Chapter C: G. Woodson (7)

The end of this ordeal finally came. The British Emancipation Act was passed in 1833. From 1834 the traffic in human flesh ceased. In 1839 all slaves in Mauritius six years old and upwards became apprentice laborers and remained so until 1841 as regarded field laborers, and until 1839 for those unattached. There were then in the island 39,464 men and boys and 25,856 women and girls, in all 65,320. Knowing that the change in the status of so many inhabitants might interfere with the labor supply, the planters prepared for this contingency by importing coolies from Ceylon and India. By 1838 they had brought in 24,566 such natives, but because they had managed the importation so badly that many evils resulted therefrom, it was stopped by public protest. When the apprentices were freed in 1839, however, there followed such a scarcity of labor that the immigration of the Cingalese and Hindoos was reopened. So many have since then made their way to the island that they now constitute a substantial element of the colony. So much race admixture has followed, on the other hand, that observers sometimes refer to the Mauritians as creoles and coolies.

A. F. FOKEER

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For the leading facts of the life and history of Mauritius see the following: Charles Pridham's _England's Colonial Empire_ (London, 1846); _Le Premier Établissment des Neerlandais à Maurice_; _A Transport Voyage to the Mauritius and Back_; Baron Grant, _History of Mauritius or the Isle of France and the Neighboring Islands_; Jacques Henri Bernardin de St. Pierre, _A Voyage to the Island of Mauritius, the Isle of Bourbon, the Cape of Good Hope, etc._ (London, 1775); Le Baron d'Unienville, _Statistique de l'île de France et ses Dépendances_ (Paris, 1838); M. J. Milbert, _Voyage pittoresque de l'île de France à Cap de Bonne Espérance et à l'île de Teneriffe_ (Paris, 1812); Adrien d'Epinay, _Renseignements pour servir à l'histoire de l'île de France jusqu'à l'année 1810, inclusivement, précédés de notes sur le découverte de l'île sur l'occupation hollandaise_; Henri Prentout, _L'île de France sous Decaen_, 1803-1810 (Paris, 1901); Patrick Beaton, _Creoles and Coolies_ (London, 1858); Nicholas Pike, _Subtropical Rambles in the Land of the Aphanapteryx_ (New York, 1873); and _An Account of the Island of Mauritius and its Dependencies by a Late Official Resident_.

[2] _Adrian d'Espinay Renseignments_, etc., 112-113; _An Account of the Island of Mauritius_, 19.

[3] Grant, _History of Mauritius_, 74.

[4] Grant, _History of Mauritius_, 74-75.

[5] Grant, _History of Mauritius_, p. 75, 1801.

[6] Pridham, _England's Colonial Empire_, I, 160.

[7] Beaton, _Creoles and Coolies_, 94-111; _An Account of the Island of Mauritius and its Dependencies by a Late Official Resident_, p. 19; Adrien d'Epinay, _Renseignments_, etc., pp. 112-113.

[8] Henri Prentout, _L'île de France sous DeCaen_, 126.

[9] Pridham, p. 154.

[10] _Ibid._, p. 156.

[11] Pridham, p. 157.

[12] Pridham, pp. 164, 165.

[13] Bernardin de St. Pierre, _A Voyage_, etc., pp. 100-105.

[14] Pridham, p. 161.

[15] _Ibid._, pp. 175-175.

DOCUMENTS

LETTERS COLLECTED BY R. E. PARK AND BOOKER T. WASHINGTON

This is an extract from the publications of the Southern History Association, Spangenberg's Journal of Travels in North Carolina, 1752.[1]

Whoever comes to North Carolina must prepare to pay a poll tax.
Poll tax is required from all white men, master or servant, from
16 years of age and on; all Negroes and Negresses pay poll tax
from their twelfth year. Whoever marries a Negro, or Indian, a
mixed blood--his children are liable to the fourth degree from
the twelfth year on, and the female Indian or Negro is also
taxable. Should this tax not be paid to the sheriff--by whom it
is demanded, he is empowered to sell anything belonging to the
delinquent party, he can seize at public vendue, and after
keeping enough to pay his own fees and satisfy the tax he returns
the remainder to the party.

When anyone wishes to marry he must go to the clerk of his county
and deposit a Bond for fifty pounds, as assurance that there is
no obstacle or impediment to his marying.

He then receives a certificate which he presents to the Justice,
who gives him his license: he may then get married. The fees are
20 shillings for the clerk--five shillings for the Justice; 10
shillings for the Minister. Should the "Banns be published,"
however the license fee is not required. Should the marriage not
be performed by the Minister, his fee must, nevertheless, be
offered to him. Whoever marries a Negress, Indian, Mulatto or
anything of mixed blood, must pay a fine of fifty pounds. Whoever
marries such a couple must also pay a fine of fifty pounds.

If a slave or servant buys or sells anything without his master's
knowledge and consent, the parties dealing with him shall not
only lose three times the amount bargained for, but also pay a
penalty of six pounds.

Whoever assists a slave to escape from his master, be it much or
little, shall serve the master 5 years, as punishment.

The following is a letter from an investigator seeking in Ohio information concerning the Randolph slaves:

November 18, '08.

_Dr. Park_:--

The following is what I found in answer to your questions
concerning the Randolph slaves in Ohio:

In Virginia, they lived in Charlotte and Prince Edward Counties
on the Roanoke River.

They traveled overland, in wagons and carts from there to
Cincinnati and from Cincinnati, to Mercer Co., in Ohio by flat
boats. The land which is said to have been bought for them was in
Mercer Co.

The settlers of the Community were mainly Germans who would not
allow the landing of the Negroes where they arrived there.

