Chapter XXI: Appendix: F

"MONROVIA, April 24th, 1826.

"Rev. and Dear Sir: I received your letter sent to me by the
order of the Board of Managers of the American Colonization
Society; and I expected until a few days ago that the return of
the Indian Chief, would have enabled me in all respects to have
realized their wishes. But on a more minute examination of the
subject, Mr. Ashmun and myself both were apprehensive that my
leaving the Colony at present, would endanger the lives of a
number of the inhabitants; Mr. Ashmun, however, has made a full
statement to the Board, which I have no doubt will be
satisfactory to them. I think that through the blessing of the
Almighty, I shall be able to get the last expedition through the
fever with very little loss; we have lost only three, the Rev.
Mr. Trueman, from Baltimore, and two children belonging to the
Paxton family. But the emigrants who came out in the Vine, have
suffered very much; we lost twelve of them. The action of the
disease was more powerful with them than is common--they
unfortunately arrived here in the most sickly month in the year,
February. I am strongly of the opinion, sir, that if the people
of New England leave there in the winter, that the transition is
so great, that you may count upon a loss of half at least. They
may, in my estimation, with safety, leave in the months from
April to November, and arrive here in good time; I think it to be
a matter of great importance; therefore I hope, that you will
regard it as such.

"I am respectfully yours,
"Lott Cary."

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, p. 152.

In April, 1826, Lott Cary made arrangements to embark for the United States. The following is extracted from a letter addressed by Mr. Ashmun to the Managers of the Colonization Society:

"The Rev. Lott Cary, returning by the 'Indian Chief,' has, in my
opinion, some claims on the justice of the Society or Government
of the United States, or both, which merit consideration. These
claims arise out of a long and faithful course of medical
services rendered to this Colony, (the only such services
deserving much consideration, if we except those of Dr. Ayres and
Dr. Peaco, since the commencement of the settlement, in 1820).

"It is perhaps known to the Board, that Mr. Cary has declined
serving any civil office, incompatible with a faithful discharge
of his sacred functions: and it may be added, that although one
of the most diligent and active of men, he has never had the
command of leisure or strength to engage in any Missionary
duties, besides the weekly and occasional services of the
congregation. More than one-half of his time has been given up to
the care of our sick, from the day I landed in Africa, to the
very moment of stating the fact. He has personally aided in every
way, that fidelity and benevolence could dictate, in all the
attentions which all our sick have in so long a period received.
His want of science acquired by the regular study of Medicine, he
has gone a long way towards supplying by an unwearied diligence
which few regular physicians think it necessary--fewer
superficial practitioners, have the motives for exercising.

"Several times have these disinterested labors reduced him to the
verge of the grave. The presence of the other physicians has,
instead of affording relief, only redoubled the intensity of his
labors, by changing the ordinary routine of his attentions to the
sick with the exhibition of their own prescriptions.

"Mr. Cary has hitherto received no compensation, either from the
Society or the Government, for these services. I need not add,
that it has not been in his power to support himself and family
by any use he could make of the remnants of his time left him,
after discharging the amount of duty already described. The
Missionary Board of Richmond have fed, clothed and supplied the
other wants of himself and family, while devoting his strength
and time to your sick colonists, and Agents in this country.
Justice seems to demand that he should be placed in a situation
as an honest man, to refund the whole or part of the fund thus
engrossed, not to say _misapplied_, to the Missionary Board.

"I beg leave also to state, that on the 15th of February, 1826, I
came into an agreement with Mr. Cary, to allow him a reasonable
compensation for his medical services, devoted to the then
sickening company of Boston emigrants. His time has from the date
of that agreement, to the present hour, been incessantly occupied
in attending upon the sick."

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, pp. 151f.

