Chapter C: G. Woodson (3)

Some years ago the owners of these plantations agreed among
themselves to let the colored people have schools, with the
understanding that no one should be admitted as a pupil who was
old enough to work. So I found myself among those who had to
work. I hardly know how the thought came into my mind that I
wanted to go to school, for there was no talk of schools around
the fireside, but for some cause that I cannot explain I became
possessed with the longing for an education. I did not know what
for, but, with all my heart, I wanted to go to school.

There were ten of us in our family, including our father. Our
mother departed into the beyond when we were very small. Our
father was an easy-going man. Any way would do for him. Whatever
_was_ was right. Whenever I told him that I wanted to go to
school he would answer, "You know what the boss says." But I
would reply, "Father, he can't _make_ me stay here." That was to
him a piece of foolishness and he would turn away and say nothing
more. At last I saw that I must do my own thinking and plan my
own way of leaving. For ten years school was my chief thought.
Every day I saw myself turning from the old plantation to what
was for me the land of freedom and opportunity.

It was years before the opportunity came. One night I said to my
father, "I am going to leave on the first day of May if it costs
me my life." For the first time he seemed to realize that I was
in earnest. Then he said, "If you leave me you will travel in my
tears." That was a horrible thought to me so I did not leave then
nor until several more years had gone by, ten in all from the
time I first began to think about school.

Finally, one night I said to him: "This is the third and last
time I shall tell you I want to go to school. You hindered me for
years by telling me that I would be travelling in your tears.
That will not answer any longer." When he saw that the blaze had
never died out he said: "My son, these may be right thoughts that
have come to your mind and their power may lead you to a good
end, yet they may be the ruin of you. I would rather follow you
to your grave than see you captured and brought back to be
punished by these hateful laws they have on these plantations.
God will change things after a time and then it may be you can go
to school in safety." I saw then that my poor father wanted me to
go to school but was afraid I would be punished if I did, as he
had known others to do. I said I was going to risk it anyway. As
the appointed time drew near he was very sorrowful. Never shall I
forget the night of parting. After he had pronounced a
benedirection upon me he said: "May you ever be happy."

I had really started upon my journey. I had a sack of gingerbread
which I did not want to bother with but that my dear sisters
persuaded me to carry with me. When daylight appeared I knew it
would not be safe to keep the road so I planned out a road of my
own. When I came to the spring into which Ponce de Leon had
plunged to regain his lost youth I sat down and ate all the bread
I could and left the rest. How often afterwards I wished for it!

Not long after I left Ponce de Leon spring I heard the plantation
dogs coming after me. "What shall I do now?" was the question.
When they had nearly reached me I hid behind a tree and then
dashed off as if I saw game ahead. They soon recognized me and
became my fast friends.

We slept in the same bed under the same guardian stars. Every
night I would thank God for their voiceless sympathy. I shared my
meals with them. When I bought crackers I would eat but a few of
them and give the rest to my dumb companions. But I saw at last
that I must get rid of the poor creatures somehow, although the
thought almost broke my heart. When I reached the Mississippi I
lashed two logs together and sent my companions out hunting. Then
I sailed away on the raft I had made across the Father of Waters.
When they returned I looked back and saw them running alongside
of the river where they could see me, willing to die with me. I
broke down in tears and could not look back any more, because I
would have gone back and died with them.

For hundreds of miles I made a path where no human foot had ever
trod. I swam rivers and made harbors where no boat had ever
landed. At last I reached Texas. For many days I travelled
without seeing any house. At night I was afraid of being
destroyed by some wild beast, so I would climb a tree and stay
awake until morning. But none of these things moved me for I had
ten years' study of my journey and whatever it might bring, even
death. Coming to a little town I found work with one of my race.
I thought all colored people were like those on the plantation so
I told my employer everything and from what plantation I came. He
said I had taken the right step. Imagine my surprise therefore
when I discovered that I was captured! It almost broke my heart.
Rather than go back to the old plantation I would suffer death. I
pulled away from my captors and ran with all my might. My
pretended friend was ahead trying to overtake me but I soon freed
myself in a large swamp. This taught me a lesson I did not have
to go to school to learn, I found out that some among my own race
would put me to death for a dollar and I learned to keep my mouth
shut.