The Colony then moved down the Miami River, settled in camp in
Miami County not far from the towns of Piqua and Troy.

They never got possession of any of the land supposed to have
been purchased for them.

The citizens of Piqua held a mass meeting to discuss the
condition of the Negroes in Camp, to decide upon some course of
action in regard to them.

The decision was to find employment for them wherever they could
and distribute them accordingly. Some were sent to Shelby
County-Sidney, about 12 miles N. E. of Piqua--being the county
seat. Several descendants live in this community yet.

Many remained in & about Piqua & Troy where there are still few
of the old ones & many descendents. Some were sent into Indiana
and other parts of Ohio. There were 385 of them.

The most noted of them is Mr. Goodrich Giles. His father was a
member of the Colony. His mother belonged to another planter in
Virginia & did not get to go.

Mr. Giles is without any question a Negro. He farms & has
succeeded at it. He owns 425 acres of land just out from Piqua
not an acre of which is said to be worth less than one hundred
dollars. He lives in a good roomy brick house, has good farm
buildings, is supplied with farming implements and though old is
still active--leading in his work.

His crop this year consists of about,

4500 bus. Corn 500 bus. Oats

1400 bus. Wheat

100 tons Hay with potatoes & other crops in smaller quantity but
enough to do him.

He raises most of his meat. Has twelve horses & fifteen cows.

He is a good churchman, attends, counsels and pays. Believes in
lodges & helps them too. His city property is said to be worth
from $15,000 to $20,000. His obligations he says are very slight,
well within his ability to handle. The best citizens of the
community are loud in praise of him.

Mr. Fountain Randolph went up with the colony a boy. He is not
very active now & has not prospered as Giles has, but lives in
his own house of brick with four rooms I think, and is still
respected by the community. He & Giles lead in trying to keep the
descendents of the colony together & in the effort to get the
land which it is claimed was bought for them.

Randolph still lives in Piqua. A son of his, John S. Randolph was
born there, educated in the city schools, and was called to
Macon, Ga. several years ago to teach in the schools there, is
reported to have done well, established a school at Montezuma,
Ga. known as Bennett University. I have not had chance to look
him up or his work.

A Miss Anna Jones born at Troy, O. is a descendent who has been
prominent as teacher I was told. Mr. Fountain Randolph said she
now lives & teaches at Wilberforce as Mrs. Coleman. I wrote Prof.
Scarborough about her but have not heard from him.

Mr. Robert Gordon living at Troy is prospering in business and is
greatly helped--says Mr. Randolph, by his wife who is one of the
descendants.

Mr. Samuel White at Troy is a prosperous farmer owning his farm &
is a successful Tobacco grower. He is a descendent.

Mr. Cash Evans is a prosperous barber in Piqua. He is one of the
descendants & is said to own several houses there.

In the summer of 1901 Messrs Goodrich Giles & Fountain Randolph
started what became known as "The Randolph Slave Society."

It grew out of a custom in Ohio of holding what they call "Family
Reunions" one day in each year. This is a day of feasting and
special amusement of some kind when all the members and relatives
of a family from far and near are brought together and rejoice
among themselves.

The day chosen is usually the anniversary of the birth of some
member of the family when all others make special effort to cheer
that one, bringing presents & greetings of various sorts.

* * * * *

Giles & Randolph being impressed with this, arranged for a picnic
and invited all the members of the Randolph colony that could be
reached and their descendents. A number came and spent the day
pleasantly together. A permanent organization was effected. Mr.
Fountain Randolph was made President & still holds that position.

That meeting and later ones attracted attention. The Newspapers
got interested and began to write them up. The story of their
going into Ohio, of the land which was said to have been bought
for them in Mercer Co., and of the refusal of the settlers to
permit them to occupy the land and more was set forth in the
papers. Then lawyers began to talk with them about the lands. A
colored lawyer named Henderson from Indianapolis was among the
first to call upon them advising that the land could be secured.
He was employed to look it up, He advised & secured the
employment of a white lawyer, Mr. Johnson at Salina, O. in Mercer
Co. to assist him in working out the matter. Mr. Johnson is said
to have a certified copy of the Randolph will providing for the
liberation of the slaves--their transportation into Ohio, the
purchase of land for them, its distribution among them etc. How
much money has been raised for the lawyers I could not find but
some money has been raised & more probably will be.

Speaking of John Randolph the Master, old Mr. Fountain Randolph
said "my father said he had lots of peculiarities about him. He
never sold a slave & never allowed them to be abused. He never
sold any produce as corn, meat and stuffs used by the slaves
without first enquiring of the slaves if they could spare it. He
would say to the person wanting to buy "You must ask my slaves."
"and my mother said:" continued Mr. Randolph "He would often go
among his slaves, parents & children & pat them on the head
saying 'all these are my children.' His chief body guard was a
faithful slave called John White for whom some special mention &
provision was made in the will."

This man went with the colony to Ohio, was respected by the
others & treated by them just as if he had not been favored by
the Master, says Mr. Randolph.

The master gave as his reason for not marrying that should he
die--his heirs would want to hold the slaves or sell them and he
wanted neither of the things to happen.

He often called the slaves together and asked which they
preferred: "Freedom while he lived or after his death and they
always said after his death."

Mr. Fountain Randolph has in his possession an old copy of "Life
of Randolph of Roanoke" written by Hugh A. Garland, & Published
in New York in 1850 by D. Appleton & Co. and Published in Phila.
the same year by G. S. Appleton & Co. It is in two volumes. Mr.
Randolph had both Vols. but loaned Volume I to the Indianapolis
lawyer & has not been able to get it back.

