Chapter X: Biard's Epistola (2)

I went to visit this chief's son, who was already at death's door.
I found that, in accordance with their old custom, they were
holding a tabagie, that is, a solemn feast for the distribution of
his property, so that after the entertainment he might, not like
Jacob give them his blessing, [29] but might bid them farewell,
after which they were to bewail his death and then to offer up
a sacrifice of dogs. I rebuked as well as I could, through an
interpreter, these pagan usages among a people who were already
Christians. The father himself, Membertou, answered mildly that
they were but neophytes; that I had but to command and that
everything lay in my power. I said that this slaughtering of dogs
was wrong, as well as this abandonment of the sick man for whom
they were mourning; I added that these dances and death-songs, in
the very presence of the sick man displeased me, though I permitted
them to hold their tabagie elsewhere, as well as to visit the dying
man and learn his last wishes. All replied that this was enough
for them, and that they would dispense with the rest. Moreover, in
the name of Sieur Potrincourt I invited them to transport to his
house the sick man (who was at a very great distance), and said
that we hoped, with GOD'S mercy, for his recovery, so that they
might thus learn at last that the predictions of their medicine-men
or prophets are false and impious. They obeyed, and the third day
after brought to us the sufferer, whose life they had despaired
of, in a half-dying condition. God's right hand exerted its power;
he did not die, but lived, and now, completely recovered, relates
what [30] God has done for him. Moved by this example, the elder
Membertou himself, when he began to suffer from that sickness which
was to be his last, desired of his own accord to be brought to us
and to be received into our own cabin, and even, if it pleased us,
to occupy one of our beds. He lay there five days, during which we
performed every friendly and even every menial office. But on the
sixth day, when his wife had also come, and when she saw that there
was scarcely room left for one of us to find a wretched couch on
the ground in our cabin, he, of his own accord, went elsewhere,
and there died a pious death. We found, indeed, that this man (the
first fruits of the Lord among this people) was, beyond all others,
wont to be so wondrously moved within, that he apprehended much
more of our faith than he could have learned from hearing us. Thus
he used to say frequently that he ardently desired that we might
soon know his language. He said that as soon as he had learned
them thoroughly he would become the preacher of this heavenly word
and doctrine among his people. He himself had commanded that he
should be buried in the ancient burial-place of his family, with
those who were already dead (who, I knew, had died as pagans).
[31] I opposed this, fearing, of course, that the French and even
the Gentiles might interpret this as an affront to our faith. But
he answered that it had been promised him, before he gave himself
to Christ, that this place should be consecrated; and he cited a
past example of something of the sort, adding that he feared, on
the contrary, that if he were buried in our cemetery his people
might thenceforth avoid the place and thus never return to us. I
opposed all the reasons I could, and so did Sieur de Biencourt, the
son of Sieur de Potrincourt, he being almost my only interpreter.
I went off sadly, for I had accomplished nothing by arguing.
Nevertheless, I did not refuse him the extreme unction, for which
he was prepared. The power of the Sacrament manifested itself; the
next day he called eagerly for Sieur de Biencourt and myself, and
told us in the hearing of all the others that he had changed his
mind, and wished to be buried in our cemetery; and to teach his
people that they should not avoid the place in accordance with
their old and erroneous notion, but rather, with the wisdom of a
Christian people, should love and frequent it, in order to utter
pious prayers for him.

Pacem deinde cum Nostris iterum, [32] iterúmque commendauit, méqʒ adeò præeunte ac manum regente, singulis suorum pio more benedixit: nec lōgè pòst extinctus est. Funus curatum magna ad exemplum pompâ. Et certè diu inter hos populos tantæ auctoritatis Sagamus nō fuit. Quo magis est mirum, quomodo in eo semper inuictus consilio perstiterit, etiam ante conuersionem, ne plures vnquam simul vxores habere vellet.

Then he recommended to them again [32] and again to maintain peace
with us, and also piously gave his blessing to certain of his
people, I dictating the words and guiding his hand. A short time
after, he died. We deemed it well to celebrate his funeral with
great pomp. And certainly there has for a long time been no Chief
of such great authority among these people. What is still more
remarkable is that he always adhered firmly to his resolution never
to have more than one wife at a time, even before his conversion.