When I reached Chattanooga, the nights were so cold I saw I could
no longer lie out. For many months I had not slept in a bed, nor
eaten a cooked meal. My clothes were those I wore away from home
and they were what you can imagine they would be. I did not know
how to go about getting a job. Finally I found a good place and
before long was earning enough to make me comfortable. But one
day when I was out in town I saw a drummer who had sold goods to
the store on our plantation, for many years. He recognized me and
called out, "The boss is going to break your head, nigger, if he
gets you!" This ended my happy home. I had not yet learned to get
on a train but with my same dependence I soon ran away to
Knoxville. Writing to a certain place from there I learned of my
father's death. These were dark days for me. I was strolling
about in the cold world without home or friends. I would often
ask myself, "What am I living for when there is no heart beating
for me?" I began to drift with the current and even thought I
would take to drinking. Then the thought came to me that I would
be a coward to come so far and then give up. I arose with this
thought and determined to act like a man. I entered school in
Morristown Tenn., thinking that all my troubles were over. I made
low grade with small children. It seemed funny to them to see a
man who knew so little. I was there about four months and was
beginning to lose my fear when one day I saw the same drummer
again. When he caught sight of me he called out, "Hello, nigger,
I thought you were in New York!" Never will sinner tremble in the
presence of the Almighty as I did in the presence of that
drummer. But he seemed only delighted in spending some time
talking with me. He said one of my sisters and several other
hands from the plantation had run away and the boss thought I was
the cause of it all, and, he added, "If that old man gets his
hand on you, they'll take you some night and skin you alive. I
told him I saw you in Chattanooga and he said he would make me a
present of $200 if I would let him know where you were if I
should see you again. But I would not do you that way for
anything. I'll tell you what I will do for you, however. I'll get
you a good job up North where you can go to school. I would not
stop here." I replied "All RIGHT!" As he was going away he threw
me a quarter saying, "Get you a drink, old boy!" I lifted my hat
and scraped back my foot as I thanked him for the money. But I
was not so easily fooled at that time. I knew just what such
sweet talk meant. I saw that it was my move. I had learned then
to get on the train. I left Morristown that night and next
morning was in Lexington. Being afraid to stay I went to
Wilberforce, Ohio, then to Frankfort but finally came back to
Lexington again. By that time I had found out that my boss could
not carry me back to the plantation, as its laws were not so
large in the world as I had thought. I found out that if I
violated the laws of the State I could not be carried back
without the consent of the Governor of Kentucky. I entered
Chandler School without money but happy. For the first time I
wrote to my old Miss telling her I was in Lexington in Chandler
School. She answered with sweet words about my going to school,
and said the boss had spoken kind things about me before he
passed away.

The kind teachers of Chandler did their best to unfold those
twenty-seven years of ignorance. I had almost to bite the dust to
stay in school but I stayed there. I have studied many days
hungry--walking the streets afternoons trying to find work for a
little to eat.

Since I have been in Lexington I have often been asked, "What do
you want with so much education?" Out of those same lips I have
heard other students praised for going to school. I did not let
this discourage me. Dr. J. E. Hunter, Rev. E. A. Clarke, and
Kelly Robinson will ever have my heart-felt gratitude for the
kind words of encouragement they gave me. We little realize what
a word of encouragement means to one who has lived the life I
have.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This narrative was obtained by the editor. It relates an incident which took place between Wrightsville and Dublin, Georgia, in 1903. There is abundant evidence that many other cases of this have been and may be found in the United States.

COMMUNICATIONS

This letter contains at least one important fact showing the development of racial relations in the United States since the establishment of the independence of this country.

February 8, 1916.

MR. C. G. WOODSON,
EDITOR, THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF NEGRO
LIFE AND HISTORY,
2223 12th St., NW.,
Washington, D. C.

_Sir_:

Referring to your letter of the 4th instant, in which you express
a desire to be furnished with information showing the number of
negro soldiers who served in the Revolutionary War, their names,
if possible, and some information concerning the regiments in
which they served, and in which letter you also make inquiry as
to whether such records are accessible to some member of your
staff for making the necessary research, I am directed by the
Secretary of War to inform you as follows:

A cursory examination of the Revolutionary War records on file in
this Department has resulted in the discovery of information here
and there concerning the services of colored men in that war, but
there is no index indicating where records of such services may
be found and in order to ascertain data showing the names,
organizations and numbers of such colored men it would be
necessary to make an extended search of the entire collection of
Revolutionary War records in the custody of this Department. Even
after making such an extended search the results would be
doubtful because the War Department records afford but little
information showing whether Revolutionary War soldiers were white
or colored.

No attempt has ever been made by the War Department to compile
information regarding the numbers or names of colored men in the
Revolutionary War or the designations of the organizations to
which they belonged, and owing to the limited clerical force
allowed by law, the Department cannot undertake any compilation,
which, as already explained, would in any event necessarily be
incomplete and unsatisfactory.

Historical investigators of recognized standing are permitted to
have access to the War Department records under certain
conditions, but the Revolutionary War records have become so worn
and dilapidated by reason of lapse of time and long use thereof
that access thereto is permitted only under exceptional
circumstances. Inasmuch as those records are very incomplete and
afford scarcely any information bearing upon the subject in
question it is not seen that any useful purpose can be served by
granting permission to search those records for the data desired.

Many of the States that had troops in the Revolutionary War have
published rosters of such troops. These rosters can probably be
readily consulted in the Congressional Library, and it is
believed that they afford the most promising source for obtaining
the information sought

Very respectfully,
H. T. MCCAIN,
_The Adjutant General_

The following sent out some time ago under the frank of Congressman Goldfogle may have some historic value:

When the Jamestown Exposition Bill was under consideration by the
Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions of the House of
Representatives, at Washington, Congressman Henry M. Goldfogle,
of New York, a member of the committee, took a very keen and
lively interest in securing an appropriation of a hundred
thousand dollars for a Negro exhibit.

