Chapter I (2)

On the eighteenth of the same month of February, Father Buteux and
I received among the number of Christians, a good Savage woman, who
was solemnly baptized in our Chapel of the Conception at the three
Rivers. She was called _Ouetata Samakheou_, and we gave her the
name of Anne. When the Savages went away, they left her near our
Settlement, very sick and lying upon the hard ground; [37] others
arriving, we had her placed in their Cabin; and when these moved
away, after a short sojourn, we had her placed in another, the
only one remaining; as the people of this Cabin wished to follow
the others, we begged them to leave a few rolls of their bark to
make a miserable hut for this poor creature; but they turned a deaf
ear. Now as we could not have this woman taken into the fort, where
there were only men, and as on the other hand we did not wish to
see her die before our eyes a victim to the cold, having nothing
with which to make her a house, we begged our French people to
intimidate these Barbarians, who were so cruel towards their own
people. So some of them came at once, pistol in hand, and took
some of the bark by force, telling them that this [38] woman would
soon either die or recover, and they would get back what they had
loaned. They were very angry; but nevertheless, as this violence
was reasonable, one of them, to atone for their cruelty, returned
from the woods where he had gone to camp, and himself put up a
little cabin for her, where every day we carried her food and then
instructed her. Imagine, if you please, how great is the necessity
for a Hospital here, and how much fruit it could produce. Three
things consoled me greatly in expounding to her the Articles of our
belief; the 1st was, that, wishing to make her perform some act
of contrition for her sins, in order to prepare her for baptism,
I called up the names of several offenses, threatening her with
the fires of hell if, having committed these crimes, she were not
washed in the waters of the Sacrament; [39] this poor, frightened,
sick woman began to name her offenses aloud, saying, "I have not
committed those sins that thou sayest, but I have these," accusing
herself of several very shameful ones. I told her it would be
enough for her to ask pardon in her heart without naming them,
Confession not being necessary except after Baptism; but she did
not cease, begging for mercy from him who has made all. In the
second place, speaking with her about death, one day after her
baptism, she began to cry, being angry at me for speaking to her
of such a horrible thing; I was somewhat astonished at this, and
almost sorry that I had baptized her. We recommended her to our
Lord, who touched her heart; for, having returned to see her, she
asked me a number of questions: "Will my soul have any [40] sense
when it leaves my body?" said she. "Will it see? Will it speak?"
I assured her that indeed it would lose none of these faculties,
but on the contrary would have them in a much more perfect way;
and that, if she believed in Jesus Christ without dissembling, she
would know wonders and would enjoy great consolation. "Thou hast
told me that I shall come to life again some day; shall I be like
myself," she said to me, "like what I am now, or like some one
else?" "It is thyself, it is thy own body which will live again,
and which will be as beautiful as the day, if thou hast had Faith;
if not, it will be horrible, all deformed and destined to the
eternal flames." "What will my soul eat after death?" "Thy soul has
no body, it has no need of the food here below; it will feast upon
[41] joys beyond conception." "What shall I see if I go to Heaven?"
"Thou wilt see what is going on down here,--the foolishness of such
of thy people as will not receive the Faith, the beauty and the
grandeur of him who has made all; and thou wilt pray to him for
me." "What shall I say to him?" she asked. "Tell him to be merciful
to me, to have pity on me; and to call me soon, to be with him in
Heaven." "Then," said she, "it is a good thing to be up there,
since thou wishest to die to go there. But perhaps I shall forget
what thou tellest me." "No, thou wilt not forget it, if thou dost
really and truthfully believe." "What will they do with my body
when I am dead?" "It will be placed in a beautiful coffin, and all
the French will bear it with honor to the place where we bury our
dead." "Tell me once [42] more, will my soul have sense when it
has left my body?" "Yes, it will; it will see, hear, understand
readily, and will speak in a more noble way than thy lips." While
listening to my answers, her face began to brighten; and at last
she exclaimed, joyfully, _Nitapoueten, nitapoueten_, "I believe, I
believe; and, as a proof of my belief, thou wilt never see me fear
death; until now I was trembling when thou wert speaking of it to
me, but from now on I shall wish for it, so that I may go and see
him who has made all; I was saying always in my prayers 'Make me
well, thou canst cure me;' but hereafter I shall say to him, 'I do
not care to live any longer, I am content to die to see thee.'"
And, in fact, the rest of the time she lived after these questions,
I never noticed in her the least indication [43] that she was
afraid to die. The third thing that gladdened us was, that when a
Savage called _Sakapouan_, wishing to divert her from our belief,
said that we were story-tellers and she must not believe us, since
we could not show nor make any one see what we were teaching, this
poor Neophyte, fortified by the spirit of God, held firm, and
answered steadfastly that she believed we told the truth. Thus she
died a very good Christian. As to the Savage who tried to shake
her faith, he did not do so long, for God drew down upon him a
most severe revenge; this wretch, who already felt ill, was seized
with frenzy, soon after his act of impiety, and died a maniac. We
had taught him well enough; but the fear of what others would say,
which is a potent factor [44] among these people, prevented him
from professing the Faith. He said to us several times, "I indeed
believe that all you say is true; but if I obey you, when I go to
the feasts of my People, they will all make sport of me." "Arrange
it," said he to me, "so that _Outaouau_" (this is one of the great
orators among the Savages) "may receive the Faith when he comes
here; and after that I will have no more difficulty in believing
you." _Outaouau_ found him dead and buried at his return.