Atque hæc domi gesta, nunc exeamus foras. Lustraui ego cum Domino Biencurtio magnam totius regionis partem, hoc est totum id, quod antiqui Norumbedam appellabant, flumina etiam ingressus sum præcipua. Fructus is extitit, vt & cognosceremus, & cognosceremur; ipsique siluatici, qui nunquam antea Sacerdotē, aut sacra nostra viderant, inceperint aliquid nostra de Religione apprehendere. Vbicumque ac quoties potuimus, infiniti pretij hostiam obtulimus Omnipotenti DEO, vt scilicet altari, tanquam sede sua posita, inciperet hoc sibi dominium seruator hominum vendicare; terrerētúrque ac fugarentur [33] vsurpatione sua laruales tyranni. Et astiterunt frequenter Barbari magno semper silentio ac reuerentiâ. Inuisebam postea ipsorum casulas, orabam, ægris manus imponebam, cruciculas æneas aut imagunculas donabam, ipsisqʒ de collo suspendebam, & quæ poteram diuina insinuabam. Excipiebant illi omnia perlibenter, signúmque Crucis me ducente conformabant, feréqʒ omnes pueri etiam me longè prosequebantur, vt ipsum sæpius iterarent. Semel contigit, vt quem ægrotum altero antè die inuiseram, propemodúmque depositum audieram, pòst cernerē vegetum, hilarémque, cruce sua gloriantem, & mihi vultu manúque gratulantem, vt suspicio magna sit, non solùm opem crucis sensisse, verum etiam agnouisse. Si quando in Gallicas naues incidebamus, vt sæpe incidimus, monita salutaria dabantur pro loci & temporis opportunitate: interdum etiam vectores expiabantur. Semel maxima quædam complurium mala, & animorum fortunarúmque labes auersa est per DEI gratiam: semel item [34] exitium certissimum, cædésque non paucorum. Reconciliatus quoque magni quidam Iuuenis & animi & spei. Is quòd sibi à D. Potrincurtio timeret, annum iam vnum cum Siluicolis eorum more atque vestitu pererrabat: & suspicio erat peioris quoque rei. Obtulit eum mihi DEVS, colloquor, denique post multa Iuuenis sese mihi credit, deduco eum ad D. Potrincurtium, non pœnituit fidei datæ, pax facta est maximo omnium gaudio, & Iuuenis postridie, antequam ad sacram Eucharistiam accederet, suapte ipse sponte à circumstātibus mali exempli veniam petijt. Iam verò vti superuacaneum est de nauigantibus dicere, quòd multa pericula mirabiliter euaserint; ita & de hîc commorantibus, quòd multa sustineant. Quod aqua bibatur, nulla querela est: siquidem cœpit iam nobis ante sex hebdomadas ita panis deficere, vt nunc detur in hebdomadam, quod antè dabatur in vnum diem. Nauim expectamus subsidio venturam. Interim Pistores ac Fabri magno scilicet nomine atque antiquo viuimus, & [35] incidimus quibus vterque in grauem ægritudinem, sed Dominus supposuit manū suam. Nam neque id diu fuit, & semper altero decumbente, alter stetit. Experimur sanè, quantum sit onus vitæ necessitas, dum lignatum, dum aquatum imus, dum coquimus ipsi nobis, dum indumenta aut lauamus, aut reficimus, dum sarcimus tugurioli labes, dum in reliqua corporis cura necessariò detinemur. Inter hæc dies nobis, miserè, noctésque depereunt; illa nos spes consolatur ac sustentat, fore, vt qui subleuat abiectos DEVS, vilitatem ipse nostram pro sua quandoque misericordia non despiciat. Quamquā certè dum in subsidiorum inopiam, dum in asperitatem regionis & gentis mores, dum in difficultates rerum, & coloniæ constituendæ, dum in mille pericula obicésqʒ vel maris vel hominum intendimus, somnium & idea Platonica videtur quod conamur. Demonstrarem hoc sigillatim, nisi hoc esset cum Hebræis exploratoribus magis pro humanis viribus, quàm pro diuino auxilio, nec minus ex [36] animi languore, quàm ex rei veritate dicere: Terra hæc deuorat habitatores suos; nos locustæ sumus, cùm hic monstra sint de genere Giganteo. Sed enim tamen, quanticunque sint hi Gigantes, præualebit ille Dauid in funda & lapide, qui conculcat terram in fremitu suo, & in furore obstupefacit gentes; ille IESVS hominum Seruator, qui benefacit terram & perficit eam, quantumcunque infirmata sit; ille verò, ille, vti speramus, benignitatis ac potentiæ suæ ducet esse, vt quod vaticinatus est Isaias, _Exultet solitudo & floreat sicut lilium_: quemadmodum sapientiæ paritérqʒ potentiæ suæ reputauit id, quod cernimus, vt cultissima imperia, atque omnibus elata viribus, & gloriâ; suæ cruci atque humilitati subiugarentur. Amen ita sit. Atque hoc nostrum votum adiuuent comprecatione sua cœlites omnes, atque in primis cœlitum Regina & præses; adiuuet Ecclesia vniuersa, speciatímque Ecclesiæ pars illa, cui Paternitas vestra nutu diuino iam diu præest, Societas, votum meum; adiuuet oro atque obsecro [37] Paternitas vestra omni ope, suámque nobis ad id benedictionem pijssimam, si placet, largiatur. E portu Regali in noua Francia vltimo die Ianuarij Anni CIↃ.IↃC.XI.