On the day the Committee finally revised the bill and voted on
it, Congressman Goldfogle was suffering intensely from
carbuncles, and was about to undergo a surgical operation.
Despite this, he went to the committee meeting, and there moved
the insertion of the provision for the appropriation for a Negro
exhibit.

Some members of the committee who were not favorable to the
project and others who were quite indifferent to it urged the
Congressman to allow the matter to remain in abeyance, saying
that it might be taken up at some future time. Judge Goldfogle,
however, insisted there was no time like the present and that the
colored men and women of the country ought to have an opportunity
to show through means of the proposed exhibit the remarkable
progress that they had made since the days when they emerged from
slavery. In the course of his remarks to the Committee, he said
that he came of a race that had been oppressed and which
centuries ago had been in slavery, and that had he lived forty
years after the children of Israel had passed out of the house of
bondage, he would have been thankful and grateful had anyone
given his people an opportunity to show the progress they had
made as free men.

Congressman Goldfogle called attention to the testimony that had
been given during the hearings before the Committee of the great
advancement made by the colored people in every avenue of life
from the time of their emancipation, and the credit that was due
to many of the men and women of the Negro race who had shown
themselves worthy of the freedom that happily this country
accorded them.

After quite a spirited debate, in which Judge Goldfogle warmly
espoused the cause of the colored man, the Committee, by a
majority of one vote, inserted the appropriation provision; and
thus, mainly through the efforts of this New York Congressman,
who has not a single colored vote in his district, the Negro
exhibit was established at the Jamestown Exposition.

BOOK REVIEWS

_A Social History of the American Negro._ By BENJAMIN BRAWLEY.
Macmillan Company, New York, 1921. Pp. 420.

As Negro history has been so long neglected, it will require some time to develop in this field the necessary standard to secure a distinction between the significant and insignificant and between truth and fiction. On account of the emphasis which has been recently given to this study, many novices lacking especially the historical point of view have entered this field because it is so productive that it is an easy task to write a work therein. Benjamin Brawley whose chief preparation and efforts have been restricted to English is one of these novices. Among his first efforts were _A Short History of the American Negro_ and _The Negro in Literature and Art_. In neither of these works does he exhibit the knowledge required by the standards of present day historiography. This more recent work although more extensive than the others has no better claim to its being called history.

There can be no question as to many valuable facts contained in this work, but it lacks proportion, style, and accuracy. The book begins with a study of African origins based largely on Wiener's _Africa and the Discovery of America_ and upon Lady Lugard's _Tropical Dependency_. He next takes up the Negro in the Spanish exploration but has little or nothing to say about the Negroes in connection with other explorers. His treatment of the development of the slave trade and of the introduction of slavery shows a slightly improved conception of his task. In his discussion of the Negroes in the colonies, into which he works servitude and slavery, the Indian, the mulatto, the free Negro, and efforts for social betterment, he presents a veritable hodgepodge. Passing then to the study of the estrangement from Great Britain, the participation of the Negro in the Revolutionary War, and the effect of that movement upon the Negro's social and political situation, he exhibits no scientific grasp of the status of the Negroes during the eighteenth century or of what they were thinking and doing. The treatment of the new West, the South, and the West Indies, which follows this portion of the book is merely certain generalizations which may be obtained from an average knowledge of American history and from such topical discussions of the Negro history as may be found in B.A. Johnson's _History of the Negro Race_ or in John W. Cromwell's _The Negro in American History_. In his discussion of the Indian and the Negro there is an effort which serves to direct attention to a neglected aspect of our history, that is, to figure out the extent to which the races were associated and the race admixture which resulted from such contact.

Coming nearer to our day to take up the discussion of the Missouri Compromise, the abolition agitation, and the constitutional debate on slavery, Mr. Brawley shows his inability to develop his subject for he merely draws a few facts first from one field and then from another to fill out certain topics in the book without correlating them in such a way that the reader may be able to interpret their meaning. He has endeavored not to write a history but to summarize what other persons are now publishing as selected topics in this field. In other words, he has added to the unscientific history of the Negro, which has hitherto appeared in the so-called text books on Negro history, facts culled from various sources but so improperly used as not to develop the subject.

The chapter on Liberia should have been incorporated into the treatment of colonization or made a supplementary chapter in the appendix of the book. Placed in the middle of the work, it has been necessary to repeat certain facts which could have been stated elsewhere once for all. The same is true of his treatment of the Negro as a national issue, and of social progress, which he takes up the second time as topics inadequately developed in the earlier stages of the treatise. In his discussion of the Civil War, the Emancipation, the Reconstruction, and the Negro in the new South, he says very little which is new. Under the caption _The Vale of Tears_, he drifts almost altogether into opinion as he does also in the case of the _Negro in the New Age_ and the _Negro Problem_. Judging, then, from the point of view of an historian, one must conclude that this work does not meet any particular want and that so far as the history of the Negro is concerned the publication of it will hardly result in any definite good. Mr. Brawley does not know history.