The Randolph will is set forth in Vol. II from which I made the
following notes:

Will 1st written in 1819 & left with Dr. Brockenbrough saying:

"I give my slaves their freedom to which my conscience tells me
they are justly entitled. It has long been a matter of deepest
regret to me that the circumstances under which I inherited them
and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land have
prevented my emancipating them in my life time which it is my
full intention to do in case I can accomplish it. All the rest &
residue of my estate (with exceptions herein after made) whether
real or personal, I bequeath to Wm. Leigh, Esq., of Halifax, Atty
at Law, to the Rev. Wm. Meade of Frederic and Francis Scott Key
Esq., of Georgetown, D. C. in trust for the following uses and
purposes viz:

1st To provide one or more tracts of land in any of the States or
Territories not exceeding in the whole 4000 acres nor less than
2000 acres, to be partitioned & apportioned by them in such
manner as to them shall seem best, among the said slaves.

2nd To pay the expense of their removal & of furnishing them with
necessary cabins, clothes & utensils."

In 1821 another Will was written saying: 1st I give and bequeath
to all my slaves their freedom--heartily regretting that I have
ever been the owner of one.

2nd I give to my executor a sum not exceeding $8,000 or so much
thereof as may be necessary to transport & settle said slaves to
& in some other state or Territory of the United States, giving
to all above the age of 40 not less than ten acres of land each.

Then special annuities to his "old faithful servants Essex & his
wife, Hetty, same to woman servant Nancy to John (alias Jupiter)
to Queen and to Johnny his body servant." In 1826 a codicil was
written confirming previous wills. In 1828 a codicil to will in
possession of Wm. Leigh Esq., confirming it as his last will and
testament revoking any and all other wills or codicil at variance
that may be found.

In 1831 on starting home from London another codicil adding to
former provisions as follows:

Upwards of 2000 £ were left in the hands of Baring Bros, & Co of
London & upwards of 1000 £ in the hands of Gowan & Marx to be
used by Leigh as fund for executing the will regarding the
slaves.

Respectfully yours,

The following account and the clipping attached thereto give an interesting story of the success and the philanthropy of a Negro:

I was born in Milledgeville, Ga. about the year 1867. My mother
belonged to a white man by the name of Dr. Garner Edwards. My
father belonged to a different family. About two weeks after I
was born my mother died. She was still working for the same
people who once owned her. She was much liked by them so they
decided to keep her child and try and raise it. They taught me at
home so when I went to school I knew how to read and write. They
sent me to a school four or five years. Dr. Edwards had a son by
the name of Miller or (Buck) Edwards. It was through him that I
received my schooling as Dr. was old and Miller was the support
of the house. After years Miller died and I had to stop school
and go to work. I worked in a number of stores in Milledgeville
and was always trusted.

My earnings I always carried them home and gave them to the white
people. They never asked me for anything. They gave me all I made
but I thought they needed it more than I, so that went on for a
number of years. At this time I was about twenty years old so I
told them I was going to Macon, Ga. to work. I secured work at
the Central R. R. Shop. I worked on the yard a number of months.
During that time I was called off the yard at different times to
work in the office when some one wanted to get off. Finally I was
given one office to clean up. My work was so satisfactory until I
was moved from the shop to the car shed and was given a job of
delivering R. R. Mail. I was promoted three times in two years.
It was then where I became acquainted with a route agent. He
boarded at the same house. We were often in conversation. He was
telling me of a daughter he had in school. I told him I wanted to
go but I was not able. He ask me did I know Booker Washington. I
said no. He said well he runs a school where you can work your
way through school. I told him I would like to go so he gave me
the address. I wrote and received a little pamphlet. I was
looking for a catalogue so I was much disappointed in getting
this little book and said it was not much. But I decided to go
and try. I did not have much money. I had been living high in
Macon and spending all I made. I did not stay to make more but
left in about four weeks after I received the first letter. I
asked for a pass to Montgomery. It was given me. I arrived in
Montgomery with 10 or 12 dollars. I said well I am going to
school so I will have a good time before going so I got broke did
not know any one, thought my trip was up. I walked up the street
one morning. In passing a drug store I saw a young man inside. I
step back a few steps to look again. I recognized it to be some
one I knew some years ago so the first thing came in mind was to
borrow enough money from him to take me to Tuskegee. After a long
talk he asked me where I was going and what I was doing there, so
now was my chance. I told him I was on my way to Tuskegee. He
said it was a fine that he had worked up there. I told him I had
spent all the money I had and wanted to borrow enough to get
there which he very liberally responded. But before I saw him I
begged a stamp and some paper and wrote to Mr. Washington that if
he would send me the money to come from there I would pay him in
work when I came. I received an answer from Mr. Logan stating
that if I would go to work there it would not be long before I
would get enough money to come on so I borrowed some money from
that man and landed there with $3.40. The food was very poor so I
soon ate that up. I was not satisfied at first and wanted to
leave but I did not have any money and did not want to write home
because I did not want my white people to know where I was until
I accomplished something so I made up my mind that if all these
boys and girls I see can stay here, I can too. So I was never
bothered any more. I went to work at the brick mason's trade
under Mr. Carter. They did not have any teacher at that time.
Soon after Mr. J. M. Green came and I learned fast and was soon
a corner man. I was a student two years and nine months. After
that time I secured an excuse and left for home. I was very proud
of my trade and all seemed to be surprised as no one knew where I
was but my white people. I wrote to them once a month and they
always answered and would send me money, clothes something to
eat. They were very glad I had gone there and tried to help me in
many ways when I got home. They had spoken to a contractor and I
had no trouble in getting work. I worked at home about two years.
Meantime I received a letter from Mr. Washington stating he would
like for me to return and work on the chapel, which I did. At
this time I was a hired man and not a student. I worked for the
school five or six years. Within that time I had helped build two
houses in Milledgeville Ga. and paid for them and bought me
thirty acres of land in Tuskegee, Ala. I feel very grateful to
the school for she has help me in a great many ways. I have
always had a great desire to farm but I said I never would farm
until I owned my land and stock.