On the 25th of June Gary wrote to Ashmun:

"About three o'clock to-day, there appeared three vessels--two
brigs and a schooner. The schooner stood into the Roads, and one
of the brigs near in, but showed no colours until a shot was
fired by Captain Thompson; when she hoisted Spanish colours, and
the schooner the same. All their movements appeared so
suspicious, that we turned out all our forces to-night.--About
eight this evening it was reported that they were standing out of
our Roads; and at sunset, that the schooner had come to anchor
very near the 'All Chance,' from Boston; and that the brig which
had passed the Cape, had put about and was standing up, trying to
double the Cape; and that the third vessel (a brig) was standing
down for the Roads. The first mentioned brig showed nine ports a
side. From all these circumstances I thought best to have Fort
Norris Battery manned, which was immediately done by Captain
Johnson. I also ordered out the two volunteer companies to make
discoveries around the town, and the Artillery to support the
guns, and protect the beach; which orders were promptly executed,
and we stood in readiness during the night. At daylight the
schooner lay at anchor and appeared to be making no preparations
to communicate with us; I then ordered a shot to be fired at a
little distance from her, when she sent a boat ashore with her
Captain, Supercargo, and Interpreter. She reported herself the
Joseph, from Havana, had been three months on the coast trading,
but _not for slaves_, had one gun, and twenty-three men. Also,
that the brig was a patriotic brig in chase of her, and that
through fear she had taken shelter under our guns. The Captain
wished a supply of wood and water; but I told him I knew him to
be engaged in the slave trade, and that, though we did not
pretend to attempt suppressing this trade, we would not aid it,
and that I allowed him one hour, and one only, to get out of the
reach of our guns. He was very punctual, and I believe before his
hour."

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, p. 157.

A letter to the American Colonization Society through her Secretary, July 17th (1828):

Until we can raise crops sufficient to supply a considerable
number of new comers every year, such an arrangement (a vessel
large enough to run down to Cape Palmas and occasionally to
Sierra Leone) as will enable us to proceed farther to the leeward
than we have ever done, in order to procure supplies, will be
indispensably necessary; as there we can procure Indian Corn,
Palm Oil, and live stock. For these, neither the slave traders
nor others, give themselves much. Corn can be bought there for
from fifteen to twenty cents per bushel. Fifteen or twenty
bushels which I bought of Captain Woodbury, I have been using
instead of rice for the last two months. Besides, it can be
ground into meal, and would be better than any that can be sent.
Upon the supposed inquiry, will not the lands of the Colony
produce Corn? they will produce it in abundance; but with the
quantity of lands appropriated at present, and the means to
cultivate them, each landholder will, I think, be able to raise
but little more than may be required by his own family, and
consequently will have little to dispose of to new comers. (It
has been resolved by the Board of Managers to increase the
quantity of land alloted to each settler.)

Permit me to inform the Board, that proposals have been made by a
number of very respectable citizens in Monrovia, to commence a
settlement near the head of the Montserado River, which would be
a kind of farming establishment; which, should it be the pleasure
of the Board to approve, would be followed up with great spirit,
and found to contribute largely towards increasing our crops, for
the soil is very promising.

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, p. 158.

ADDRESS

BY THE CITIZENS OF MONROVIA, TO THE FREE COLOURED PEOPLE OF THE
UNITED STATES

As much speculation and uncertainty continue to prevail among the
free people of colour in the United States, respecting our
situation and prospects in Africa; and many misrepresentations
have been put in circulation there, of a nature slanderous to
_us_, and in their effects injurious to _them_; we feel it our
duty by a true statement of our circumstances to endeavor to
correct them.

The first consideration which caused our voluntary removal to
this country, and the object which we still regard with the
deepest concern, is liberty--liberty, in the sober, simple, but
complete sense of the word:--not a licentious liberty--nor a
liberty without government--or which should place us without the
restraint of salutary laws. But that liberty of speech, action,
and conscience, which distinguished the free, enfranchised
citizens of a free state. We did not enjoy that freedom in our
native country, and from causes which, as respects ourselves, we
shall soon forget forever, we were certain it was not there
attainable for ourselves, or our children. This then being the
first object of our pursuit in coming to Africa, is probably the
first subject on which you will ask for information. And we must
truly declare to you, that our expectations and hopes in this
respect have been realized. Our Constitution secures to us, so
far as our condition allows, "all the rights and privileges
enjoyed by the citizens of the United States," and these rights
and these privileges are ours. We are proprietors of the soil we
live on; and possess the rights of freeholders; our suffrages,
and what is of more importance our _sentiments_, and our
_opinions_, have their due weight in the government we live
under. Our laws are altogether our own; they grow out of our
circumstances; are framed for our exclusive benefit; and
administered either by officers of our own appointment, or such
as possess our confidence. We have a judiciary chosen from among
ourselves; we serve as jurors in the trial of others; and are
liable to be tried only by juries of our fellow-citizens,
ourselves. We have all that is meant by _liberty of conscience_.
The time and mode of worshipping God as prescribed in his word,
and dictated by our conscience, we are not only free to follow,
but are protected in following.