_William Lloyd Garrison._ By JOHN JAY CHAPMAN. Moffat, Yard and
Company, New York, 1913. Pp. 278.

This is a revised edition of a work of a similar name by this author, published in 1913 by Moffat, Yard and Company, New York. After having written the first edition the author made further investigation and had other reflections which led him to think and to see things from a different angle. He was impressed, moreover, with the fact that, being now further removed from the Civil War, persons have learned to think more seriously with regard thereto and to consider the value of the deeds of the participants therein in a more sympathetic manner. This work, however, has not been so very much enlarged; for it has only eighteen pages more, but unlike the first edition it has an index. Hoping, however, to give the subject of this sketch a larger place in American history and to popularize the story of his career this revised edition has been given to the public.

The work is not set forth as a scientific study. It is rather an abridged account which may be read without much difficulty by the average student in quest of concise opinion concerning one of the most important American characters figuring in that great crisis between 1830 and 1860. On reading this work, one receives the impression that the author has done his task very well. It borders somewhat on hero worship, however, as is evident from the use of the following language: "If one could see a mystical presentation of the epoch, one would see Garrison as a Titan, turning a giant grindstone or electrical power-wheel, from which radiated vibrations in larger and in ever larger, more communicative circles and spheres of agitation, till there was not a man, woman, or child in America who was not a tremble." He says further: "We know, of course, that the source of these radiations was not in Garrison. They came from the infinite and passed out into the infinite. Had there been no Garrison they would somehow have arrived and at some time would have prevailed. But historically speaking they did actually pass through Garrison: he vitalized and permanently changed this nation as much as one man ever did the same for any nation in the history of the world."

The book gives a good background and then dramatically stages Garrison as a striking figure. Next follows a dramatic presentation of the antislavery struggle with pen pictures of the participants. The story finally reaches the crisis when Garrison stood as a central figure. The work contains a retrospect and a prospect, an excellent account of the man in action, the Rynders Mob, Garrison and Emerson, and foreign influence. The story closes with a summary and an impressive epilogue. Although not a scientific treatise it certainly furnishes stimulus to further study, and when a student thus interested has read it, he will desire to study one of the larger biographies of this distinguished man.

_The Education of the South African Native._ By CHARLES T. LORAM.
Longmans, Green and Company, London, 1917. Pp. 340.

This is a treatise written by a South African brought up among the natives. He was once a Fellow in Teachers College of Columbia University. At the time of writing this book he was serving as an inspector of schools in Natal. The study, however, was undertaken as a doctoral dissertation at Columbia.

Observing the shortcomings of writers on Africa, this author endeavors to make a step ahead of them. He feels that they have dealt too much with ethnology, and with the descriptions of customs and habits. He does not think very much of the books primarily devoted to a discussion of the conflicting opinions on craniology and psychology of the natives. Taking up his own chosen task, however, he found it rather difficult because the government has had no definite policy of native education, and when there has been a policy among the four important South African governments there does not appear to be any uniformity of effort. No one, moreover, has undertaken to give the problem of the uplift of the natives adequate treatment.

The author desired to make his work scientific but it appears that he had not prosecuted this study very far before he found that important facts were lacking and that in making his conclusions and suggestions he would have to rely upon faith that what he may surmise may in the future prove to be true, although some modification may be necessary. Taking up this problem of education, however, he made use of the reports of the government departments, reports of school officials, books, pamphlets, articles in periodicals, statistical and experimental investigations, personal experience, and the experiences of his colleagues. While the work for the lack of some scientific treatise blazing the way suffered from so many handicaps that it could not be thoroughly scientific, it is the nearest approach to it and must be considered the best authority in this field until superseded.

The work begins with a consideration of such scientific topics as race contact in its larger aspects, the native problem and its proposed solution, serving as a sort of introduction to the essential portion of the work. The chief value of the book lies in its consideration of why the natives should be educated, the early missionary enterprises, the present status, elementary, industrial and higher education of the natives, a comparison of the achievements of native education with that of European, the basis for reconstruction of the native system, the educational budget, and proposed changes.

The work is generally readable but grows a little dull in certain statistical portions. The table of contents is detailed, but the book could have been considerably improved had an index been added. On the whole, the volume is a justification of some change in the political status of the Negro for the good of all. South Africa cannot in its own interest neglect the uplift of the natives, if it would promote the social and economic progress of the whole group. The one element cannot be elevated or kept up while the other is being held down. Persons interested in education of belated peoples and in the missionary enterprises should avail themselves of this volume.

_From Slave to Citizen._ By CHARLES M. MELDEN. The Methodist Book
Concern, New York and Cincinnati, 1921. Pp. 271.

This is a work written by one who has spent sixteen years as an educator of Negroes in the South. His experience there was sufficient for him to learn the Negro and his needs and he writes in the vein of one speaking as having authority. Because of his long service among the Negroes, the author has doubtless caught the viewpoint of the aspiring members of the race. He aims, therefore, to present the Negro's claim for recognition as a man, as a member of the human family with the implied rights and privileges belonging to him.