So three years ago I bought some land and I am at the present
time farming. I like it and I expect I will continue at farming
instead of my trade. My white people are as good to me now as
they were when I was a boy. I made it a rule not to ask them for
anything unless I was compelled to but when I do they always send
more that I ask for. I will say that I did not know the real
value of a dollar until I had spent 2 years and 9 months at
Tuskegee. The teachings from the various teachers and the Sunday
evening talks of Mr. Washington made an indellible impression
upon my heart. I remember the first Sunday evening talk that I
ever heard him. He spoke of things that were in line with my
thoughts and I have tried to put them in practice ever since I
have been connected with the school. There is one word I heard
Mr. W. Speak 13 years ago that has followed me because I was
taught the same words by my white people and they were not to do
anything that will bring disgrace upon the school you attend. I
was taught not to do anything that will bring disgrace upon the
people that raised you. There are a number of other thoughts that
I will not take time to mention for I have thanked him a thousand
times for those Sunday evenings talks.

GARNER J. EDWARDS

_The Republican_--Springfield, Mass.--Dec. 6, 1902.

The Milledgeville (Ga.) _News_ of November tells the following
interesting story of one of the young colored men connected with
Booker T. Washington's school at Tuskegee, in regard to the work
of which Mr. Washington is to speak in the high school hall in
this city the 10th:--

A case has come to the News which deserves more than a mere
passing mention. The story deals with the prettiest case of loyal
Negro's devotion and gratitude to his white benefactors that we
ever knew of. When we refer to the incident as a story we mean
that there is in it a good subject for a real story with a
genuine hero. And every word of it is true; in fact, there is
more truth in it than we feel at liberty to tell.

About 30 years ago Buck Edwards of this city picked up a very
small and dark-colored boy and undertook, in his language, "to
raise him and make something of him." Mr. Edwards clothed and fed
the boy, and in a general way taught him many things. In return
the boy was bright and quick, and rendered such return as a boy
of his years could. His name was Garner, and in time he came to
be known as Garner Edwards, which name I think he yet clings to.

In the course of human events, Mr. Edwards passed from the stage
of life and went to reap the reward of those who rescue the
perishing and support the orphans. After his death, Mr. Edward's
sisters, Misses Fanny and Laura, continued to care for the boy,
and raised him to manhood. Garner was proud of his family, "and
was as faithful as a watchdog, honest at all times, and a great
protection to the good ladies who were befriending him, and who
were now also alone in the world without parents or brothers.
When Garner grew into manhood he did not forsake the home that
had sheltered him, but insisted that it was his home--the only
home he knew--and that it was his duty and pleasure to aid in
supporting it; and he did come to bear a considerable part of its
expenses.

Garner learned to be a brickmason, and finally moved to Alabama.
He became acquainted with Booker Washington, the great Negro
Educator, and the acquaintance ripened into friendship.
Washington aided Garner in getting work that would enable him to
take a course in the school at Tuskegee and at the same time be
self-sustaining. Here as in all other of his positions, Garner
made a good record and won many honors. In the meantime he did
not forget the folks at home, and his remittances to them were
always punctual. After finishing school he married, but continued
in the employ of the school and Booker Washington and is there
yet.

Sometime ago Miss Laura had a fall and sustained a painful injury
which confined her to her room. As soon as Garner heard of it he
telephoned to Warren Edwards here to provide the best medical
attendance possible, and to supply every want at his expense.
Following the telegraph came his wife, a trained nurse, "to take
care of his white folks," and she is here yet performing every
duty with a devotion seldom witnessed. Garner wanted to come too,
very much, but he sacrificed the pleasure to keep his salary
doing, "because they might need something."

Garner paid the taxes on the old home for years, but in the
meantime he has saved enough to buy him another home in Alabama.
No one of any color could have been more faithful and
appreciative, and such gratitude and devotion as this humble
Negro has shown for his white benefactors is a lovely thing to
behold in this selfish day. It is said that he never once
presumed anything or forgot his place and the respect due to
those around him.[2]

The following letter and list accompanying it explain themselves:

BELOIT, WIS. Dec. 28, 1906.
_Dear Mr. Washington_

In answer to your telegram for names of graduates and former
students engaged in farming in Ala I send the following. I know
there are others especially former students but I cannot now
recall names. I will try to add to the list if possible.

I would say in regard to the Bowen sisters they have about 600
acres of land and look after the cultivation of it and some parts
Cornelia and Katie care for directly actually raising a crop.
McRae farmed last year at Louisville, Ala. the year just closing.
Mr. W. A. Menafee has 200 acres of land at Alexander City. This
he superintendents by two visits each year. Those marked with a
cross farm on their own land. Edwards and Barnes own land at Snow
Hill which they farm by the labor of others. Whether they and Mr.
Chambliss come under the head of farmers according to your idea
you can decide.

I leave January 3 for Denmark, S. C. You can write me there till
further notice.