Forming a community of our own, in the land of our forefathers,
having the commerce and soil and resources of the country at our
disposal; we know nothing of that debasing inferiority, with
which our very colour stamped us in America. There is nothing
here to create the feeling on our part--nothing to cherish the
feeling of superiority in the minds of foreigners who visit us.
It is this moral emancipation--this liberation of the mind from
worse than iron fetters, that repays us ten thousand times over,
for all that it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God, and
our American patrons, for the happy change which has taken place
in our situation. We are not so self-complacent as to rest
satisfied with our improvement either as regards our minds or our
circumstances. We do not expect to remain stationary,--far from
it; but we certainly feel ourselves, for the first time, in a
state to improve either to any purpose. The burden is gone from
our shoulders; we now breathe and move freely, and know not (in
our present state) for which to pity you most, the empty name of
liberty, which you endeavour to content yourselves with, in a
country that is not yours; or the delusion which makes you hope
for ampler privileges in that country hereafter. Tell us; which
is the white man, who, with a prudent regard to his own
character, can associate one of you on terms of equality? Ask
_us_ which is the white man who would decline such association
with one of our number, whose intellectual and moral qualities
are not an objection? To both of these questions we
unhesitatingly make the same answer: there is no such white man.

We solicit none of you to emigrate to this country; for we know
not who among you prefers rational independence and the honest
respect of his fellow men, to the mental sloth and careless
poverty, which you already possess, and your children will
inherit after you, in America. But if your views and aspirations
rise a degree higher--if your minds are not as servile as your
present condition, we can decide the question at once; and with
confidence say that you will bless the day, and your children
after you, when you determined to become citizens of Liberia.

But we do not hold this language on the blessing of liberty, for
the purpose of consoling ourselves for the sacrifice of health,
or the suffering of want, in consequence of our removal to
Africa. We enjoy health after a few months' residence in the
country as uniformly, and in as perfect a degree, as we possessed
that blessing in our native country. And a distressing scarcity
of provisions, or any of the comforts of life, has for the last
two years been entirely unknown, even to the poorest persons in
this community. We never hoped, by leaving America, to escape the
common lot of mortals--the necessity of death to which the just
appointment of Heaven consigns us. But we do expect to live as
long, and pass this life with as little sickness as yourselves.

The true character of the African climate is not well understood
in other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, as
long lived, to say the least, as those of any other country.
Nothing like an epidemic has ever appeared in this colony; nor
can we learn from the natives, that the calamity of a sweeping
sickness ever yet visited this part of the continent. But the
change from a temperate to a tropical country is a great one; too
great, not to affect the health more or less,--and in the cases
of old people and very young children, it often causes death. In
the early years of the colony, want of good houses, the great
fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular mode of
living, and the hardships and discouragements they met with,
greatly helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed to
an alarming extent, and was attended with great mortality. But we
look back to those times as to a season of trial long past, and
nearly forgotten:--our houses and circumstances are now
comfortable, and for the last 2 or 3 years, not one person in
forty, from the Middle and Southern States has died, from the
change of climate.