The book presents a definite program. It proceeds on the basis that, in a democracy, citizenship with its duties and its privileges must in the long run be recognized. He does not feel that democracy means the wiping out of racial preferences but the recognition of racial gifts and endowments. The author considers it an injustice to hold the Negro to the standards of democracy without training him to meet the responsibility. He considers it unfair to require every individual of the race to reach a prescribed standard before any of that group shall be recognized. It is, therefore, a plea for treating the Negroes as individuals and not as a single group, for fair treatment will not lead to amalgamation in as much as Christianity has not been known to promote that.

The chief remedy for the evils of racial conflict, according to the author, is cooperation. This must be brought about through growth and development from the contact of the two races on the higher plane of Christian service. Men must learn to work together without surrendering their fundamental connections. They must confer on all matters pertaining to economic welfare. This means that the white man must give the Negro a chance for initiative and leadership in the program of cooperation rather than the eternal superimposed leadership from without. In the language of Bishop W. P. Thirkield, who wrote the introduction to this work: "The Negro must be offered not crutches but a spirit of cooperation to make him strong that he may stand on his feet and walk."

It is evident then that this book is primarily concerned with the solution of the race problem. Yet written by a man who for years lived in the South, it presents a point of view which will be of value to the historian. From such topics as citizenship, social and legal discrimination, disfranchisement, and mob law, the historian will learn much by observing how these things impressed this worker in the South and his reaction on them. Valuable information may be obtained also from the discussion of the work of the Christian teacher in the South, the mission school, and the silent protest in the form of the exodus. There are valuable statistics in the chapters presenting the progress in education, advancement in wealth, achievement in social uplift, attainments in literature and art, and the record of the Negroes in the World War. The last part of the book concerned with the currents and counter-currents, the grinding of the mills of the gods and a possible modus vivendi will decidedly interest the social worker but will not concern very much the student of history. On the whole, however, this volume is a valuable historical document which the student of Negro life must read to be well informed as to what the Negro has been doing in the South during the last generation and what others have been doing for him.

NOTES

The annual meeting of the Association, held at Lynchburg on the 14th and 15th of November, was the most successful conference hitherto held by this organization. The proceedings appear elsewhere in this number.

At this meeting Prof. John R. Hawkins, for years a member of the Executive Council, was elected President. A new Secretary-Treasurer, Mr. S. W. Rutherford, was also elected. Mr. Rutherford is a well-known business man in Washington. The Executive Council was reconstructed to make it national. The following persons were added thereto: Bishop R. A. Carter, R. R. Church, John W. Davis, Clement Richardson, and R. C. Woods. Most of the former members of the Executive Council were retained.

The Associated Publishers, Incorporated, Washington, D. C., have brought out C. G. Woodson's _History of the Negro Church_. A review of this work will appear in the next number. Another work, the _Negro in Our History_, will be published some time in March.

_The Journal of Negro History_ has received for review Mason and Furr's _With the Red Hand of France_, an account of a regiment of Negro soldiers in France with the American Expeditionary Force.

A group of intelligent Negroes in North Carolina have formed a state historical society to preserve the records of the race in that commonwealth.

Dr. C. G. Woodson, the Director of the Association is now making a study of slavery from the point of view of the slave himself. He has sent out a searching questionnaire from which some results are being obtained. He is also consulting local records and documents left by slaves themselves and by those in a position to know their attitude toward the institution. The cooperation of all interested in unearthing the truth is earnestly solicited.

Professor A. A. Taylor, of the West Virginia Collegiate Institute, is now making a scientific study of the influence of the Negro congressmen on the legislation of Congress and on the general policy of the country. He will appreciate any facts which may not be covered by the public documents and books available.

Duffield and Company of Boston have published a new edition of Benjamin Brawley's _The Negro in Literature and Art_.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, HELD AT LYNCHBURG, NOVEMBER 14 AND 15, 1921

The morning session of the annual meeting of the Association on the 14th at the Virginia Theological Seminary and College was called to order by the Director, C. G. Woodson, who briefly traced the history of the organization showing how it had gradually gained influence and power and reached the position which it now occupies as a national organization of concern to the people of both races throughout the country. The Director then introduced Professor Charles H. Wesley of Howard University, who delivered a most instructive and inspiring address on the value of Negro History. After a few remarks by Dr. R. C. Woods, a number of persons expressed their interest in the Association by becoming members.

At two o'clock in the evening, the business session of the Association was held. From the Executive Council, there was presented a recommendation for the following amendments to the constitution, which, after some discussion, were adopted by the Association:

That Article IV be amended so as to change "twelve" to
"fourteen," and to incorporate after the words "business
committee" therein the words "to fix salaries of employees." This
article would then read as follows:

The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a
Secretary-Treasurer, a Director and Editor, and an Executive
Council, consisting of the three foregoing officers and fourteen
other members elected by the Association. The Association shall
have three trustees, who ex-officio shall be the President,
Secretary-Treasurer, and the Director and Editor. It shall also
appoint a Business Committee to fix salaries of employees, to
certify bills, and to advise the Director and Editor in matters
of administrative nature. These officers shall be elected by
ballot through the mail or at each annual meeting of the
Association.