Le septiesme d'Auril le petit Sauuage que nous auions enuoyé en France, & que le Pere Lallemant nous ramena, fut fait Chrestien, & baptisé solemnellement par le mesme Pere. Monsieur de Champlain nostre Gouuerneur luy donna nom Bonauenture. Tous les matins venant donner le bon iour au Pere, [45] qui prenoit le soin de l'instruire, il ne manquoit pas de luy demander le baptesme; il fait maintenant fort bien Dieu mercy, se rendant fort docile. I'espere qu'il nous seruira grandement pour nostre Seminaire.

On the seventh of April, the little Savage whom we had sent to
France, and whom Father Lallemant brought back to us, was made a
Christian and solemnly baptized by the same Father. Monsieur de
Champlain, our Governor, gave him the name Bonaventure. Every day,
when he came to say good day to the Father, [45] who took care to
instruct him, he never failed to ask him for baptism; he is doing
very well now, thank God, and is becoming quite docile. I am hoping
he will be of great service to us in our Seminary.

Le treiziesme de May ie baptisay le fils de ceste bonne femme, que i'auois fait Chrestienne & nommé Marie l'an passé, laquelle ie laissay malade proche de nostre Maison, m'en allant hyuerner aux trois Riuieres. Sa maladie se rengregeant le Pere Lallemant luy donna l'Extreme-Onction, & venant à mourir l'enterra solemnellement dans nostre Cimetiere. Elle laissa pour tout heritage sa maladie à son petit enfant, qu'vne fieure lente a faict passer au Ciel apres le baptesme; il portoit en sa langue le nom d'_Aouetitin_, qui luy fut changé au nom de Pierre.

On the thirteenth of May, I baptized the son of the good woman whom
I made a Christian and named Marie last year, and whom I had left
sick near our House when I went to pass the winter at the three
Rivers. As she was growing worse, Father Lallemant gave her Extreme
Unction; and, when she died, buried her solemnly in our Cemetery.
She left, as her only heritage, her disease to her little child,
whom a slow fever sent to Heaven after his baptism; in his language
he bore the name of _Aouetitin_, which was changed to that of
Pierre.

[46] Le dix-neufiesme d'Aoust le Pere Lallemant a baptisé vne fille aagée d'enuiron quatre ans; elle est née au païs des Bissiriniens; on la mene en France pour estre esleuée & instruite en la Foy Chrestienne.