People, now arriving, have comfortable houses to receive them,
will enjoy the regular attendance of a Physician in the slight
sickness that may await them; will be surrounded and attended by
healthy and happy people who have borne the effects of the
climate, who will encourage and fortify them against that
despondency, which alone has carried off several in the first
years of the colony. But, you may say, that even health and
freedom, good as they are, are still dearly paid for, when they
cost you the common comforts of life, and expose your wives and
children to famine and all the evils of poverty. We do not
dispute the soundness of this conclusion neither--but we utterly
deny that it has any application to the people of Liberia. Away
with all the false notions that are circulating about the
barrenness of this country. They are the observations of such
ignorant or designing men, as would injure both it and you. A
more fertile soil and a more productive country, so far as it is
cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of the earth.
Its hills and its plains are covered with a verdure which never
fades--the productions of nature keep on in their growth through
all the seasons of the year. Even the natives of the country,
almost without farming tools, without skill, and with very little
labour, make more grain and vegetables than they can consume, and
often more than they can sell.

Cattle, swine, fowls, ducks, goats and sheep, thrive without
feeding--and require not other care than to keep them from
straying. Cotton, coffee, Indigo, and sugar cane are all the
spontaneous growth of our forests; and may be cultivated at
pleasure to any extent, by such as are disposed. The same may be
said of rice, indian corn, guinea corn, millet, and too many
species of fruits and vegetables to be enumerated. Add to all
this, we have no dreary winter here, for one half of the year, to
consume the productions of the other half; nature is constantly
renewing herself, and constantly pouring her treasures, all the
year round, into the lap of the industrious. We could say on this
subject more; but we are afraid of exciting too highly the hopes
of the _imprudent_. It is only the industrious and virtuous that
we can point to independence and plenty and happiness in this
country. Such people are nearly sure, to attain in a very few
years, to a style of comfortable living, which they may in vain
hope for in the United States. And however short we come of the
character ourselves, it is only a due acknowledgment of the
bounty of Divine Providence, to say that we generally enjoy the
good things of this life to our entire satisfaction.

Our trade and commerce are chiefly confined to the coast, to the
interior parts of the continent, and to foreign vessels. It is
already valuable, and fast increasing. It is carried on in the
productions of the country, consisting of rice, palm oil, ivory,
tortoise-shell, dye-woods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount
of coffee; and it brings us in return the products and
manufactures of the four quarters of the world. Seldom indeed is
our harbour clear of European and American shipping; and the
bustle and thronging of our streets show something of the
activity of the smaller seaports of the United States.

Mechanics of nearly every trade are carrying on their various
occupations. Their wages are high, and a large number would be
sure of constant and profitable employment. Not a child or youth
in the colony, but is provided with an appropriate school. We
have a numerous publick library, and a Courthouse,
Meeting-houses, School-houses, and fortifications sufficient, or
nearly so, for the colony in its present state.

Our houses are constructed of the same materials, and finished in
the same style as in the towns in America. We have abundance of
good building stone, shells for lime and clay of an excellent
quality for bricks. Timber is plentiful and of various kinds, and
fit for all the different purposes of building and fencing.

Truly we have a goodly heritage, and if there is any thing
lacking in the character or condition of the people of this
colony, it never can be charged to the account of the country. It
must be the fruit of our own mismanagement or slothfulness or
vices. But from these evils, we confide in Him to whom we are
indebted for all our blessings, to preserve us. It is the topic
of our weekly and daily thanksgiving to Almighty God, both in
publick and private; and he knows with what sincerity, that we
were ever conducted to this shore. Such great favours in so short
a time, and mixed with so few trials, are to be ascribed to
nothing but his special blessing. This we acknowledge. Judge then
of the feelings with which we hear the motives and the doings of
the Colonization Society traduced--and that too, by men too
ignorant to know what that society has accomplished; too weak to
look through its plans and intentions; or too dishonest to
acknowledge either. But without pretending to any prophetic
sagacity, we can certainly predict to that society the ultimate
triumph of their hopes and labours; and disappointment and defeat
to all who oppose them. Men may theorize and speculate about
their plans in America. But there can be no speculation here. The
cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness, which are
scattered over this verdant mountain; the flourishing
settlements which are spreading around it--the sound of
Christian instruction, and scene of Christian worship, which are
heard and seen in this land of brooding pagan darkness; a
thousand contented freemen, united in founding a new Christian
Empire, happy themselves, and the instruments of happiness to
others--every object, every individual, is an argument, is
demonstration of the wisdom and the goodness of the plan of
Colonization.