_Vestræ Paternitatis filius ac
seruus indignus_

PETRVS BIARDVS.

NOTES:

[IV.] _Sic._ pro Kinibequi.

Such are the things achieved at home; let us now consider what has
been done elsewhere. I have explored with Sieur Biencourt a large
part of this whole region--all that portion, namely, which the
old geographers called Norumbega, including the principal rivers.
The result is that not only have we come to know the country, but
also to be known ourselves, and the savages, who had never before
seen a Priest or the rites of our Religion, have begun to learn
something concerning it. Wherever and whenever we could do so,
we offered the priceless host to the Omnipotent GOD, so that the
altar might be as a seat dedicated to the savior of men, whence
he should begin to extend his dominion among this people, while
their own hobgoblin tyrants are stricken with terror and driven
[33] from their usurpation. The Savages have often been present,
always profoundly silent and reverent. Afterwards I would visit
their huts to pray and to lay hands on the sick; I gave them
little crosses of brass, or images, which I hung about their necks,
and as far as possible I infused some religious notions into their
minds. They received all these things very gladly, they made the
sign of the Cross under my guidance, and nearly all the boys
followed me a long distance in order to repeat it oftener. Once it
happened that a savage whom I had visited a couple of days before,
finding him sick and almost given up by his friends, as I heard,
met me rejoicing and well, and glorying in his cross, manifesting
his gratitude toward me with hands and countenance, so that I
strongly suspected that he had not only experienced the help of
the cross but even recognized it. Whenever we fell in with French
vessels--and this often happened--salutary counsels were given
to the men, in accordance with time and place; sometimes, too,
the passengers made their confession. Sometimes calamities that
threatened the welfare and fortune of many were averted through
the grace of GOD; sometimes, too, [34] certain destruction and the
slaughter of no small number. We have also succeeded in reclaiming
a certain Young Man[13] of great courage and hope who, through fear
of Sieur de Potrincourt, has roamed about for a whole year with
the Savages, adopting their ways and dress--not without suspicion,
too, of something worse. The LORD brought about a meeting between
us. I spoke with him, and at last he confided himself to me. I
brought him to Sieur de Potrincourt; he did not repent of having
placed faith in me; peace was made, to the great joy of all, and
next day the young man, before receiving the holy Eucharist, of
his own free will begged the pardon of those who surrounded him,
for his evil conduct. But as it would be superfluous to speak of
the many perils so miraculously escaped by our vessels, so would
it be to speak of the many sufferings of those who sojourn here.
We make no complaint of having to drink water; as for bread, in
less than six weeks the supply ran so short that now no more is
allowed for a week than formerly for a single day. We are awaiting
a ship that is to bring supplies. In the meantime, as Bakers and
Artisans, a great and ancient quality withal, [35] we continue
living here, but we have each fallen seriously ill; however, the
Lord sustained us with his hand. For this did not last long, and
whenever one of us was sick the other was well. We feel, indeed,
how great a burden it is to attend to all these household duties,
in going for wood and water, in cooking, in washing and mending our
clothes, in repairing our cabin, and in giving the necessary time
and attention to other material cares. Thus our days and nights
wretchedly slip away; but the hope consoles and sustains us that
GOD, who raises up those who are cast down, will some time in his
mercy not despise our unworthiness. Though, certainly, when we
consider our lack of resources, the trying nature of the country,
and the manners of the natives, the difficulties incident to our
undertaking and those incident to the establishing of a colony, the
thousand perils and impediments interposed by the sea or by our
fellow men, our enterprise seems but a dream and a Platonic idea.
I might set forth all these things one by one, if this were not to
imitate the Hebrew explorers, and rather with regard to our human
strength than to God's help, and no less through the [36] faintness
of our own hearts than in accordance with the truth of things, to
say: "This land devours its inhabitants; we are locusts, while
there are here monsters of the race of Giants." But yet, however
great these Giants be, that David with the sling and stone shall
prevail against them, even he who tramples the earth under foot in
his anger, and in his rage strikes terror into the senses of men;
that JESUS, the Savior of mankind, who blesses the world and leads
it toward perfection in spite of all its shortcomings; he, even he,
as we hope, will deem it a thing worthy of his love and his power
that, as Isaiah prophesied, _The solitude should exult and blossom
like a lily_; even as he deemed it good in his wisdom and his power
that, as we see, the most civilized empires in the height of power
and glory should receive the yoke of his cross and his humility.
Amen, so be it. And may all heaven with its prayers further this,
our hope, and above all the glorious Queen of heaven; and my own
prayers be aided, too, by the universal Church and especially by
that portion of the Church over which, in accordance with God's
will, your Reverence has so long presided--the Society; and I
also pray and beseech [37] your Reverence to further it with all
possible aid, and to be pleased to bestow on us toward this end in
all charity your benediction. From port Royal, in new France, the
last day of January, 1611.

