà quam vidit, ab eo qui annonæ transuehendæ præfuerat, nullas acceptorum rationes referri, assumto Patre Biardo, apud Biencourtium egit modestè, vti ab eo, qui mandato parentis eius, pro magistro in naui gesserat, acceptorum ratio reposceretur: interesse siquidem nauticorum omnium sociorum, vt constaret, quantũ à singulis expensum acceptũque esset. Biencourtius quidem & tum, & deinde sæpius est professus, nihil moderatiùs, nihil æquiùs postulari à quoquam potuisse: nihilo tamen minùs, quasi à nostro atrociter insimularetur Simon Imbertus, cuius fides in [582] eo negotio desiderabatur; ita illius postulata isti de pinxit, vt eum nobis infensissimum faceret. Imbertus ergo vt Biencourtium sibi conciliatum à nobis abalienaret, seque referendæ rationis necessitate absolueret, malignè interpretatus consilium Dominæ Guercheuillææ, quæ paciscendæ societatis cum Robinio ansam captauerat, vt Missionis nostræ rebus tantò certiùs caueret; fraudulenter cauillatus est, per causam eius societatis intendi machinã, qua Biencourtiorum nomẽ Porturegiensi arce, atque vniuersa Noua Francia detruderetur. Ex hac calumnia illæ Biencourtij simultates exstiterunt, quibus factum est, vt nostrorum opera Nouo-francis populis, quin & ipsis quoque Gallis nihilo ferè quam isti minùs egentibus institutione, deinceps esset inutilis. Calumniatoris mendacia facile fuit nostris diluere, & semel, iterum, ac tertiò tam apertè ac validè apud Biencourtium, audiente vniuerso contubernio, diluerunt; vt postrema refutatione ad infantiam adactus Imbertus eò deueniret, vt excusandæ noxæ gratia profiteri non vereretur, sibi largiter temulento illas aduersum nos calumnias excidisse. Biencourtium acriter pupugerat nuncius, quo afferebatur, etiam conscio parente suo Potrincourtio, vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ ius imperiumque à maximo amne Sacquéo ad Floridam, Portu Regio demto, _Guercheuillææ_ Regio diplomate esse cõcessum eidémq; à Domino de Monts quidquid Henrici Quàrti beneficio nuper in eadem ora possedisset, id omne tabulis publicè consignatis esse transcriptum. Atque, vt non putaret, hæc nobis [583] auctoribus gesta esse, perinde tamen posteà in nos affectus fuit quasi credidisset. Guercheuillææ quidem mens, fuit huius principatus sui reuerentia, velut potenti freno iniecto, Biencourtiorum vtrumque, patrem & filium, fidei hactenus in nos parum sinceræ, animique minus grati, suo in officio continere; nihil autem de Porturegiensi iure ipsis detrahere. Sed fui nimio plus amantes homines alienam in re propria cautionem, suam iniuriam interpretabantur: quòd tamen res iis esset angusta domi, nec viderent vnde commodiùs cella Porturegiensis instrui posset, quàm à Guercheuillæa in gratiam nostrorum Patrum, ne hac annona exciderent, suum dolorem taciti concoquebant. Nostrorum facillima fuit apud Biencourtium purgatio, quam cum accepisset in præsentia, reconciliatis animis Patres ad institutum Canadiensis idiomatis condiscendi magnis animis reuersi sunt, partitis inter se prouinciis, vt Pater Massæus ad Ludouicum Membertouium, Henrici vita functi filium, eius rei causa demigraret; Pater Biardus magistrum eius linguæ domi Barbarum sibi adhiberet. Patri Massæo ad Sancti Ioannis flumen apud hospitem, cum adolescente Gallo socio degenti, ex diuturna inedia, & Nomadicæ vitæ continentibus vexationibus, accidit grauis ægrotatio, qua tantum non confectus ad vltima delaberetur, inter quem morbum Membertouio cum hospite Patre accidit ridicula planè, ac Canadico ingenio digna sermocinatio. Ad decumbentem scilicet Patrem is adiit, vt quidem eius vultus præferebat, Patris acerbo casu [584] valdè sollicitus ac mœrens, quem in hæc verba compellauit. Audi me, Pater, moreris omnino, vt ego quidem auguror: scribe igitur ad Biencourtium, itemque ad tuum fratrem, te à nobis nequaquam trucidatum occubuisse, sed morbo consumtum, ne qua in nobis tui obitus noxa resideat. Cui contrà retulit Pater Massæus: Non committam, vt quod mones, imprudenter ad meos scribam: ne tu ex mea imprudentia factus audacior, securiorque violentas manus afferas, nihilò tamen minùs innocentiæ testes meas litteras apud te habeas, quæ te noxa eximant. Inexspectato, & arguto responso perculsus Barbarus, quasi ex alto sopore mox ad se rediit, atque renidenti ore, ait: Iesum igitur tuis precibus tibi propitium facito, vt te periculo mortis eruat, ne quis in nos tui occasus culpam conferat. Illud ipsum curo, inquit, Pater, desine esse sollicitus, nec enim me hic morbus exhauriet. In Porturegiensi quiete Pater Biardus interea doctore Barbaro vtebatur ad condiscendam barbariem, quæ se idoneum Euangelij præconem in rudi admodum gente præstaret: cui doctori quamdiu habuit vnde mensam insterneret, eius facili, vtilíque opera profecit, sed discendi docendíque cursum post aliquot hebdomadas inhibuit penus inopia. Cuius angustiis quoq; prohibiti sunt nostri, ne quattuor Barbaros, quos Pater Biardus & Biencourtius in maritimo discrimine, ipsis Barbaris ratum votum habẽtibus, futuros Christianos vouerant, si è præsenti naufragio incolumes euaderent. Erepti periculo cum ad Regium Portum appulissent nauem, non fuit in cella vnde alerentur Barbari, quoad idonea Catechesi essent imbuti, qua destitutione affectis nobis rei bene gerendæ occasio periit, nec postea rediit.