Yours
(Signed) R. C. BEDFORD

GRADUATES AND FORMER STUDENTS ENGAGED IN FARMING IN ALA. WHOLLY
OR IN PART

*Cornelia Bowen '85 also teaches Waugh, Ala.
J. T. Hollis '85 also teaches Armstrong, Ala.
*Berry Bowen Campbell '84 also nurses Waugh, Ala.
W. D. Floyd, teaches also Hawkinsville, Ala.
Watt Buchanan 1889 farming wholly Montgomery, Ala.
*Enoch Houser 1889 also teaches Antangville, Ala.
William Chambliss 1890 Tuskegee, Ala.
*Davis Henry 1890 Bells Landing, Ala.
*Abner Jackson 1890 Newville, Ala.
John W. Perry 1890 Myrtle, Ala.
Abner Edwards 1890 Salem, Ala.
*J. H. Michael 1890 Mt. Meigs, Ala.
Robert B. Sherman 1890 Sprague Jc., Ala.
*H. A. Barnes 1893 Snow Hill, Ala.
*W. J. Edwards 1893 Snow Hill, Ala.
*N. E. Henry 1893 China, Ala.
Sophia Momen 1894 Notasulga, Ala.
*C. A. Barrows 1894 Snow Hill, Ala.
*S. F. Bizzell, has a store 1894 Hammac, Ala.
E. W. McRae 1894 also teaches Louisville, Ala.
*Moses Purifoy 1894 also teaches Evergreen, Ala.
*J. C. Calloway 1896 also teaches Dawkins, Ala.
Geo. W. Henderson, preacher 1899 Hannon, Ala.
*Martin A. Menafee, Treasurer 1900 Alexander City, Ala.
George K. Gordon, Dairying 1902 Mobile, Ala.

FORMER STUDENTS

Katie Bowen also teaches Waugh, Ala.
Benjamin Jones Waugh, Ala.
Nelson Judkins Cecil, Ala.
Gomine Judkins Cecil, Ala.
Wm. Plato, also black smith Waugh, Ala.
James Pinckett, carpenter Waugh, Ala.
Ossie Williams Waugh, Ala.
James Garrison Waugh, Ala.
Nelson Garrison Waugh, Ala.
John Mitchell also painter Waugh, Ala.
*Wallace Campbell blacksmith Fitzpatrick, Ala.
*R. T. Phillips blacksmith

This is a letter from a Negro farmer in the south:

ISAAC P. MARTIN--

Merryweather Co--near Stenson

Father belonged to Peter Martin near about 3 miles from where he
was born--never did own any land. Went to work planting at
9--Worked 9 to 25--Had six or eight months schooling--Went one
month in a year. School lasted about three months. Used Blue Back
Speller got as high as Baker; Got as far as subtraction--Did not
know anything outside of reading--Did not know what a newspaper
was.

Father taught us to work corn, cotton sweet potatoes--He was a
---- farmer--Had eleven children all worked--about 1880 they
began to grow up and leave the farm--go on some other
plantation--all married.

My older brother and all the younger children got more schooling
Brother next younger--Payne's Institute Ga.--finished preaching
in Americus Georgia. I had a cousin to come here--He wanted to
buy ---- here--He was interested in machine shop--He was down in
Opelika. He met more boys on their way here, inquiring around to
get down this far and get in.

I had saved up $200 in the bank. I was going to buy land. Went
into day school a Preparatory about 800 or 900 students. The
first work was in harness & shoe shop--Lewis Adams was in
charge--I came there walking. I wanted to get away from the farm.
Going around town I saw that everyone looked better than on the
farm--I wanted to be something. Went in twice a year. We had
plenty country churches. Rabbits, squirrels, ducks,
possums--Geography, reading, Wentworth's Arithmetic. Miss Hunt
and Miss Logan were one of my teachers. I read lots about
Hiawatha. There was a number of little boys in the shop--they
used to call me "Pop." They were ahead of me. Went to Blacksmith
Shop. Worked about four months. Then went to work in
Wheelwright. I learn a good deal about blacksmith and wood work.
I find both these trade very handy.

I was here three weeks before I could eat in the dining room--had
to go to restaurant--I was ashamed.

I was here only one term. Came in 1895--left in 96--Never came
back until tonight. My mother sent for me--My mother was awful
sick. My class was so low that I was ashamed to come back. I
weighed 240 pounds. I went back home until 1898--on farm. I got
to read my newspapers. I subscribed for the semi-monthly Atlanta
Journal--I could read that.

I saw advertised and so much money paid out for wages--I thought
I would go into business. I started grocery store and meat
market--I had $2,500 made on farm. Father used to run us off the
farm at 20 so I rented some land.

I was born 1870. I had been working for myself for years. 1898 I
came to Birmingham. I failed in grocery business. "Credit." I
made a lot of friends all over town. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
They had lots of money but they owed a lot. It take lot to feed
them. Took three years and little over to get all of money.

Worked for Tenn. Coal and Iron Co. I leased some land from the
Republic Iron and Steel Co. Leased 64 acres outside of Pratt City
and went to trucking. I bought two mules for $40. It was a sale.
They were old run down mules. They were blind--I worked there
until I grew something. Farm about a mile from Pretts. Paid $1.50
per acre--now I pay $7. The company would not sell. I peddle
vegetables to people here--ran two wagons--now I run three. Got
new feed for horses. By fall had lots of stuff. Married in
1900--year after went to Birmingham. Second year I was able to
buy two good mules--Had two good wagons made. Fall of second year
had another which made three. Running three now. I employ six
people--3 men and 3 women all the time. I drive the wholesale
wagon.

