Chapter XII: Relatio Rerum Gestarum (3)

THE English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John
Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis
I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the
portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which,
covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth
parallels, was formerly called by the name of _Mocosa_,[84]
situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station
at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held
for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of
soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds
of the Peucoit[85] islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during
the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of
this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail
upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long
delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually
borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of
St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned
unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned
that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not
a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly
armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than
this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was
exhausted,--men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by
an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty
than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to
willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the
law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full
sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into
our harbor.[86] When the Savage by whose information we had
been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile
intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his
mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault
toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often
thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error,
and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune
their own injury, and often threatened him with violence.
Meanwhile, we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or
enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards
our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet
and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however,
in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but
especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to
the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they
advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their
fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the
defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and
sixty guns of the larger size, which they call _Mosquets_, they
made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing
because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with
only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was
absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La
Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no
great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the
defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets
assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and,
although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who
was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after
receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come
into the power of the English Heretic,[87] who, being extremely
crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal
commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment
of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to
treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and
then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had
planted a settlement upon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye
had cited the authority and commission of the King of France,
which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his
baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought,
and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La
Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper
place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming,
the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and
was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates,
and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to
his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now
it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly
be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had
already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might
conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence.
Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed
themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity;
and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt
severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him
to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he
would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity
had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of
others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was
dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond
the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too
careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by
the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing
of which he disapproved being that Fathers of the Society, who
had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be
among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved
by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not
only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also
in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain
seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in
us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From
that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration,
and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at
his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot[88]
of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and
he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because
of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and
the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the
captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This
pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard,
and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and
the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and
devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian
and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect
nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid
freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making
their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised
that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and
his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning
himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety,
and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that
in the meantime the pilot ought to look out for himself, as the
English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the
pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause
the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards,
fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he
passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he
were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he
knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a
neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome
of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance
of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having
received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers,
deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the
use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we
were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English
Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,[89] had decided upon milder
measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first
expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of
our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return
were of such a character that they differed little from our certain
destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty
persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we
were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions,
La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with
his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was
really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of
our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together
incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should
be placed on board the boat, of whom one should be Father Massé,
while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit
islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to
France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their
own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the
settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set
out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship,
[595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the
Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the
fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should
offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed
upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom,
like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order
to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon
the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed
himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his
boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and
its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky
catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by
various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis
Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of
elk meat,[90] Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply
of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of
fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the
news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring
coast, at Sesambre and Passepec[91] harbor, were two ships
preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing
their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left;
and, all having been received on board, they made sail and arrived
safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé
was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the
Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town.
Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it
had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit
islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be
conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed,
it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with
five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured
vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers
had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had
heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing
severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and
the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some
of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor,
for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they
were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his
word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his
name[92] and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish
them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should
befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted
in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence
upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by
its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no
farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair
was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision
that Argall, with three ships, should take the Jesuits back to New
France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners
to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military
force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the
fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the
ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that
coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled
and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which
were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French
occupation, and erected English monuments in various places,
declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King.
While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life
was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many
words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would
be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless,
afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to
become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover,
because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen
in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and
Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.

REGIO Portu digressus Argallus in Virginiam contendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat, atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt: Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente coortus aduersus ventus proram in _Asoras_ Lusitanorum insulas [598] obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas. Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos, spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus, Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri. Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret ad _Asoras_: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat, vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant, tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani, dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter spem, ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem, Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant, & deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset, citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris verò est honor habitus, & apud _Maiorem Vrbis_, vt vocant, Magistratum plebeium scilicet, hospitium est assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate, de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus, doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, & Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in suum Collegium abunde esset.