[46] On the nineteenth of August, Father Lallemant baptized a
girl about four years old, who was born in the country of the
Bissiriniens.[21] She is being taken to France to be reared and
educated in the Christian Faith.

Le reste des personnes faites Chrestiennes depuis que nous n'auons escrit en France, ont esté baptisées aux païs des Hurons, comme V.R. pourra voir par la Relation que nos Peres m'ont enuoyée, que ie luy addresse. Ils ont entre autres conferé ce Sacrement à vn bon homme, dont le Pere de Nouë qui l'a cogneu en ces païs si esloignez, me parle en tres-bons termes. Nous auons, dit-il, tousiours creu que cet homme mourroit Chrestien, & que Dieu luy feroit misericorde; car il estoit fort porté au bien, il faisoit volontiers l'aumosne secourant ses Compatriotes, voire mesme nous [47] autres qui estions estrangers. Retournant de la pesche il nous apportoit tousiours quelque poisson, non à la façon des autres Sauuages, qui ne donnent que pour auoir le reciproque, mais gratuitement; il nous venoit visiter vne fois ou deux la semaine, & apres s'estre entretenu quelque tẽps auec nous, voyant que nous estions en bonne santé, il s'en alloit tout content. Or comme il gardoit passablement la Loy que la nature a graué dans le cœur de tous les hommes, Dieu luy a donné auant son trespas, la cognoissance de la Loy de son fils.

The rest of the persons who have been made Christians since we
have written to France, were baptized in the Huron country, as
Your Reverence can see by the Relation our Fathers have sent me,
which I forward to you. Among others, they have conferred this
Sacrament upon an honest fellow whom Father de Nouë, who knew him
in that so distant country, recommended to me highly. "We have,"
said he, "always believed that this man would die a Christian,
and that God would be merciful to him; for he had a very good
disposition,--giving alms freely to aid his Countrymen, and even
to us, [47] who were strangers. When he returned from fishing he
always brought us some fish, not in the way the other Savages
did, who give only that they may get something in return, but
gratuitously; he came to see us once or twice every week, and,
after having talked for some time with us, seeing that we were in
good health, he would go away well satisfied." Now as he observed
fairly well the Law which nature has graven upon the hearts of all
men, God gave him before his death the knowledge of the Law of his
son.

Ie rapporteray en ce lieu le chastiment manifeste que Dieu a tiré du miserable Sorcier, & de son frere, dont i'ay parlé bien amplement dans la Relation de l'an passé. Ce méchant homme pour me déplaire [48] s'attaquoit par fois à Dieu comme i'ay dit. Il disoit certain iour aux Sauuages en ma presence, Ie me suis auiourd'huy bien mocqué de celuy que la robbe noire nous dit qui a tout fait. Ie ne pûs supporter ce blaspheme, ie luy dis tout haut, que s'il estoit en France on le feroit mourir. Au reste qu'il se mocquast de moy tant qu'il voudroit, que ie le souffrirois: mais qu'il me tueroit & massacreroit plustost, que d'endurer qu'il se rist de mon Dieu où ie ferois present; qu'il ne porteroit pas loing ceste impudence, Dieu estant assez puissant pour le brusler, & le ietter dans les enfers, s'il continuoit ses blasphemes. Il ne tint iamais plus ces discours deuãt moy; mais en mon absence, il ne relaschoit rien de ses boufonneries & de ses impietez. Dieu n'a pas manqué de l'attraper; car l'année n'estoit pas [49] encore expirée, que le feu s'estant mis en sa cabane, ie ne sçay par quel accident, il a esté tout grillé, rosty, & miserablement bruslé, à ce que m'ont rapporté les Sauuages, non sans estonnement.