That Article V be amended so as to read as follows:

The President shall preside at all meetings of the Association
and of the Executive Council. He shall be ex-officio a trustee of
the Association, a member of the Business Committee and a member
of all standing committees. He shall perform such other duties as
may be required of him from time to time by the Executive Council
or by the Association.

In case of the absence of the President or his inability to act,
his duty shall be performed by the Secretary-Treasurer, who in
that event shall exercise any of the above mentioned powers of
the President. In case of the absence of both the President and
the Secretary-Treasurer, the duty of the President shall be
performed by the Director and Editor, who in that event shall
exercise any of the above mentioned powers of the President.

The Secretary-Treasurer shall attend all meetings and keep a full
account of their proceedings in a book to be kept for that
purpose. He shall through his Assistant keep a full and accurate
account of receipts and disbursements of the Association in books
belonging to the Association and shall deposit all monies and
other valuable objects in the name of this Association in such
depositories or safety vaults as may be designated by the
Business Committee. He and his Assistant shall be required by the
Executive Council to give bond as the Executive Council may
designate. The Secretary-Treasurer shall be ex-officio a trustee
of the Association, and a member of the Business Committee.

The Director and Editor shall be the executive of the Association
when it or the Executive Council is not in session. He shall
devise plans for the collection of documents, direct the studies
of members of the Association, and determine what matter shall be
published in the Journal of Negro History. He shall employ a
business manager and clerk, the last mentioned to serve also as
the Assistant to the Secretary-Treasurer. He may employ other
assistants for administrative work and upon the approval of the
Executive Council may employ specialists to prosecute the
research to be undertaken by the Association. The Director and
Editor shall be ex-officio a trustee of the Association, and a
member of all standing committees except the Business Committee.

The Executive Council shall have charge of the general interests
of the Association, including the election of members of the
Association on recommendation of the Director, the calling of
meetings, the collection and the disposition of funds.

The report of the Director was read and adopted as was also the report of the Secretary-Treasurer, which was referred to an auditor. Important extracts from these reports follow.

The work of the Association has been successfully promoted. In
some respects the Association has merely maintained its former
status. Considered from another point of view, however, a decided
advance in several ways has been noted. In the fields in which
the work has advanced the progress has been so significant that
the year through which the Association has just passed has been
the most prosperous in its history.

The subscription list of the Journal of Negro History does not
show a large increase for the reason that it became necessary
more than a year ago to raise the fee from one to two dollars a
year and the current stringency in the money market has borne so
heavily upon teachers, and students to whom this publication must
appeal, that they have been unable to give it more liberal
support. Among the subscribers and members, however, there has
been manifested a deep interest in the matter published and a
keen appreciation of its value in the uplift of the Negro.

The membership of the Association for the same reason has about
remained the same as that of last year. The interest of the
members in the work and the value of the direction of the
Association to them, however, have both unusually increased. This
interest has culminated in the organization of clubs under the
supervision of the Director, who through them has been able to
give considerable stimulus to the work in remote parts of the
country. Among the clubs thus organized should be mentioned those
of San Antonio, Louisville, Chicago, Baltimore, Washington,
Philadelphia, Brooklyn and New York. Classes doing the same work
under the instruction of teachers have been formed in most of the
accredited Negro secondary schools and colleges. The work of such
classes at the West Virginia Collegiate Institute, the Virginia
Theological Seminary and College, Hampton Institute, Morehouse
College, Atlanta University, Paine College, Lincoln Institute in
Missouri, and the Kentucky State Normal School has been helpful
to the Association in its prosecution of the study of Negro life
and history.

With the cooperation of these friends and through travel the
Director has been making a study of _Slavery from the Point of
View of the Slave_. This has been done through questionnaires
filled out by ex-slaves and former masters, through the
collection of documents, and the study of local records. This
study, however, is just beginning and will require much more time
for completion. The Director expects to finish at an earlier date
his studies of the _Free Negro_ and the _Development of the Negro
in the Occupations_.

The most significant achievement of the Association has been the
success of the Director in increasing the income of the
Association to about $12,000 a year. This substantial uplift has
come in part from a large number of Negroes, who now more than
ever appreciate the value of their records and the importance of
popularizing the study thereof. A large number of Negroes have
made small contributions and as many as forty have given the
Association $25 each this year. Through the strong endorsement of
Dr. J. F. Jameson and other noted historical scholars the
Director secured from the Carnegie Corporation the much needed
appropriation of $5,000 a year for each of the next five years.
With this income the Association has paid all of its debts except
that of the bonus of $1,200 a year promised the Director for
1919-1920 and 1920-1921. Besides, the Association has been
enabled to employ a Business Manager and to pay the Director a
regular salary that as soon as practicable he may sever his
connection with all work and devote all of his time to the
prosecution of the study of Negro Life and History.