I raise between $3,500 and $4,000 worth of stuff each year. Have
since the second year. I sell about $2,000 a year above expenses.
Production increases every year. I learned all I know about
trucking since then. I have fifteen head of cattle. Eight milking
cows. I raise three crops. That is the highest. Third crop is not
worth so much. 90,000 cabbages this year. Got the plants from
South Carolina. I bought a piece of land in Oklahoma for $3,000
outside of 22 miles from Muskogee. Land rents now for $300. I own
a lot in Red Bird. Have 2 children. 14 & and 17. They go to
school.

Won county prize year before last--196 bushels--this year
received State prize 200 bushels. Plant eight and ten acres of
cotton, 14 acres corn. Raise all my fodder. Three-fourths acres
of new sugar cane, 150 gals. of syrup. I make butter $30 per
hundred. $40 retail. I take two or three little farm journals and
take the bulletin.

These letters addressed to R. E. Park and to Booker T. Washington give information about the estate of John McKee:

Estate of }
JOHN MCKEE, }
Deceased. }

HON. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON,
Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama,

_Dear sir:_

Your favor has been received and in reply thereto I would state
that the State Appraiser fixed the valuation in Estate of the
late Colonel John McKee as follows:

Gross valuation of Personal estate, $ 71,644.29
Gross valuation of real estate in Pennsylvania, 271,188.33
-----------
Making together, $342,832.62
===========
Net valuation of the above, $212,831.86

Of this $46,500. is in unimproved real estate from which, at this
time, no income is derived.

In addition to the above the Estate owns the following from which
no income (or but a nominal income) is derived:--a lot in
Gloucester County, New Jersey, valued at One hundred Dollars
($100),--a large area of land in Atlantic County, New Jersey,
known as McKee City, assessed for taxation at twenty-thousand six
hundred and fifty Dollars ($20,650) and a tract of coal and
mineral lands in Kentucky, which Colonel McKee always considered
would turn out to be valuable and would eventually realize a
considerable sum. It is assessed for taxation for 1909 at Seventy
thousand Dollars ($70,000)--

In brief the testamentary directions of Colonel McKee are to
accumulate the rents and income of his estate until the decease
of all his children and grand-children, meanwhile improving
(under certain conditions) his unimproved real estate. Upon the
death of all his children and grand-children, the estate is to be
made use of in the establishment and maintenance of a college for
the education of colored and white fatherless boys.

Very truly yours,
JOSEPH P. MCCULLEN
February 23, 1909.

MR. ROBERT E. PARK,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.,

_Dear Sir:_

Yours of the 13th inst., post marked the 16th inst., has been
received. You state you would be glad to have any information I
can give you about Mr. McKee, particularly in regard to the
amount of the estate he left at the time of his death.

The value of Mr. McKee's estate has been variously estimated from
$1,000,000 to $4,000,000. I am not able to give a more exact
estimate, as I have not seen any inventory made by his executors.
He owned more than 300 houses in this city, all unencumbered. He
also owned oil and coal lands in Kentucky and West Virginia, and
lands in Bath and Steuben Counties, N. Y. As to his personal
characteristics, I would suggest that you see the Philadelphia
Press of April 20, 1902. If you desire a more exact estimate of
the value of his estate, I would suggest that you write Joseph P.
McCullen, Jr., No. 1008 Land Title Building, this city.

Yours truly,
T. J. MINTON.

The following letter from Colonel James Lewis to Booker T. Washington gives valuable information about Thomy Lafon and incidentally about other persons in New Orleans:

New Orleans, La., Jany. 25/09.
COLONEL JAMES LEWIS,
_Dear Sir:_

In answer to your letter of 14th instant, will say that the delay
in my answer was caused by my desire to obtain and furnish to
you all informations regarding the late Mr. Thomy Lafon.

The baptismal records in the archive of the Cathedral at that
time written in Spanish attest that the late Mr. Thomy Lafon was
born in this city on December 28th, 1810. He died at his home,
corner Ursulines & Robertson Streets, on December 23rd, 1893, at
the ripe age of 83 years. His body rests in the St. Louis
cemetery on Esplanade Avenue. He was a man of dignified
appearance and affable manners. In early life he taught school;
later he operated a small dry goods store in Orleans Street until
near into 1850. He was never married. Sometime before the war of
Secession he had started his vast fortune by loaning money at
advantageous rates of interest and by the accumulation of his
savings. Toward the close of his career he became attached to the
lamented Archbishop Janssens and began his philanthropies. By the
terms of his will, dated April 3rd, 1890, he provided amply for
his aged sister and some friends, and wisely distributed the bulk
of his estate among public charitable institutions of New
Orleans. His legacy was appraised at $413,000.00 divided in
securities and realty.

In recognition of his charity, the City of New Orleans, named
after him one of its public schools.

Before his death he had established an asylum for orphan boys
called the Lafon Asylum, situated in St. Peter Street between
Claiborne Avenue & N. Derbigny Street. To this Asylum he
bequeathed a sum of $2000, and the revenues, amounting to $275
per month of a large property situated corner Royal & Iberville
Streets.