_The son and unworthy servant
of Your Reverence_

PIERRE BIARD.

FOOTNOTES:

[III.] _Sic._ for Kinibequi.--[O'Callaghan.]

Index rerum ac nominum nunc primùm huic Epistolæ adjunctus

ACADIA, _duo Societatis Sacerdotes illuc missi sunt_ iii
_et ibi preveniunt_ 26

_Algonquini gerunt bella perpetua cum Irocosiis_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_et Montagnesii iuncti, multo plus mille capitum numerare non
possunt_ 13
_Anthropophagi, Excominqui et Armonchiqui perhibentur esse_ 9, 14

_Aquitaniâ euocatus, Sacerdos ad Novam Franciam proficiscitur_ 20

_Armonchiqui terram possident â fluvio Kinibequi vsque ad
quadragesimum gradum_ 11
_Anthropophagi perhibentur_ 14

_Automoinos, vel veneficos, Barbari consulunt_ 14

_Baia Fundij._ vide, _Sinus Francicus_.

_Baptismum velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis Barbari
accipiunt_ 24

_Barbari lege ac magistratu carent_ [40] 13

_Barbari quomodo vivunt_ 13
_bella populatim gerunt_ 14
_nec templa nec ædes sacras habent_ 15
_cum corpore memoriam ac nomen mortuorum sepeliunt_ 16
_Cacodæmonem colunt_ 16
_tenuem cognitionem Dei habent_ 16
_nonnulli in Galliam deuehuntur et ibi baptizantur_ 23
_centum in Novâ Franciâ baptizati sunt_ 24
_velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis baptismum accipiunt_ 24
_Gallos Nortmannos appellant_ 25
_canes immolant cum mors cuivis suorum appropinquet_ 28

_Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ tribuum nomina_ 9
_Novæ Franciæ numeri ac nomina_ 11, 13
_pelles unicus thesaurus_ 12
_vultus color et mores_ 13
_in quo constat religio_ 14
_in conviviis consuetudo_ 17
_infantes baptizantur_ 27
_P. Biardus invisit casulas_ 23

_Bella Barbari populatim gerunt_ 14

_Biardus, P. Petrus, in Acadiâ mittitur_ iii
_casulas Barbarorum invisit_ 33
_magnam Norumbegæ partum lustrat_ 32
_quemdam iuvenem D. Potrincurtio reconciliat_ 34

_Biencurtius, Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ deposcit_ 20
(vide _Potrincurtius_).

_Biencurtius D. Potrincurtij filius, interpretis vices gerit_ 31
_magnam Norembegæ partem cum P. Biardo lustrat_ [41] 32

_Cacodæmonem Barbari colunt_ 19

_Canadæ, Irocosii degunt ad capita magni fluminis_ 9
_S. Ioannis flumen orsum suum habet propemodum ora fluminis_ 10

_Canes, Barbari imminente morte assueti sunt immolare_ 28
_Patres Societatis hunc morem increpant_ 29

_Canoæ e cortice compinguntur_ 17

_Chorographiam Novæ Franciæ P. Biardus proponit mittere_ 18

_Choucaoët brachium est terræ quod sinum Francicum excipit_ 11

_Color Barbarorum_ 13

_Conviviorum apud Barbaros consuetudo_ 17

_Cotonus P. veniam obtinet ut Societas Iesv in Novâ Franciâ
laboret_ 19

_Dei, Barbari habent tenuem cognitionem_ 16

_Dieppam, duo Iesuitæ eunt ad conscendendum_ 20
_et solvunt ab hac portu_ 22

_Etheminquenses inter S. Ioannis et Kinibequi fluvios habitant_ 10
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_mille capita numerare non possunt_ 13

_Excominqui fera gens est et Anthropophaga_ 9

_Excommunicati, nomen vulgus Excominquorum_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 9, 11
_Anthropophagi perhibentur_ 14

_Expositio seu capita hujusce Epistolæ_ 6

_Flumina Novæ Franciæ_ 9, 10

_Fœmina apud Barbaros_ 16
_locum mancipii tenet_ 17

_Francici sinûs positio_ [42] 10

_Galli, quæ regio ab illis Nova Francia usurpatur_ 8
_Novæ Franciæ regionem non incolant_ 19

_Galliam, Barbari devehuntur et baptizantur_ 23

_Gallis, Irocosii et Armonchiqui non multum noti sunt_ 11

_Gallorum numerus in Acadiâ_ 25

_Geographi antiqui erroribus pleni_ 7

_Guerchevilia, Marchionisa, pro Patribus Societatis navem emit_ 21

_Gurges S. Laurentii_ 9

_Hæretici in navem Iesuitas recipere nolunt_ 20

_Henricus Rex, veniam dat Societati in Novâ Franciâ laborandi_ 19
_mortuus est_ 20

_Infantes Barbarorum baptizati_ 27

_Insula Præsentis, Terra Nova Barbaris appellatur_ 9

_Insulæ in Nova Francia frequentes sunt_ 12

_Irocosii ad capita magni fluminis Canadæ iacent_ 9
_perpetua bella cum Montagnesiis et Algonquiniis gerunt_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11

_Isthmum, gurges S. Laurentii et sinus Francicus efficiunt_ 10

_Kinibequi flumen._ vide _Rimbequi_.

_Latitudo Novæ Franciæ_ 8

_Leucas quingentas Isthmus continet_ 10

_Linguæ indigenarum Patres Societatis ignari_ 27

_Massæus, P. Enemundus, in Acadiam mittitur_ iii

_Medicæa Maria, regina regens, Societati Iesv patrocinatur_ 20
_mandat ut Patres in navem recepti sint_ [43] 21

_Membertou, Henricus, Sagamus Soricorum, cum familia ejus,
baptizatur_ 24
_filius ejus ægrotus deportatus est in ædes D. Potrincurtii_ 28, 29
_Sagamus, moritur_ 30
_magnâ pompâ sepulitur_ 32