Where is the argument that shall refute facts like these? and
where is the man hardy enough to deny them?

_The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VIII, pp. 50-53.

JOURNAL OF LOTT CARY

The Colonial Agent, J. Ashmun, esq., went on board the brig
Doris, March 26th, 1828, escorted by three companies of military,
and when taking leave he delivered a short address, which was
truly affecting; never, I suppose, were greater tokens of respect
shown by any community on taking leave of their head. Nearly the
whole (at least two-thirds) of the inhabitants of Monrovia, men,
women, and children, were out on this occasion, and nearly all
parted from him with tears, and in my opinion, the hope of his
return in a few months, alone enabled them to give him up. He is
indeed dear to this people, and it will be a joyful day when we
are again permitted to see him. He has left a written address,
which contains valuable admonitions to Officers, Civil, Military,
and Religious. The brig sailed on the 27th. May she have a
prosperous voyage.

Thursday, March 27.

Feeling very sensibly my incompetency to enter upon the duties of
my office without first making all the Officers of the Colony
well acquainted with the principal objects which should engage
our attention, I invited them to meet at the Agency House on the
27th, at 9 o'clock, which was punctually attended to; and I then
read all the instructions left by Mr. Ashmun without reserve, and
requested their co-operation. I stated that it would be our first
object to put the Jail in complete order, secondly to have our
guns and armaments in a proper state, and thirdly to get the new
settlers located on their lands; as this was a very important
item in my instructions. This explanation will, I think, have a
good effect; as by it the effective part of the Colony is put in
possession of the most important objects of our present pursuit;
and I trust through the blessing of the great Ruler of events,
we shall be able to realize all the expectations of Mr. Ashmun,
and render entire satisfaction to the Board of Managers if they
can reconcile themselves to the necessary expenses.

March 29.

From a note received from Mr. James, dated Millsburg, I learn
that he visited King Boatswain, and that the new road from
Boatswain's to Millsburg will shortly be commenced.--The Headmen
expect, however, to be paid for opening the road. Messrs. James
and Cook, who came down this evening, state, that the Millsburg
Factory will be ready in a few days for the reception of goods,
and wished consignments might be made early. But as I had been on
the 27th paying off the kings towards the Millsburg lands, and
found that one hundred and twenty bars came so far short of
satisfying them, I thought best to see them together before I
should attempt to make any consignments to that place.

Know all men by these presents: That we, Old King Peter, and King
Governor, King James, and King Long Peter, do on this fourth day
of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
twenty-eight, grant unto Lott Cary, acting Agent of the Colony of
Liberia, in behalf of the American Colonization Society, to wit:

All that tract of Land on the north side of St. Paul's river,
beginning at King James' line below the establishment called
Millsburg Settlement, and we the Kings as aforesaid do bargain,
sell, and grant, unto the said Lott Cary, acting in behalf of the
American Colonization Society, all the aforesaid tract of land,
situated and bounded as follows: by the St. Paul's river on the
South, and thence running an East Northeast direction up the St.
Paul's river, as far as he, the said Lott Cary, or his successor
in the Agency, or Civil Authority of the Colony of Liberia, shall
think proper to take up and occupy: and bounded on the West by
King Jimmey's, and running thence a North direction as far as our
power and influence extend. We do this day and date, grant as
aforesaid for the consideration (here follow the articles to be
given in payment); and will forever defend the same against all
claims whatsoever.

In witness whereof we set our hands and names:
OLD X KING PETER,
LONG X KING PETER,
KING X GOVERNOR,
KING X JAMES.

Signed in the presence of,
ELIJAH JOHNSON,
FREDERICK JAMES,
DANIEL GEORGE.

June 18, 1828.