ARGALL left Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early
part of November of the year 1613, but, on the day after he set
sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships
were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall's
vessel, indeed, was finally borne to Virginia; the smaller of the
two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the
larger of these, which Turnell commanded, and on board of which we
were, after being dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuous
tempests, had reached almost desperate straits, because of the
exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and
we resumed our voyage towards Virginia with a favoring wind. We
were distant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of
Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for
this reason the voyage was hateful to us; when a contrary wind
which suddenly arose turned our bow towards the _Asores_ islands
of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues
due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not
at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered
should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was
conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice,
had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was
still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges
of the French at Port Royal, he believed Father Biard to be a
Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of
his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve
to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power
of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was
deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage; and, overcome
by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly
believing slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up
to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable
toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not
driving them to the _Asores_, still, scarcity of provisions and
fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their
will; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions
lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage; as no
danger was to be feared from them, if the ship should remain at a
distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be secured
by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to
do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations;
for when we approached Faëal, one of the Asores islands, we were
compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among
the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered
thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a
Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the
Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his
crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a
ship in the same harbor by a sudden attack; whence the Spaniards,
fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion,
and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case
of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark
upon the land, where the Spanish held him as a hostage while the
interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers,
in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the
Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be
discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all
convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so
careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship;
but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own
delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman; but with
greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he
had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by
those whom he had most wickedly deprived of their liberty. This
service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that
time with marked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of
the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers.
Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and
the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived
of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Virginia, Turnell
proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the
direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward
to the coast of Vuallia;[93] and when here provisions failed the
ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [600] for the sake of
obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of
piracy upon the high seas, because, although an Englishman, he was
sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials
of the authority under which he was making his voyage; and when
he made oath that he had been separated by a storm from his
Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every
sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his
statements the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose
incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call
in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully
interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the
magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have
done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman; but our brethren
were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by
the _Mayor of the City_, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate
of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the
Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our
brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely
bad fare upon the ship, he directed that they should be entertained
at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon
his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to
them; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that
for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meeting
the expense, because he thought it very unbecoming that no kindness
should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished
in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to
the King of Britain concerning our brethren; and, while an answer
thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing
and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of
the officials, and even of the ministers, [601] four of whom one
of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren,
with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their
case had been reported at Court, the ambassador[94] of the Most
Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits
had been captured, and urged the release of all and especially
of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to
this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our
brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage,
they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of
captivity, at Itius Portus,[95] a town on the French coast. Here
they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and
favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal garrison, and
Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which