I will relate in this place the manifest chastisement which God has
drawn down upon the wretched Sorcerer and his brother, of whom I
spoke very fully in the Relation of last year. This wicked man, in
order to displease me, [48] occasionally made attacks upon God, as
I have said. One day he said to the Savages in my presence, "I have
to-day made a great deal of sport of the one whom the black robe
tells us has made all things." I could not stand this blasphemy,
and told him aloud that, if he were in France, they would put him
to death; furthermore, that he might sneer at me as much as he
pleased and I would endure it, but that he might better kill and
murder me than to expect me to suffer him to mock my God when I
was present; that he would not continue much longer with this
impertinence, for God was powerful enough to burn and cast him into
hell, if he kept on with his blasphemies. He never again spoke
in this way before me, but in my absence he did not in the least
refrain from his scoffing and impious speeches. God did not fail to
strike him; for the year had not [49] yet expired, when his cabin
took fire, I know not how, and he was dreadfully scorched, roasted
and burned, as it was related to me by the Savages, not without
wonder.

Ils m'ont dit encor que Mestigoü lequel i'auois pris pour mon hoste a esté noyé; i'aurois bien plus souhaitté que Dieu leur eust touché le cœur; i'ay esté marry particulierement de mon hoste; car il auoit de bonnes inclinations; mais s'estant mocqué en quelque compagnie de Sauuages des prieres que ie leur auois fait faire en nostre extremité, il a esté enueloppé dans la mesme vengeance, tombant dans vne maladie qui luy fit perdre l'esprit, si bien qu'il couroit çà & là tout nud comme vn fol; s'estant trouué de basse mer sur le bord du grand fleuue, la marée montante l'a etouffé [50] dans ses eaux.

They told me also, that Mestigoü, whom I had taken for my host,
was drowned. I would much rather God had touched their hearts;
I have been particularly grieved about my host, for he had good
inclinations; but having sneered, in company with some of the
Savages, at the prayers I had made them say in the time of our
great need, he was involved in the same vengeance. Falling ill of
a disease which made him lose his reason, so that he ran hither
and thither naked, like a madman, he found himself upon the shore
of the great river, at low tide; and, when the tide arose, he was
smothered [50] in the waters.

Quasi tous ceux qui estoient dans la cabanne où le Sorcier m'a assez mal traité, font morts qui d'vn costé, qui de l'autre, & tous d'vne mort deplorable. Il n'y a que trois iours qu'on m'a amené le fils du Sorcier pour le mettre dans vn Seminaire que nous voulons commencer; i'auois grand desir de le prendre, & de luy faire autant de bien, que son pere m'a fait de mal; mais comme il a les escroüelles d'vne façon fort horrible auprés de l'oreille, la crainte que nous auons en qu'il ne donnast ce mal aux petits garçons, que nous tenons en nostre Maison, nous l'a fait éconduire. Monsieur Gand, homme tout a fait charitable, fait penser & pense luy-mesme cét enfant; s'il guerit nous le mettrons en nostre Seminaire.

Almost all of those who were in the cabin where the Sorcerer
treated me so badly, have died, some here, some there, and all
by a lamentable death. Only three days ago they brought me the
Sorcerer's son, to have him put in a Seminary we intend to
establish; I was very anxious to take him, and to do him as much
good as his father had done me evil; but, as he has a most horrible
scrofulous affection near the ear, we were afraid he would give the
disease to the little boys we have in our House, and so we refused
him. Monsieur Gand,[22] a very charitable man, has this child's
sores dressed and dresses them himself; if he recovers, we will
place him in our Seminary.

Quant à l'Apostat, il nous est venu [51] voir, faisãt mine de se vouloir recõcilier à l'Eglise; nous luy auons demandé quelques preuues de sa bonne volõté; sçauoir est qu'il nous vint voir non dans la famine des Sauuages, qui luy fait rechercher les François, mais dans leur abondance: que s'il retourne en ce temps-là, nous le receurons & retiendrons quelques mois auant que de luy donner l'entrée de l'Eglise.

As to the Apostate, he came [51] to see us, pretending that he
wished to be reconciled to the Church; we demanded some proof of
his good will; namely, that he should come to see us, not when
the Savages were having a famine, which forced him to seek the
French, but in the time of their abundance; if he returns then, we
will receive him, and keep him several months before giving him
permission to enter the Church.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VII

XXIII

See Volume VI. for particulars of this document.