POTRINCOURT, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the
month of July for the sake of procuring supplies, of which there
was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal; but up to the
following month of October no provisions had been sent from France;
therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father
Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choüacoet river,
[579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of
French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But because he
turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John
river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgravé and
the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and
being longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he
waited almost beyond the time for obtaining corn; and, when he
finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of
the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed
back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard
fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgravé, just
as he had lately conciliated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at
the same man; and also, by the same office of pacification, in
preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great
jeopardy on account of certain suspicions; by which actions he
acquired the greatest influence over them both. It was advantageous
to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for favors to
him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he
designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in
learning the Canadian language, in which Pontgravé was unusually
skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few
days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord,
took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired,
by very politely offering him the privileges of their home; the
Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks,
requesting them, however, to postpone their kindness to him until
that time when it would be proper for him to accept it; for it was
not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when
he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt
was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for
provisions, which we have just described, when they had arrived
at the Pentegoët river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard
endeavored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to
Pontgravé from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose
of composing a Canadian catechism, which had previously been
agreed upon between them. To this request, although most just, and
although it certainly made no difference to him, Biencourt would
not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly
unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was
disappointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the
natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in
the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although
the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were
received from France; and what aid they might have obtained by
hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground; so
it was necessary to exercise the greatest economy, in order that
the provisions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore,
of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces
of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans,
and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon
the provisions which we had brought from France for our own use,
we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one
of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although
a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,[74] has not
hesitated to circulate many statements to the contrary, in the most
shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the
year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which
day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies,
bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had
paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed
according to the agreement between Robin[75] and the Canadian
Fathers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying provisions
to the colony at Port Royal; but Potrincourt, by means of his
promissory note, straightway cheated our brother out of 400, as
he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so
the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store
was provided for us. But not even provisions to the value of that
number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval
agent[76] embezzled in France part of the grain purchased; and,
of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the Society at Port
Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du
Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed,
when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge
of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received
by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt
that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who,
by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel; saying
that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it
should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by
each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often
thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked
by any person; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose
account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused
by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the
latter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in
order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to
release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing
an evil interpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guercheville, who
had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and
Robin, in order that he might more securely guard the interests
of our Mission, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy
of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the
Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the
whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with
Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes
of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed
instruction scarcely less than the natives.