was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at
Ambians[96] [Amiens].

IAM Nouo-Francicæ Missionis operæ quantum promouerint rem Christianam inter Barbaros, non facile dispiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur: qui verò negotium natura sua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam aliunde casibus valdè impeditum, æquis momentis volet æstimare, maximè idoneis, atque illustribus initiis asperrimum solum Euangelicæ sementi præparatum, fateatur necesse est. In primis enim quantum, quæso, illud est, belluini prorsus ingenij atque moris gentem, nuper ab omni commercio externo alienissimam, ab sua impotentia suspiciosissimam, sic nunc esse nobis cõciliatã, ea de nostris hominibus opinione imbutam, vt eos summo ambitu quilibet Barbarorũ cõuentus [602] expetat, in sua ora domicilium habere cupiat, de suis copiolis annua cibaria deferat, mœrore ac fletu suum eorum desiderium testetur, implacabili odio in Britannos, nostræ infestos quieti, feratur? Magnum quiddam profecto est, & ingentis ad fidem illis animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius præcones tam propensa ferri voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longè maius est, tantóque ad Barbaroram efficiendam salutem potentius, quantò alienius est ab humanarum affectionum ratione, diuinisque motionibus proprium magis. Altè iam insedit Canadiorum animis illa sententia, æternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptismi expertes è viuis decedant, vt tametsi valẽtes Christianæ legis conditiones, suo sensu paullò asperiores, haud facilè subeant, moribundi tamen Baptismum ingentis omnino beneficij esse ducant, cupidéque appetant. Cuius doctrinæ quoniam Patres Societatis auctores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis sensibus, eius sua sponte illos admonent, & memores esse iubent, quoties popularium quis deteriùs affectus decumbit, hortanturque suos Doctores vti obitum ægroti præuertant, salutaribus aquis lustrantes, antè quàm occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbarissimis alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non assidua, sed frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Patres effecerunt, non leuibus certè momentis ad Euangelici verbi satus in ea gente magnis incrementis propagandos. Quam ad propagationem, sacrarum precationum, & Baptismi [603] inusitata vis, insignibus aliquot documentis apud eam nationem interdum prodita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani piscis amnem die quodam agenti affertur nuncius ab ægrota, & animam agente muliere, quæ ipsum videre atque alloqui valdè cuperet, ad Sanctæ Mariæ Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis. Eò ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis præter focum stratam deprehendit, tertia iam hebdomada miserè languentem: ægram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechesi necessaria instruit, adhibitisq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pectus appensa munit, seque vocari iubet, si quid ei posteà deterius accidat. Postridie mulier bene sana è foco exsilit, & graui onusta sacco ad maritum quattuor inde leucas vegeta contendit. Eam sanationem Caluinianus Dieppensis omnium primus obseruauit, confestimque illius euentum mirabilem nunciaturus ad Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio versabatur, vbi pro instituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, ægros visebat, solabatur, precibus, ac Christianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi tertium iam mensem æger decumbebat, cuius salus erat conclamata, quem Barbari visendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido sudore totus manabat, certo fere mortis indice, cùm iam eum grauis æstus tenuisset, cui post preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cùm Pater crucem sæpius exosculandam porrexisset, eique de collo pensilem reliquisset, frequentibus Barbaris audientibus, & quæ gererentur mirè [604] probantibus ab eo ad nauẽ & Biencourtium rediit. Postera verò die Biencourtio cum indigenis in naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in eã nauem sanus ingressus ille æger, heri moribũdus, crucemque gratulabũdus, magnificè ostentãs, adiit ad P. Biardũ, ingentiq; gaudio suam ei sanitatem testatus, virtuti S. Crucis acceptã tulit. Illustrius multò est id quod sequitur, & ad Barbarorũ sensum in Baptismi laudẽ singulare. P. Biardus, & Mottæus Saussæij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vnà iuerant ad considerandam areã Sancti Saluatoris domicilio designatã, vnde redeuntibus procul ad aures accidit lamẽtabilis vlulatus quærentibusq; à Barbaro comite causã lugubris clamoris, responsum est, sollemne illud esse alicuius iam iam vita functi argumentũ. Sed propiùs ad Barbarica tuguria succedentibus puer interrogatus indicauit, nõ mortui, sed morientis esse cõpliorationẽ; atque ad P. Biardum conuersus; Quin tu, inquit, accurris, si forte in viuentẽ adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptismum præuertas? Ea pueri vox, tamquã cælo missa, Patrem & comites ad cursum vehementer accendit, quibus ad agrestes casas appulsis, Barbarorũ sub dio stantium lōgissima ala, directo ordine instructa occurrit, atq; in spectãtis alæ, & mœrore defixæ oculis obambulans pater, cuius in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hic vt animam ægerrimè trahebat, interruptis debilitate singultibus ad mortem properans, miserum parentem miseratione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoslibet autem infantis singultus, horrendùm eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adstantis Barbaricæ concionis mox luctuosus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater Biardus adiit ad afflictum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipso volente moribundum infantem Baptismo esset lustraturus. Ingenti mœrore percitus Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, sed deposito in postulantis manibus puero, reipsa, quid cuperet, ostendit. Pater aquam poposcit, puellumque Mottæo ardentissimè suscipienti tenendum tradit, salutaribus aquis aspergit, Nicolaum de Mottæi nomine appellat, concepta precum formula Barbaris lumẽ ad fidei agnoscendas ingentes opes à Deo precatur. Sub eam precationem receptum de Mottæi manibus infantem matri eius præsenti defert, mater filio mammam continuò porrigit, puer oblatam cupidè arripit, lac ad satietatem haurit, atque deinceps sanus vegetúsque vixit. Vniuersus interim Barbarorum, qui circumsteterat, globus rei haud vsitatæ defixus miraculo, petrarum instar immotus, ac tacitus hærebat in vestigio. Ad eos igitur sic animo comparatos noster, quæ visa sunt in rem præsentem quadrare, verba fecit, quæ auidis mentibus hauserunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iussit singulos in tuguria se recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius sermonem summa reuerentia exceperant, ita cùm cœtus facta missione receptum in suas casas indixit, alto silentio præferentes inusitatum obsequium, in sua quisque tuguria pacatissimè, citissimeque dilapsi sunt. Hæc & huiusmodi alia in Barbarorum oculis, summa ipsorum admiratione, nec minore fructu gesta, quisquis perpenderit, vtilissimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam Missionem meritò iudicabit.