_Moluarum, Terra nova celeberrima piscatu_ 9

_Montagnesii, ubi habitant_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11

_Montes Novæ Franciæ nivosi et perpetuò rigentes sunt_ 12

_Mores Barbarorum_ 13, 16

_Mortuorum memoriam ac nomen Barbari cum corpore sepeliunt_ 16

_Nomina Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ_ 9

_Nortmannos, Barbari Gallos appellant_ 25

_Norumbega nihil est quam umbra et vox_ 8

_Norumbegæ P. Biardus magnam partem lustrat_ 32

_Nova Francia, quæ sit regio_ 8
_numeri ac nomina tribuum Barbarorum in_ 11
_quare regio perfrigida est et valdè aquosa_ 12
_Societas Iesv permissionem obtinet laborare in_ 19

_Novæ Franciæ chorographia à P. Biardo facienda_ 18

_Novam Franciam Patres Societatis appellunt ad_ 24

_Numerus Gallorum in Acadiâ_ 25

_Panis in Portu-regali cœpit deficere_ 34

_Patres Societatis Iesv in Portu-regali degunt_ 10
_necessitates ac onera eorum_ 35

_Pedunculos Barbari in deliciis habent_ 18

_Pelles unicus thesaurus Barbarorum_ 12

_Pontia, Antonia._ vide _Guerchevilia_

_Pōtugoët fluvius_ [44] 10

_Portus-regalis latitudo ac situs_ 10
_Patres Societatis ibi perveniunt_ 26

_Potrincurtius, D. Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ poscit_ 20
_in Novam Franciam pervenit_ 24
_familia ejus unica est in Acadiâ_ 25
_Patrûm sedulitatem collaudat_ 27
_filius ægrotus Membertou deportatus est in ædes ejus_ 29

_Potrincurtio D. quidam iuvenis reconciliatus est_ 34

_Præsentis insula_ 9

_Promontorium Sabulorum_ 11

_Puella baptizatur_ 27
_moritur in Sacerdotum tuguriolo_ 28

_Religio Barbarorum_ 14

_Rimbequi (seu potius Kinibequi) flumen_ 10

_Sacerdos secularis centum ferè Barbaros in Novâ Franciâ baptizat_ 24
_in Galliam remigrat_ 26

_Sagami sunt bellorum ductores sed imperium eorum precarium est_ 13

_S. Ioannis flumen sese in Francicum gurgitem exonerat_ 10

_S. Laurentii gurges_ 9

_Sinus Francicus_ 10

_Societas Iesv, quanam viâ missionem in hanc provinciam obtinet_ 18
_permittitur in Novâ Franciâ laborare_ 19
_evocat duos Sacerdotes ut ibi proficiscantur_ 20
_impedimenta quæ eis afferuntur_ 21
_patres in Portum-regalem perveniunt_ 24, 26
(vide _Patres_).

_Somniis Barbari fidem habent_ [45] 15

_Soricorum Sagamus Henricus Membertou_ 28

_Soriqui ubi habitant_ 10
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_duo millia non conficiunt_ 13

_Tabagia, convivium apud Barbaros vocatur_ 17

_Tabagiam, apud Barbaros mos est moribundis facere_ 28

_Templa nulla Barbari habent_ 15

_Terra nova, nomen suum apud Barbaros_ 9

_Tuguriola fœminæ ædificant_ 17
_quomodo ædificantur_ 18

_Venefici apud Barbaros_ 14
_potestas eorum_ 15

_Vultus Barbarorum_ 13

An index of matters, persons and places now for the first time added
to this Letter

[_Figures refer to original pagination.--Ed._]

ACADIA, _two priests of the Society are sent thither_ iii
_and arrive there_ 26

_Algonquins wage perpetual war with the Irocois_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_and the Montagnais together cannot much exceed a thousand in
number_ 13

_Cannibals, the Excomminiqui and Armouchiquois are said to be_ 9, 14

_Aquitaine, a Priest departs for New France, summoned from_ 20

_Armouchiquois occupy the region from the Kinibequi river to the
fortieth parallel_ 11
_are said to be Cannibals_ 14

_Autmoins, or medicine-men, the Savages consult_ 14

_Bay of Fundy_, vide _French Bay_.