XXIV

The original of Le Jeune's letter to Cardinal Richelieu, dated at Quebec, August 1, 1635, is in the Archives of Foreign Affairs, at Paris. We follow a transcript of the document, in the library of the Dominion Parliament, Ottawa. So far as we are aware, this is its first publication.

XXV

As will be seen from the Preface to the present volume, this document, which for convenience is designated by bibliographers as Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1635, is, like most of the Cramoisys, a composite. It is often referred to as "H. 63," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 63.

For the text of this document, we have had recourse to a copy in the Lenox Library.

_Collation:_ Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; "Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); Relation signed by Le Jeune and eighteen of his confrères, pp. 1-112; Brébeuf's Huron Relation, pp. 113-206; Perrault's Relation of Cape Breton, pp. 207-219; "Divers Sentimens," pp. 220-246; "Extraict du Priuilege du Roy," with the "Approbation" on the verso, 1 l. There is no misnumeration.

The (civil) Privilege for this volume is dated January 12, 1636, and the (ecclesiastical) Approbation January 15, 1635. This apparent discrepancy arises from difference in the calendar: the civil authorities were using the present calendar; whereas the officers of the church were still clinging to the old ecclesiastical year, which began in March. The Approbation of the Jesuit provincial was granted three days after the granting of the royal Privilege.

Another edition of this _Relation_ appears in the octavo volume published at Avignon, also in 1636, and containing the _Relations_ for 1634 and 1635 conjunctively. The volume is described in the Bibliographical Data for document XXIII., in Volume VI., p. 321, of the present series.

There are at least two issues of the Paris edition. We note the following differences:

|
FIRST ISSUE. |SECOND ISSUE.
|
|
P. 82, reads: _Miriuan |P. 82, reads. _Mirinan oukachigakhi
oukachigakhi nimitchiminon._ |nimitchiminan_.
|
P. 90, reads: On l'appelle Rat |P. 90, reads: On l'appelle Rat
musqué, pource qu'en effect les |musqué, pource qu'en effect vne
testicules pris au Printemps |partie de son corps prise au
sentent le musc, en autre temps |Printemps sent le musc, en autre
ils n'ont point d'odeur. |temps elle n'a point d'odeur.
|
P. 91, the first paragraph ends |P. 91, the first paragraph ends
with: "coste de l'Acadie." |with: "coste de l'Acadie à Mr le
|Com. de Razilly."

The Avignon edition follows the wording of the first Paris issue, though it deviates somewhat in the matter of paragraphing; _cf._, _e.g._, pp. 127 and 199 of the Paris edition with pp. 345 (mispaged 245) and 388 of the Avignon edition.

The Quebec reprint (1858) follows the text of the second Paris issue.

The only copy of the Avignon edition, known to us, is in the Lenox Library. Copies of the Paris edition are in the following libraries: Lenox (two issues), Harvard, Riggs (Georgetown University), Brown, British Museum, and Bibliothèque Nationale. Copies have been sold or priced as follows: Leclerq (1878), no. 778, 140 francs; O'Callaghan (1882), no. 1214, $35--it had cost him $32.50 in gold; Barlow (1889), no. 1275, $12.50; Dufossé, of Paris, priced (1891-1893) at 300 and 400 francs.

NOTES TO VOL. VII

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1 (p. 15).--_Matachias_: ornaments of shell, beads, etc.; see vol. ii., _note_ 17.

2 (p. 31).--Cf. vol. ii., page 67, where Plaisance is called _Præsentis_ by the natives.

3 (p. 39).--_Mille-pertuis_: literally, "a thousand holes," referring to the appearance of transparent points in the leaves, caused by cells filled with volatile oil; a name applied to the genus _Hypericum_.

4 (p. 171).--Concerning these Iroquois prisoners, see Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1632 (vol. v., of this series, pp. 27-31, 45-49).