The details as to how the funds thus raised have been expended appear in the following report of the Secretary-Treasurer:

November 12, 1921.

_The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History,
Washington, D. C._

_Gentlemen:_ I hereby submit to you a statement of the amount of
money received and expended by the Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History, Incorporated, from September 30, 1920, to
November 12, 1921.

RECEIPTS EXPENDITURES

Subscriptions $913.96 Printing and Stationery $5,731.53
Memberships 126.00 Petty Cash 709.90
Contributions 8,239.50 Stenographic Service 1,134.60
Advertisements 255.15 Rent and Light 438.61
Rent and Light 198.61 Miscellaneous 86.10
Books 75.40 Salaries 1,225.00
Traveling Expenses 77.21
-------- --------
Total $9,808.62 Total $9402.95

Balance on hand Balance on hand November
Sept. 30, 1920. 48.86 12, 1921 454.53
--------- -------
$9,857.48 $9,857.48

Respectfully submitted,
Secretary-Treasurer.

Upon the recommendation of the committee on nominations the officers of the Association were, in keeping with the custom of this body, elected by a motion to the effect that the Acting Secretary be instructed to cast the unanimous ballot of the Association, for those recommended by the committee on nominations, that is, for John R. Hawkins as President, for S. W. Rutherford as Secretary-Treasurer, for C. G. Woodson as Director and Editor, and as members of the Executive Council the three foregoing officers together with Julius Rosenwald, George Foster Peabody, James H. Dillard, Bishop R. A. Carter, R. R. Church, Albert Bushnell Hart, John W. Davis, Bishop John R. Hurst, A. L. Jackson, Moorfield Storey, Bishop R. E. Jones, Channing H. Tobias, Clement Richardson, and R. C. Woods.

The evening session of the 14th was held at the Eighth Street Baptist Church where were assembled a considerable representation of the members of the Association and a large number of persons seeking to learn of the work and to profit by the discussion of the Association. Dr. R. C. Woods, President of the Virginia Theological Seminary and College, presided. The first speaker of the evening, Dr. W. H. Stokes of Richmond, Virginia, delivered a well-prepared and instructive address on the value of tradition. His aim was to encourage the Negro race and other persons interested in its uplift to do more for the preservation and study of its records. The next speaker of the evening was Professor J. R. Hawkins, Financial Secretary of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. He delivered a very forceful and informing discourse on the history of the Negro Church. How the church has figured in the life of the Negro; how it has been effective in promoting the progress of the race; and what it is doing to-day to present the case of the Negro to the world and offer him opportunities in other fields were all emphasized throughout this address. Dr. R. T. Kerlin, former Professor at the Virginia Military Institute, was then introduced. He briefly spoke about the importance of acquainting the white race with the achievements of the Negro, and showed that his task was not, therefore, to appeal to the Negroes, themselves, but to the white people, who too often misunderstand them.

The morning session of the 15th at the Virginia Theological Seminary and College was called to order by the newly elected President, Prof. John R. Hawkins. The Director, Dr. C. G. Woodson, was then introduced. He showed how the Negro is a menace to the position of the white man in trying to maintain racial superiority. The significant achievements of the Negro in Africa and this country were passed in rapid review to show how untenable this position of the white man is and how unlikely it can continue in view of the fact that the Negro is accomplishing more now than ever before in the history of the race. Professor John R. Hawkins then delivered a brief address showing how the development of the schools and the maintenance of the proper school spirit through teachers and students can be made effective in the social uplift of the race. President Trigg of Bennet College then followed with impressive remarks expressing his interest in the cause and his confidence in those who are now doing so much to preserve the records of the Negro and to popularize the study of them throughout this country and abroad.

There was no afternoon session of the Association except a brief meeting of the Executive Council, to which the public was not invited. The conference closed with the evening session at the Eighth Street Baptist Church, where a large audience was addressed by Dr. I. E. McDougle, of Sweet Briar College, Dr. E. Crooks, of Randolph-Macon College, and Professor Bernard Tyrrell of the Virginia Theological Seminary and College. Dr. McDougle briefly discussed Negro history as a neglected field, showing that it is generally unexplored, and introducing an abundance of material which may be discovered with little effort. He spoke, moreover, of Negro History as a neglected subject, giving statistical information as to the places where the subject is now being taught and the manner in which such instruction is offered. Dr. Crooks spoke for a few minutes on self-respect as a means by which the race may develop power. He unfortunately, however, drifted into a discussion of certain phases of the race problem and disgusted his audience by advancing ideas with which, as he was informed, Negroes cannot agree. Professor Tyrrell then delivered a scholarly address on Negro ancestry and brought forward from his study of ancient history and especially that of Africa, facts showing that the Negro race has made a record of which it may well feel proud. He explained, moreover, how historians since the early days have become prejudiced against the proper treatment of the achievements of Africans and have endeavored to convince the world that the record of the race is not significant.