It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their
defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and
completely disproved them, before Biencourt, in the hearing of the
whole settlement, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final
refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim,
for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had
been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been
deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that,
even with the knowledge of his father, Potrincourt, the possession
and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river,
the Sacqué to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a
Royal charter to _Madame de Guercheville_; and that, by documents
under public authority, there had been transferred to her also
by Sieur de Monts everything which he had recently possessed in
this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could
not suppose that these things were done because of our [583]
influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had
so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that
their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint
to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up
to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt little gratitude
toward us; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to
Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests,
considered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others
in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at
home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source
of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for
the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation,
in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily
exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the
time being accepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored,
the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose
of learning the Canadian language, dividing the business between
them, so that Father Massé should go for this purpose to Louis
Membertou, son of the late Henry: while Father Biard should have
a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Massé,
with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the
St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the
continual annoyances of a wandering life; and, although he did not
die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a
very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took
place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage
approached the prostrate Father, very anxious and grieved, as his
countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate
condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me,
Father, you will surely die, as I indeed anticipate; write
therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by
no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in
order that no harm may come to us because of your death." Father
Massé answered him in turn: "I shall not do as you advise me, and
imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and
more careless, because of my lack of foresight, and lay violent
hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of
your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage,
astonished by this unexpected and keen reply, soon came to himself,
as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile: "Therefore make
Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save
you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of
your fate upon us." "I am attending to that very thing," said the
Father, "cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me."
In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed
a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue,
which presented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among
this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which
to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the
aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks
the scarcity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and
teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered
in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in
a time of peril upon the sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of
the Savages themselves, to make Christians, if they should safely
escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered
from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there
was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until
they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because
of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of successfully
accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards
recur.

IN Nouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum. Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque ab lintrem fabricandam. [_Rectius "ad."_] Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere. _Chiquebi_ radix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum, _ad Eplani_ piscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent. _Eplanus_, seu _Epelanus_, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quem _Sardinam_ vulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.

THE twelfth year of this century had already advanced to November,
when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding
February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely
scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially,
because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to
our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies,
four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid
aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the
general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to
the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might
distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and
give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people.
By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but
for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not
numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of
the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an
uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the
weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way
favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the
necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the
settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing
hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted
their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they
were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and
wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided
with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying to
do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning
this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but
our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking.
In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our
friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the
rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with
their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the
river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi
root[77] in the forest. The _Chiquebi_ root is peculiar to this
coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful
for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow
deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots
where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who
were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one
of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for
one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of
small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the
_Eplanus_,[36] and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of
the river. The _Eplan_ or _Epelan_ is a little fish of the size of
the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly
called the _Sardine_; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the
ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where
it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very
numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the
Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts
of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place
offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary
to what they most of all wished, our fishermen, [587] with the hook
or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean
of the Canadian tribes.

INTEREA tẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant. Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus. _Kadesquitum_, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.

MEANTIME in France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that
we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage
at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New
France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice
among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and
seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members,
provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,--Father
Quintin,[78] and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal
for France, Gilbert du Thet,--safely and joyfully reached the
coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was
provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish
a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient
number of colonists to protect it;[79] and for its provision
there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty
persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By
the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our
defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we
might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La
Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge
of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were
in process of erection, but also when they had been completed
and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be
neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of
defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were
landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole
population, Biencourt being absent with the others. When the
letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal,
had been read to Hèbert,[80] who represented Biencourt, we were
allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we
left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement
in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified,
according to their agreement, to land at _Kadesquit_,[81] a harbor
on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might
there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for
the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we
had stuck in a bay, this side of that,[82] to which from the
favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared
that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they
would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute,
we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot;
and since they praised their own country as being far superior to
that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for
our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had
examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole
company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building
upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of
consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection
of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations;
and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same
name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of
the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in
agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything
else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a
large portion of the colony from the work of building, and set
them to farming. La Motte,[83] Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye,
the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading
men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other
enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the
energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should
be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might
safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased
because most of the colonists were taken away from building and
employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to
apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable
undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the
views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose,
such as usually take place between those who differ, when each
one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the
projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were
idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and
obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests
and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to
punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.

ANGLI paucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam, quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã, _Mocosæ_ nomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis, neq; ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset, tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi, _Mosquetos_ vocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus, quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus, quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimè diuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma, quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.