5 (p. 209).--This was the Hébert-Couillard family. Hébert (see vol. ii., _note_ 80) bore the title of Sieur de l'Espinay (or L'Epinay), to which, upon his death (1627), his son-in-law Couillard succeeded.

6 (p. 211).--The Moulin Baude River, in Saguenay county, Que., enters the St. Lawrence four miles below Tadoussac. It is noted for the fine quarry of white statuary marble near its mouth.

7 (p. 211).--For sketch of Lalemant, see vol. iv., _note_ 20. The lay brother, Jean Liégeois, was long a useful member of the mission; he had charge of the construction of the college at Quebec, and also erected at Three Rivers the house and chapel occupied by the mission there. He was several times sent to France on the business of the mission. He was slain by the Iroquois, May 29, 1655, while superintending the construction of a fort near Sillery, for the defence of the native converts there resident.

8 (p. 213).--See sketch of Giffard in vol. vi., _note_ 8. Ferland says (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., pp. 265-267): "This edifice [Champlain's chapel, built in 1633] was not long adequate for the French population, which was every year increased by the arrival of new colonists; and in a short time it became necessary to make a considerable enlargement of the building.... The return of the French to Canada had produced such a movement in the maritime provinces of Western France, and especially in Normandy. From all sides came offers of aid; pious persons sent charitable gifts, either for the missions, or for the instruction of the French and the savages. In many communities, nuns offered themselves to nurse the sick, or to educate young girls; some even were pledged to this work by vows. Christian families, desiring to seek peace in the solitudes of the new world, asked for information as to the advantages that Canada could offer them. This interest was aroused by the relations that the Jesuits sent in 1632 and 1633. These being published, and disseminated in Paris and the provinces, had drawn public attention to the colony. From Dieppe, from Rouen, from Honfleur, and from Cherbourg, went forth many young men to seek their fortunes on the shores of the St. Lawrence; many heads of families followed them; and soon the movement spread to Perche, to Beauce, and to the Isle of France. To render emigration easier, associations were formed. One of the most successful was established, at Mortagne, in 1634, under the direction of Sieur Robert Giffard."

9 (p. 213).--For sketch of Buteux, see vol. vi., _note_ 5.

10 (p. 213).--This paragraph occurs, in the text we follow, on page 327, after the paragraph ending, "apres avoir cruellement massacré les autres." But in the second (Paris) issue, and in those of Quebec and Avignon, it is found as here given. The latter arrangement is undoubtedly correct, for St. John Baptist's day occurred on June 24, not on July 24.

11 (p. 213).--For sketch of Brébeuf, see vol. iv., _note_ 30; of Daniel and Davost, vol. v., _notes_ 31, 32; of the foundation of Three Rivers settlement, vol. iv., _note_ 24.

12 (p. 215).--For sketch of Louis Amantacha, see vol. v., _note_ 20.

13 (p. 229).--Concerning this Sainte Croix Island, see vol. ii., _note_ 66.

14 (p. 233).--The Frenchman murdered by the Hurons was Étienne Brulé (see vol. v., _note_ 37). Concerning Nicolas Viel, see vol. iv., _note_ 25.

15 (p. 235).--This Table of Chapters is not in the first issue; we copy it from the second issue (see Bibliographical Data, vol. vi., doc. xxiii).