NOW he who measures the undertaking by ordinary standards, will
not easily see how greatly the work of the Mission of New France
has advanced the Christian religion among the Savages; he who
will fairly estimate an enterprise very difficult in its nature,
and greatly hindered also by the interruption of calamities from
without; must confess that the rugged soil has been prepared
for the seed of the Gospel with very advantageous and glorious
beginnings. For, in the first place, is it not a great thing, I
ask, that a race of utterly brutal disposition and manners, lately
keeping itself far aloof from all external intercourse, extremely
suspicious by reason of its impotence, should be now so conciliated
towards us, and entertain such sentiments for our brethren, that
Savages of every tribe seek them out with the greatest pains,
[602] desire them to have a residence in their territory, offer
them annual supplies from their scanty store, testify by grief
and weeping to their longing for them, and regard the English,
the enemies of our peace, with implacable hatred? It is indeed
something great, and of the utmost importance to the implanting
of the faith in those minds, that they meet its heralds with such
emphatic good-will, confidence, and veneration. Moreover there is
another influence far greater, and so much the more powerful in
effecting the salvation of the Savages as it is remote from the
sphere of human affections and more characteristic of heavenly
emotions. Already there has become deeply seated in the minds of
the Canadians the belief that those who die without Baptism are
consigned to eternal torments; consequently, as long as they are in
health, they do not readily submit to the rules of the Christian
faith, which to their ideas are a little too harsh; but when at
the point of death, they regard Baptism as certainly a great
blessing, and eagerly seek it. Since they have the Fathers of the
Society as authorities for this doctrine, and have absorbed it into
their inmost souls, of their own accord they warn and remind their
Teachers of it, whenever any one of their friends is prostrated
by some severe complaint, and urge them to anticipate the death
of the patient by sprinkling him with the saving waters, before
he shall perish. And, indeed, these emotions of the mind, in men
who are in other respects most savage, two Fathers have created
by a training of two years, and that indeed not continuous, but
interrupted by numerous difficulties, which is certainly no light
incentive toward propagating the seed of the Gospel among that race
with flourishing increase. To this propagation, the unaccustomed
power of holy prayers and of Baptism, [603] sometimes disclosed
among this people in several remarkable instances, seems likely to
be no small incentive in the future. When Father Biard was occupied
one day at the river of the Eplan fish, a message was brought to
him from a sick woman at the point of death, who was very anxious
to see and converse with him, at Bay Ste. Marie, two leagues from
that river. He had one of the colonists as a guide thither, and
found the woman lying, according to the manner of her race, near
the hearth, and now miserably languishing in the third week of
her illness. He instructed the invalid, as far as her disease
permitted, in the necessary parts of the Catechism; strengthened
her by prayers adapted to the circumstances, and a cross hung upon
her breast; and directed that he should be called, if she should
thereafter grow worse. The next day the woman arose from the hearth
entirely well, and, loaded with a heavy bag, started briskly for
her husband, who was at a distance of four leagues. A Calvinist
from Dieppe first of all observed this cure, and immediately ran
to Father Biard to announce the wonderful event. The same Father
was with Biencourt on the banks of the Pentegoët, where, according
to his custom, he was going about among the cabins of the Savages,
visiting and comforting the sick and aiding them with prayers and
Christian instruction. There a sick man was lying, who had already
been ill three months, whose recovery had been despaired of, and