Other legacies were to the

Charity Hospital of New Orleans $10,000
" " Ambulance Dept. 3,000
Lafon Old Folks' Home 5,000
Little Sisters of the Poor 5,000
Shakespeare Almshouse
Catholic Institution for indigent orphans 2,000
and the following property:
1st. St. Claude St. bet. St. Philip &
Ursulines Sts., valued at $1500
2nd. Robertson St. bet. St. Philip &
Ursulines Sts., valued at 2000
3rd. Burgundy St. bet. Hospital &
Barracks Sts., valued at 2000
4th. Union St. between Royal &
Dauphine Sts., valued at 2000
St. John Berchman Asylum for girls,
under the care of Holy family 2000
and the following property:
1st. Burgundy St., No. 528, worth about $1500
2nd. Dumaine St., Nos. 2129/31, worth about 2500
3rd. Galvez St., No. 828, worth about 1800
4th. Toulouse St., Nos. 726/28, worth about 2500
5th. Tulane Ave., No. 1402, worth about 4000
Asylum for old indigents, corner Tonti
& Hospital Streets 15000

and the following property:
1st. St. Andrew St., 1536/38 valued at $ 6000
2nd. Baronne St., No. 722 valued at 4000
3rd. Baronne St. Nos. 732/36 valued at 8000
4th. Canal & Villere Sts. valued at 6000
5th. Canal St., old No. 176 valued at 30000
An another cash $ 2000
Society of the Holy Family, Orleans St. 10000
Straight University of New Orleans 3000
Southern University of New Orleans 3000
New Orleans University of New Orleans 3000
Society of Jeunes Amis, New Orleans 3000
Eye, Ear Nose & Throat Hospital 3000
Mother St. Clair of the Convent of the Good Sheperd 20000

All of which cash legacies were doubled.

Yours respectfully,
(Signed) P. A. BACAS

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This extract and the documents which follow were collected by Dr. R. E. Park.

[2] _The Springfield Republican_, Dec. 6, 1902.

BOOK REVIEWS

_The History of the Negro Church._ By CARTER G. WOODSON, Ph.D.
The Associated Publishers, Inc., Washington, D. C. 1921. Pp. 330.

With due regard for the modern scientific methods of historiography, the author of this book has traced the rise and spread of institutionalized Christianity among American Negroes. He discusses such salient points as the early efforts of white missionaries to evangelize the heathen bondmen, the difficulties which beset their labors, the respective contributions of the white denominations, showing the Baptists in the lead, followed closely by the Methodists, with the Presbyterians, Catholics and Congregationalists in the rear. There are set forth the psychological, geographical and other reasons why the Negro was attracted more readily to the Baptist and Methodist denominations, the causes for the reactions of slave holders for and against the evangelization of the slaves, the rise of Negro preachers of merit in the Baptist and Methodist denominations during the eighteenth century, and the founding of the first churches by Negroes of these sects. Among these he mentions the first African Baptist Church by Andrew Bryan in 1788, the first African Methodist Episcopal Church by Richard Allen in 1794, and the first African Presbyterian Church by John Gloucester in 1807.

The factors which caused the cleavage of the white denominations into North and South, the causes of the separation of the Negro communicants from the whites and the threefold cleavage of the Negro Methodists are adequately discussed. Attention is given also to the increase in the number of churches and the State and national centralization of the churches within the respective denominations. The ante-bellum beginnings of the only Negro education which aimed to develop Negro preachers through instructors of both races, the importance of Negro churches in developing race leaders, educators, and statesmen who figured in the economic, social and political life of the Negro after the war, are ably treated. The book gives an account of the rise of the conservative and progressive elements within the church and closes with a chapter on the present-day Negro church statistics which indicate the enormous spread of Christianity through the ascendancy of the Methodists and Baptists.

One can hardly appreciate the sympathetic and scholarly character of this work from the bald outline given above. Just therein may it be characterized as a pioneer work, a genuine contribution. In a larger sense it is more than the history of the Negro church; it is the very life history of the Negro race in America, so intimately have the spiritual strivings of the Negro been bound up with his sentiments and interests, his habits and endeavors, his situation and circumstances, his monuments and edifices, his poetry and song.

F. C. SUMNER

_Unsung Heroes._ By MRS. ELIZABETH ROSS HAYNES. N. Y. DuBois &
Dill. 1921. 279 pp. Illustrated.

One of the gravest problems now facing the Negroes in the United States, and a problem none the less grave because unrecognized by the unthinking majority, is that of reading for their children. Can anything be more dangerous than the continual subjection of our children to the influence of books, magazines, and newspapers in which their race is being held up constantly to pity or contempt? The use of opprobrious and insulting epithets with reference to the Negro is so common in English and American publications as to need no more than a mere reference here, and this practice is to be noted even in authors who are conscious of no active race hostility. If the psychological influence of such endlessly reiterated and therefore inescapable slurs is bad for adults, how much worse must it be for children. In _The Brownies' Book_, published by DuBois and Dill, a most praiseworthy attempt has been made to meet this need in the form of a children's magazine free from all objectionable matter, and it is nothing short of a national calamity that this periodical has been forced to suspend publication because of a lack of sufficient patronage. It is fitting, then, that the same publishers should issue the book now under our hand, a fine specimen of the printer's art in paper, presswork, binding, and illustrations.

In it the author, the wife of Dr. George E. Haynes, the well-known sociologist, has set forth in a language and style suited to young readers the lives of seventeen of the most celebrated men and women of Negro descent. Eight of them--Douglass, Harriet Tubman, Banneker, Phillis Wheatley, Josiah Henson, Sojourner Truth, Attucks, and Paul Cuffé--belong to the ante-bellum period in America; five--Dunbar, Booker Washington, B. K. Bruce, Crummell, and Langston--to the reconstruction and late nineteenth century periods; and four--Pushkin, the Russian; L'Ouverture, the Haytian; Coleridge-Taylor, the Englishman; and Alexandre Dumas, the Frenchman--belong across the ocean. It will be seen that the selection is a representative one, and that no living person is included. The material chosen from each life is carefully selected, too, to suit the minds and tastes of children. There are six illustrations by four of our well-known young artists. Altogether the book is the most satisfactory addition yet made to our children's literature in this country, and should be in every home where there are colored children, and in every library in which they are readers.