_Baptism is accepted by the Savages as a sign of confederation with
the French_ 24

_Savages, they have neither laws nor magistrates_ [40] 13

_Savages, how they live_ 13
_wage war as a whole people_ 14
_have neither temples nor sacred edifices_ 15
_bury the name and memory of the dead with their bodies_ 16
_worship the Evil Spirit_ 16
_have a slight notion of God_ 16
_some brought to France and baptised there_ 23
_a hundred are baptized in New France_ 24
_receive baptism as a sign of confederation with the French_ 24
_call the French Normans_ 25
_sacrifice dogs when one of their people is about to die_ 28

_Savages of New France, names of the tribes_ 9
_of New France, their numbers and names_ 11, 13
_hides their only treasure_ 12
_their faces, color, and manners_ 13
_in what their religion consists_ 14
_their custom at their feasts_ 17
_infants baptized_ 27
_Father Biard visits their huts_ 33

_Wars, the Indians wage war as a people_ 14

_Biard, Father Pierre, is sent to Acadia_ iii
_visits the huts of the Savages_ 33
_explores a large part of Norumbega_ 32
_reconciles a certain young man with Monsieur de Potrincourt_ 34

_Biencourt, Jean de, asks for colonists for New France_ 20
vide _Potrincourt_.

_Biencourt, son of Potrincourt, serves as interpreter_ 31
_explores with Father Biard a large part of Norumbega_ [41] 32

_Evil Spirit, the Savages worship the_ 19

_Canada, the Irocois live at the head-waters of the great river
of_ 9
_the St. John river takes its rise near the river of_ 10

_Dogs, the Savages at the approach of death are accustomed to
sacrifice_ 28
_the Fathers of the Society blame this custom_ 29

_Canoes constructed out of bark_ 17

_Chart of New France, Father Biard proposes to send_ 18

_Chouacoët is a promontory jutting into French bay_ 11

_Color of the Savages_ 13

_Feasts, customs of, among the Savages_ 17

_Coton, Father, obtains permission for the Society of Jesus to labor
in New France_ 19

_God, the Savages have a slight knowledge of_ 16

_Dieppe, two Jesuits go there to embark_ 20
_and sail from this port_ 22

_Etheminqui, live between St. John and Kinibequi rivers_ 10
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_cannot number a thousand_ 13

_Excominqui, a fierce tribe, and Cannibals_ 9

_Excommunicated, the, common appellation of the Excominqui_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 9, 11
_are said to be Cannibals_ 14

_Explanation, or heads of this Letter_ 6

_Rivers of New France_ 9, 10

_Women among the Savages_ 16
_fill the place of slaves_ 17

_French bay, its position,_ [42] 10

_French, what country is called by them New France_ 8
_do not settle in the country of New France_ 19

_France, Savages brought there and baptised_ 23

_French, the Irocois and Armouchiquois little known to_ 11

_French, their number in Acadia_ 25

_Geographers, old, full of errors_ 7

_Guercheville, Marchioness de, buys a ship for the Fathers of the
Society_ 21

_Gulf of St. Lawrence_ 9

_Heretics refuse to receive the Jesuits into their ship_ 20

_Henry, King, gives the Society permission to labor in New France_ 19
_his death_ 20

_Infants of the Savages baptised_ 27

_Island of Præsentis [Plaisance], Newfoundland is called by the
Indians_ 9

_Islands are numerous in New France_ 12

_Irocois located at sources of great river of Canada_ 9
_wage perpetual war with the Montagnais and Algonquins_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11

_Isthmus, gulf of St. Lawrence and French bay form_ 10

_Kinibequi river_, vide _Rimbequi_.