whom the Savages brought to the Father's notice. He was completely
bathed in cold perspiration, an almost certain sign of death,
since a heavy fever had taken possession of him. After prayers had
been said and a short lesson in the faith given, when the Father
had held out a cross to him to be repeatedly kissed, and had left
it hanging about his neck, many Savages listening to him, and
heartily [604] approving what was done, he returned to the ship
and Biencourt. But the next day, when Biencourt was engaged upon
the ship in trading with the natives, that sick man, yesterday
at the point of death, came on board in a state of health, and,
joyfully and reverently displaying the cross, went to Father Biard,
and, testifying with great delight to his recovery, ascribed it
to the power of the Holy Cross. That which follows is much more
remarkable, and by the Savages was ascribed solely to the merit of
Baptism. Father Biard, La Motte, the Lieutenant of La Saussaye,
and Simon the Interpreter, had gone together to examine the site
selected for the settlement of St. Sauveur. While returning thence,
they heard at a distance a lamentable wail, and, when they asked
of their Savage companion the cause of this mournful outcry, the
answer was made that it was the customary token that some one had
already departed this life. But as they approached nearer to the
huts of the Savages, a boy, on being questioned, informed them that
the lamentation was not for a dead, but for a dying person; and,
turning to Father Biard, he said: "Why do you not hurry thither,
if perchance you may find him still living, and administer Baptism
before his death?" The voice of that boy, just as though sent from
heaven, caused the Father and his companions to run swiftly, and as
they reached the rude dwellings, there appeared a great crowd of
Savages, drawn up in regular order, standing in the open air; and
among this mournful-looking company a father walked about, in whose
arms a delicate boy was dying. As the child struggled for breath,
hastening towards death, and weakly gasping, it tortured the
unfortunate parent with grief and sorrow. Moreover, at each gasp of
the infant, the father wailed dreadfully, and his lamentation was
immediately answered by a howl from the gloomy throng of Savages
standing near. [605] Father Biard went to the afflicted parent of
the boy, and asked whether he might, with his consent, baptize
the dying child. The Savage, overcome by the depth of his grief,
could not utter a word; but his action showed, by placing the child
in the arms of the petitioner, what he desired. The Father asked
for water, and giving the child to La Motte to hold, who eagerly
received it, he sprinkled it with the saving waters, christened
it Nicholas de la Motte, and formulating a prayer, begged from
God light for the Savages, that they might recognize the immense
blessings of the faith. After this prayer he took the infant from
the hands of La Motte and gave it to its mother, who was present;
the mother immediately gave her breast to the child, who greedily
accepted it, partook of the milk to satiety, and finally lived,
healthy and vigorous. In the meantime, the whole circle of Savages
who had stood about, struck by the marvelousness of the unusual
occurrence, remained motionless as stones, and stood silently in
their tracks. Therefore, while they were thus prepared in mind,
our brother addressed to them such words as seemed appropriate to
the subject in hand; and when he had finished, bade them depart
to their own huts. As they, trembling and reverential, received
his discourse, with the greatest respect, so when, the object
of their gathering having been accomplished, he ordered them to
depart to their huts, they slipped away, silently exhibiting this
unusual obedience, quietly and quickly, each to his own dwelling.
Whoever shall carefully examine these and other like acts which
have been performed in the sight of the Savages, greatly to their
astonishment, and no less to their benefit, will justly conclude
that the Mission of New France has been commenced under very
advantageous beginnings.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. II