16 (p. 239).--This "poison" was the Huguenot or "reformed" faith. The third Huguenot war had ended with the surrender of La Rochelle, Oct. 29, 1628. The edict of Nismes (July, 1629) was one of amnesty and pacification; and under Richelieu's administration, until his death (Dec. 4, 1642), the Huguenots were fairly sheltered and prosperous. Richelieu had said to the Protestant ministers of Montauban, upon the capitulation of that city: "I shall make no discrimination between the King's subjects, save as to their loyalty. This loyalty being henceforth common to the adherents of both religions, I shall help both equally, and with the same affection." Baird says that the cardinal was honest in this declaration, and that his treatment of the Protestants was, on the whole, tolerably impartial. Still, they were, since their defeat, deprived of all political and military power; and court influences were often unfavorable and even hostile to them. Numerous restrictions were laid upon their assemblies, the functions of their pastors, and the erection or restoration of their churches,--in some cases nullifying the provisions of the edict of Nismes. It is doubtless these restrictions for which Le Jeune commends Richelieu. The condition of the Huguenots at this time, and Richelieu's policy toward them, are discussed at length in Baird's _Huguenots and the Revocation_ (N. Y., 1895), vol. i., pp. 343-359. A detailed account of the war above referred to (in which Charles I. of England at first assisted the Huguenots), with the text of the edict of Nismes, is given in _Merc. François_, vol. xv. (1629), pp. 227-565.

17 (p. 241).--_This recommendation_ was the "passport" given to the Jesuits by Richelieu (see vol. v., _note_ 2).

18 (p. 257).--Le Jeune's expectations were somewhat too sanguine. The Company of New France (see vol. iv., _note_ 21) was expending enormous sums on its Canadian enterprise; but these were directed more to the extension of its own commerce than to the development of the country. The reasons for its policy are thus concisely explained by Faillon (_Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 333, 334): "Unfortunately, this Company, although numbering over one hundred members, taken from the magistrates and wealthy merchants of the Kingdom, had only about 300,000 livres of capital,--each of the members being obliged to put in 3,000 livres. These funds were moreover, diminished not only by the losses that the company suffered at the hands of the English, in its first equipment, but by the indemnity demanded by De Caen for the abandonment of his pretensions to New France. But, as most of these Associates were unacquainted with business, there was formed, within the company itself, another and private company, which took charge of the trade, and established a fund of 100,000 francs for its own interests. Thus Champlain put 3,000 livres into the funds of the general company, and 800 livres into those of the other. This active association was obliged to pay the salary of the Governor, and furnish him with provisions; to support garrisons in the country, and furnish all military supplies; and to be responsible for keeping the storehouses in repair. In order to cover its expenses, it had exclusive possession of the trade in peltries, which had been transferred to it by the larger company, on condition that the surplus of profits should belong to the general association. The result was that the entire management of affairs was in the hands of merchants, who became by this arrangement the prime movers of all the company's operations; and it was difficult for them to enter into views so pure and disinterested as those that the other Associates had entertained in its formation." Cf. _Merc. François_, vol. xix., pp. 837, 838.

19 (p. 263).--Information regarding the establishment of these missions (excepting that at Miscou), has been given in notes to preceding volumes.--See vol. iv., _notes_ 20 (N. D. de Récouvrance), 24 (Three Rivers), 30 (Ihonatiria), 46 (Ste. Anne); and vol. vi., _note_ 7 (N. D. des Anges). At the end of the present _Relation_ (1635), Le Jeune gives Perrault's description of the island and people of Cape Breton. The mission of St. Charles was established for the benefit of the Frenchmen who occupied the important post of Miscou, an island at the entrance of the Bay of Chaleurs, much frequented by fishermen. Turgis and Du Marché were sent thither in 1634; the latter returned to Quebec at the end of a year, but Turgis remained until his death, May 4, 1637.

20 (p. 265).--For account of Marquis de Gamache, see vol vi., _note_ 9. The other missions were supported by the Company of New France, in accordance with the terms granted it by the royal edict; see _Merc. François_, vol. xiv. (1628), p. 237.

21 (p. 297).--_Bissiriniens_: the Nipissings, also called by the French "Nation des Sorciers" (see vol. v., _note_ 19).

22 (p. 303).--François Derré (or De Ré), sieur de Gand; one of the Hundred Associates, and commissary general of the company as early as 1635. In 1637, having obtained certain lands adjoining those granted to the Jesuits at Sillery, he donated them to the mission; in 1640, he had charge of the notarial record-office. His death occurred in May, 1641.

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 312:

(see vol. v., _note_ 18)
(see vol. v., _note_ 19)