I found it necessary, in order to preserve the frame of the
second floors of the Government House, to have the frame and
ceiling painted, which is now doing. I have also been obliged to
employ another workman to make the blinds, or else leave the
house exposed the present season, as ---- refused to do it under
the former contract. On the 13th I visited Millsburg (named after
Mills and Burgess) to ascertain the prospects of that settlement;
and can say with propriety, that according to the quantity of
land which the settlers have put under cultivation, they will
reap a good and plentiful crop. The Company's crop of rice and
cassada is especially promising. The new settlers at that place
have done well; having all, with two or three exceptions, built
houses, so as to render their families comfortable during the
season. They have also each of them a small farm, which I think
after a few months will be sufficient to subsist them. But I find
from a particular examination, that we shall be obliged to allow
them to draw rations longer than I expected, owing to the great
scarcity of country produce, the cassada being so nearly
exhausted, that it is, and will be, impossible to obtain, until
new crops come in, much to aid our provisions, unless by going
some distance into the country. Therefore I think it
indispensably necessary, in order to keep the settlers to their
farming improvements, to continue their rations longer than I at
first intended; as I consider the present too important a crisis
to leave them to neglect their improvements, although it may add
something to our present expenses.

The people at Caldwell are getting on better with their farms
than with their houses. I think some of them are very slow,
notwithstanding I have assisted them in building. The Gun House
at Caldwell is done, and at present preparations are making for
the fourth of July. I think that settlement generally, is rapidly
advancing in farming, building, and I hope, in industry. Our gun
carriages are done; the completion of the iron work alone
prevents us from mounting them all immediately. We have four
mounted, and I think we shall put them all in complete order by
the end of the present week.

Captain Russel will be able to give something like a fair account
of the state of our improvements, as he went with me to visit the
settlements on the 13th and 14th, and seemed pleased with the
project at Millsburg, Caldwell and the Half-way Farms.

Mr. Warner, who has been engaged nearly the whole of the last
twelve months on business of negotiation with the native tribes
to the leeward, is at present down at Tippicanoe, the place which
I mentioned in my former communications, as being a very
important section of country, since it would connect our Sesters
and Bassa districts together. He is not, however, now engaged in
business of negotiation, but only in business of trade.

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, pp. 153-156.

In a letter to Mr. Ashmun, Mr. Cary wrote:

Things are nearly as you left them; most of the work that you
directed to be done, is nearly accomplished. The plasterers are
now at work on the Government House, and with what lime I am
having brought down the river, and what shells I am getting, I
think we shall succeed.

The Gun House in Monrovia and the Jail have been done for some
weeks; the mounting of the guns will be done this week, if the
weather permits.

The Houses at Half-way Farms are done; the Gun House at Caldwell
would have been done at this time, had not the rain prevented,
but I think it will be finished in three or four days. The public
farm is doing pretty well. The Millsburg farms are doing very
well. I think it would do you good to see that place at this
time.

The Missionaries, although they have been sick are now, I am
happy to inform you, recovered; and at present are able to attend
to their business, and I regard them as entirely out of danger.

I hope we shall be able to remove all the furniture into the new
house in two or three weeks.

Speaking of the celebration of the 4th of July under date of July 15th, Mr. Cary remarked to Mr. Ashmun:

The companies observed strictly the orders of the day, which I
think were so arranged as to entitle the officers who drew them
up to credit. Upon the whole, I am obliged to say, that I have
never seen the American Independence celebrated with so much
spirit and propriety since the existence of the Colony; the guns
being all mounted and painted, and previously arranged for the
purpose, added very much to the grand salute. Two dinners were
given, one by the Independent Volunteer Company, and one by
Captain Devany.

Mr. Cary wrote to the Secretary of the Colonization Society, July 19th, 1828:

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter,
forwarded by Captain Chase of Providence, also your Report and
Repository, directed to Mr. Ashmun, but owing to his absence,
they have fallen into my hands; and permit me to say, that these
communications are read with pleasure, and that nothing affords
more joy to the Colony, than to hear of the prosperity of the
Colonization Society, and that you have some hopes of aid from
the General Government, which makes us more desirous to enlarge
our habitation and extend the borders of the Colony.