This meeting on the whole was a success, above and beyond that of any other hitherto held. The attendance was large, the enthusiasm ran higher, and the financial support secured far exceeded that of other meetings. There was expressed a general interest in the plans for the future prosecution of the work and the intention to give it more support that it may be extended in all of its ramifications throughout this country and even abroad.

THE JOURNAL

OF

NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. VII--APRIL, 1922--NO. 2

NEGRO CONGRESSMEN A GENERATION AFTER

The period of reconstruction which followed the Civil War presented to the statesmen of that time three problems of unusual significance. These were: what should be the status of the eleven Confederate States; what should be done with the leaders of the Confederacy; and finally, what should be the rôle to be played by the several millions of freedmen? In the effort to deal effectively with these problems the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses adopted a reconstruction policy which provided for the readmission of the formerly rebellious States to the Union, the imposition of political disabilities upon many former Confederates, and the bestowal of citizenship and suffrage upon the freedmen. Upon the enlarged electorate the reconstruction of the States was undertaken.

That the freedmen, comprising in many communities a preponderance of voting power, should elect to public office ambitious outstanding men of their race was expected. At that time, therefore, Negroes attained not only local and State offices of importance, but also sat in the United States Congress. Indeed, during the period from 1871 to 1901, the latter year marking the passing of this type of Congressman, twenty-two Negroes, two of whom were senators, held membership in Congress. It seems, moreover, that men like Menard of Florida, Pinchback of Louisiana, Lee and others, though unable to prove their contentions, were, nevertheless, contestants with good title.

This situation, no less unique than it was interesting, has become the source of interminable debate. It has been contended that because of the ignorance of the blacks, in letters, in manners, in business, and in the affairs of State, it was a serious mistake to enfranchise them, thus making possible for a period however brief their virtual direction of the political affairs of some of the Southern States. Consistent in principle, historians of this conviction have viewed with abhorrence the seating of black men in the highest legislative assembly of the land. Not all men, however, have concurred in this opinion. There were those who had precisely the opposite view, basing their argument on the necessity of the plan of reconstruction effected, in order to preserve to the Union the fruits of its victory.

The merits of that reconstruction are not here, however, at issue. Of far greater import for our consideration is the single fact that Negroes were thereby sent to Congress. Did the Negroes elected to Congress justify by their achievements their presence there? To what extent did they give direction to the thought and policies which were to govern and control in this nation? Manifestly an impartial judgment in this matter may be most adequately arrived at by the setting up of certain criteria of excellence expected to inhere in Congressmen and measuring by these the achievements of these functionaries. Considering the matter in this light, therefore, the following questions are advanced as bearing a direct relationship to the services of these Congressmen. First, what of their mental equipment to perform the tasks of law makers? Second, as measured by their experience in public positions of trust and by their grasp of the public questions at that time current, to what extent did they show capacity for public service? Third, in what directions were their chief interests manifested?

EVIDENCES OF MENTAL EQUIPMENT

Regarding the Negro Congressmen in the light of the standards already referred to, we shall first make inquiry as to their mental fitness to function as law makers. Broadly considered, they may be divided into two groups: first, those who possessed but limited education; second, those who were college bred.

Among the men comprising the first group, certain common characteristics are noticeable: first, they were mainly members of the earliest Reconstruction Congresses, beginning with the Forty-first, in which Negroes held membership, and were therefore but little removed from slavery; second, some of them were born of slave parents or had been, themselves, slaves; third, others were brought up in communities which expressly prohibited the establishment of educational institutions for Negroes; and fourth, all of them, by dint of severe application in later years, secured, prior to their election to Congress, a better education than rudimentary instruction. The members of this group were twelve in number, including Long[1] of Georgia; De Large,[2] Rainey,[3] Ransier,[4] and Smalls[5] of South Carolina; Lynch[6] and Bruce[7] of Mississippi; Haralson[8] and Turner[9] of Alabama; Hyman[10] of North Carolina; Nash[11] of Louisiana; and Walls[12] of Florida.

As many as ten of the twenty-two Negro congressmen were men of college education. This training, however, varied widely in scope and purpose. Two men of this group became ministers of the gospel. One of them, Richard H. Cain[13] of South Carolina, was trained at Wilberforce University, Xenia, Ohio, whence he left in 1861, at the age of thirty-six years, to begin a career in his chosen field; the other, Hiram E. Revels[14] of Mississippi, was educated at the Quaker Seminary in Union County, Indiana. Prior to their election to Congress, both of these men attracted wide attention as churchmen. Cain was for four years the pastor of a church in Brooklyn, N. Y., after which his congregation sent him as a missionary to the freedmen of South Carolina. Senator Revels, on the other hand, was widely known as a lecturer in the States of Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and Missouri. For some time he preached in Baltimore, taught school in St. Louis, and among other things, organized churches and lectured in Mississippi. The wide experiences of both gentlemen offered to them unusual opportunities to develop the power, keenness of insight, and knowledge of human nature so essential to the leadership of men.