_Latitude of New France_ 8

_Leagues, the Isthmus measures five hundred_ 10

_Language of the natives, the Fathers ignorant of it_ 27

_Massé, Father Ennemond, sent to Acadia_ iii

_Médicis, Marie de, queen regent, extends her favor to the Society
of Jesus_ 20
_orders the Fathers to be received into the ship_ [43] 21

_Membertou, Henry, chief of the Soriquois, is baptized with his
family_ 24
_his son being sick, is carried to the house of Monsieur de
Potrincourt_ 28, 29
_the Chief dies_ 30
_is buried with great pomp_ 32

_Cod-fish, Newfoundland celebrated for the taking of_ 9

_Montagnais, where they dwell_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11

_Mountains of New France are covered with snow and perpetual
frost_ 12

_Manners of the Savages_ 13, 16

_Dead, they bury their memory and name with them_ 16

_Names of the Savages of New France_ 9

_Normans, the Savages call the French_ 25

_Norumbega is only a shadow and a name_ 8

_Norumbega, Father Biard explores a large part of_ 32

_New France, what sort of a country_ 8
_number and names of its Savage tribes_ 11
_why the country is very cold and wet_ 12
_Society of Jesus obtains permission to labor in_ 19

_New France, its chart to be made by Father Biard_ 18

_New France, the Jesuit Fathers land in_ 24

_Number of the French in Acadia_ 25

_Provisions at Port Royal become scarce_ 34

_Priests, the Jesuit, live at Port Royal_ 10
_their needs and cares_ 35

_Lice, the Indians regard them as a dainty_ 18

_Peltries, the only treasure of the Indians_ 12

_Pons, Antoinette de_, vide _Guercheville_.

_Potugoët river_ [44] 10

_Port Royal, latitude and location_ 10
_the Jesuit Priests arrive here_ 26

_Potrincourt, Sieur Jean de, asks for colonists for New France_ 20
_arrives in New France_ 24
_his family is the only one in Acadia_ 25
_praises the zeal of the Fathers_ 27
_the sick son of Membertou is brought to his house_ 29

_Potrincourt, Sieur de, certain young man reconciled with_ 34

_Præsentis [Plaisance] island_ 9

_Sable, Cape_ 11

_Girl baptized_ 27
_dies in the cabin of the Priests_ 28

_Religion of the Savages_ 14

_Rimbequi (or rather Kinibequi) river_ 10

_Secular Priest, baptises nearly a hundred Savages in New France_ 24
_returns to France_ 26

_Sagamores are leaders in war, but their authority is precarious_ 13

_St. John river empties into French bay_ 10

_St. Lawrence, gulf of_ 9

_French Bay_ 10

_Society of Jesus, in what way it obtained the sending of a mission
to this province_ 18
_is permitted to labor in New France_ 19
_summons two Priests to go there_ 20
_the impediments put in their way_ 21
_the fathers arrive at Port Royal_ 24, 26
vide _Priests_.

_Dreams, the Savages have faith in_ [45] 15

_Soriquois, their Sagamore Henry Membertou_ 28
_where they live_ 10
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_do not number two thousand_ 13

_Tabagie, feast among the Indians is called_ 17

_Tabagie, a custom among the Savages held for the dying_ 28

_Temples, the Savages have none_ 15

_Newfoundland, its name among the Savages_ 9

_Tents, the women set them up_ 17
_how they are constructed_ 18

_Medicine-men among the Indians_ 14
_their power_ 15

_Aspect of the Indians_ 13

A. Le lieu de l'habitation.
B. Iardin du Sieur de Champlain.
C. Alleé au trauers les bois que fit faire le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
D. Ile à l'entrée de la riuiere de l'Equille.
E. Entrée du port Royal.
F. Basses qui assechẽt de basse mer.
G. Riuiere sainct Antoine.
H. Lieu du labourage où on seme le blé.
I. Moulin que fit fair le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
L. Prairies qui sont innōdées des eaux aux grandes marées.
M. Riuiere de l'Equille.
N. La coste de la mer du port Royal.
O. Costes de montaignes.
P. Ile proche de la riuiere sainct Antoine.
Q. Ruisseau de la Roche.
R. Autre Ruisseau.
S. Riuiere du moulin.
T. Petit lac.
V. Le lieu où les sauuages peschent le harang en la saison.
X. Ruisseau de la trutiere.
Y. Allée que fit faire le Sieur de Champlain.]