E. C. WILLIAMS

_Les Daïmons du Culte Voudo._ By DR. ARTHUR HOLLY, Port-au
Prince, Haiti, 1919. Pp. lx-523.

The author of this unique volume declares himself "boldly, but without vanity, or false modesty" an esoterist, that is to say, one who is an adept at the interpretation of the occult and secret doctrines. This book, an exposition of the secret doctrine, is not, therefore, as its title might suggest, a scientific treatise upon the Voudo cult as it has existed and as it still exists in Haiti. It is rather an interpretation and defense of the primitive religion of Africa, particularly as it is represented in the religious customs and practices of the common people in Haiti today.

The sentiments which have inspired this undertaking are altogether admirable. "Haitiens," he says, "have reached a point in their efforts to conform to an alien culture where they are in danger of losing their personality as a people as well as their native culture." But now if ever is the moment, after the great cataclysm in Europe, to lift the ancestral cult from the dust and make it worthy of Haiti, of the African race.

"We are," he continues, "African-Latins. But our Latin culture is all on the surface. The old African heritage persists in us and controls us to such an extent that under certain circumstances we feel ourselves moved by mysterious forces when the silence of the night, throbs with the irregular rhythm, melancholly, passionate and magical, of the sacred dances of _Voudo_."

Dr. Arthur Holly is evidently learning, but he draws his knowledge from sources that are esoteric and therefore inaccessible to all except the adepts. What he has written is, therefore, neither science nor history. It has the character rather of revelation. It is impressive, but not intelligible to the uninitiated.

From his introduction, however, one gathers that he intends to show that Christianity and Voudoism are from a common source, that "the Bible," as he says, "belongs to us," _i.e._, the black people, but that this earlier and more primitive form of religion which is revealed in it has been corrupted by the white race.

It is an interesting idea, but more interesting is the evidence that it offers of the rise, among the Negro people of Haiti, of a racial consciousness which embraces in one conscious unity the Negro peoples of Africa and America. It is another spontaneous manifestation of that unrest of the black man which has found expression in pan-Africanism and in the movement in this country headed by Marcus Garvey, whose program is Africa for the Africans.

ROBERT E. PARK
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

_The Wings of Oppression._ By LESLIE PINCKNEY HILL. The Stratford
Company, Publishers, Boston, Massachusetts. Price by mail, $2.15.

Bearing the certificate of the Lyric Muse, Mr. Leslie Pinckney Hill, schoolmaster of Cheney, Pennsylvania, and authentic singer, is the newest arrival on the slopes of Parnassus. A first glance tells that he is an agile climber, sinewy, easy of movement, light of step, with both grace and strength. Every indication in form and motion is for some point far up toward the summit. Youthful is he, ambitious plainly, and, in spite of a burden, buoyant. "Climber," I said. I will drop the figure. Poets were never pedestrians. Mr. Hill comes not afoot. If not on the wings of Pegasus, yet on wings he comes--_the wings of oppression_. Sad wings! Yet it must be remarked that it is commonly on such wings that poets of whatever race and time rise. And Mr. Hill's race knows no other wings. On the wings of oppression the Negro poet and the Negro people are rising toward the summits of Parnassus, Pisgah, and other peaks. This they know, too, and of it they are justly proud.

In his _Foreword_ Mr. Hill thus states the case of his people, and, by implication, of himself:

"Nothing in the life of the nation has seemed to me more
significant than that dark civilization which the colored man has
built up in the midst of a white society organized against it.
The Negro has been driven under all the burdens of oppression,
both material and spiritual, to the brink of desperation, but he
has always been saved by his philosophy of life. He has advanced
against all opposition by a certain elevation of his spirit. He
has been made strong in tribulation. He has constrained
oppression to give him wings."

The significant thing about these wings, in a critical view, is that they fulfill the proper function of wings--bear aloft and sustain in flight through the azure depths. Mr. Hill's wings do bear aloft and sustain: if not always, nor even ever, into the very empyrean of poetry, yet invariably, seventy times, into the ampler air. Like all his race, he has suffered much; and, like all his race still, he has gathered wisdom from sorrow. As a true poet should have, he has philosophy, also vision and imagination--vision for himself and his people, imagination that sees facts in terms of beauty and presents truths with vital imagery. Add thereto craftsmanship acquired in the best traditions of English poetry and you have Hill the poet.

The merits of this book cannot be shown by the quoting of lines and stanzas. As ever with true art, the merit lies in the effect of complete poems. Still, we can here detach from this and that poem a stanza or two, despite the wrong to art. The first and fourth stanzas of the title-poem will indicate Mr. Hill's technique and philosophy:

I have a song that few will sing
In honor of all suffering,
A song to which my heart can bring
The homage of believing--
A song the heavy-laden hears
Above the clamor of his fears,
While still he walks with blinding tears,
And drains the cap of grieving.

* * * * *

So long as life is steeped in wrong,
And nations cry: "How long, how long!"
I look not to the wise and strong
For peace and self-possession:
But right will rise, and mercy shine,
And justice lift her conquering sign
Where lowly people starve and pine
Beneath a world oppression.

Significant as interpreting the character and temper of the Negro with whom today the white world has to deal, are the following lines from the blank verse poem entitled _Armageddon_:

Because ye schooled them in the arts of life,
and gave to them your God, and poured your blood
Into their veins to make them what they are,
They shall not fail you in your hour of need,
They hold in them enough of you to feel
All that has made you masters in your time--
The power of art and wealth, unending toil,
Proud types of beauty, an unbounded will
To triumph, wondrous science, and old law--
These have they learned to value and to share.