I must say, from the flattering prospects of your Society, I feel
myself very much at a loss how to proceed, in the absence of Mr.
Ashmun, with regard to making provisions for the reception of a
large number of emigrants, which appears to be indispensably
necessary. Therefore, after receiving your communication, we
conceived the following to be the most safe and prudent course.
_First_, to make arrangements to have erected at Millsburg,
houses to answer as receptacles sufficient to shelter from one
hundred and fifty to two hundred persons, I have therefore
extended the duties of Mr. Benson so as to embrace that object. I
was led to this course from the following considerations.
_First_, from the productiveness of the Millsburg lands and the
fewness of their inhabitants. I know if Mr. Ashmun were present,
it would be a principal object with him to push that settlement
forward with all possible speed, and that for this purpose, he
would send the emigrants by the first two or three expeditions to
that place. I think that those from the fresh water rivers, if
carried directly after their arrival here, up to Millsburg, would
suffer very little from change of climate. _Second_, the
fertility of the land is such a temptation to the farmer, that
unless he possesses laziness in its extreme degree, he cannot
resist it; he must and will go to work. _Thirdly_, it is
important to strengthen that settlement against any possible
attack; and though we apprehend no hostilities from the natives,
yet we would have each settlement strong enough to repel them.

I am happy to say, that the health, peace and prosperity of the
Colony, I think, is still advancing, and I hope that the Board of
Managers may have their wishes and expectations realized to their
fullest extent, with regard to the present and future prosperity
of the Colony.

Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, pp. 156-158.

Letter to the treasurer of the Massachusetts Baptist Education Society:

Sir,

Here is a mite enclosed for your society. It is part of the
proceeds of a cotton field, for benevolent purposes. I helped to
plough the ground, plant, hoe, pick, gin and pack the cotton with
my own hands. A part of the proceeds is for the Colonization
Society. My servants would shew their large white teeth, when, to
encourage them to do their work well, I informed them that this
cotton was designed to be a means of enlightening their brethren
in Africa. Don't you think that Christians by and by, will act
more like stewards with the property God has given them? I think
it better to give now and then a mite, which the Lord may have
bestowed upon me, to advance his cause, than to lavish it on
profligate and dissipated sons. Will not God at a future day
require the property he has loaned us?

We see you Northern folks seem conscious of this, by the
exertions you are using to advance the Redeemer's cause. This has
become a fortunate legatee, in comparison with what it was fifty
years ago.

We, down here, so near the equator, think we can discover the
upper limb of the millennium sun already. Will he not get clear
above the horizon by 1866.

A Georgia Planter.

_The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IV, p. 181.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These extracts were collected by Miles Mark Fisher.

BOOK REVIEWS

_The Master's Slave--Elijah John Fisher_. By MILES MARK FISHER.
The Judson Press, Philadelphia, Pa. Pp. 194.

This work is a biographical sketch of one of the most prominent Negro Baptist preachers of his time. The author, the son of the subject of the sketch, believes that too little has been said concerning the Negro Church, which is largely responsible for whatever advancement the race has made. To stimulate interest in this institution and to give it the proper place in the history of the race, this biography is given to the public.

The book contains an introduction by Dr. L. K. Williams, the popular successor of Dr. Fisher at the Olivet Baptist Church in Chicago, where the latter faithfully served many years. It contains also an appreciation by Martin B. Madden, Congressman from Illinois, who personally knew Dr. Fisher and speaks most commendably of his character and achievements in that State.

The actual sketch begins with the chapter entitled "Bound and Branded," presenting the life of Dr. Fisher during the slavery of the last decade prior to emancipation. Herein are set forth interesting facts showing the connection of the Negro with Africa and his status in the slave-holding South. The effects of the Civil War in this section appear also from page to page.

Then follows that part of his career when he as a youth undertook to secure an education by which he might be qualified for the serious duties of life. How he began as a teacher during the beginning of Negro education of the Reconstruction period, and how he finally became an exhorter and developed into a minister acceptable to the communicants of his denomination, make the story increasingly interesting. The sketch reaches its climax through a detailed account of Dr. Fisher's work at Atlanta, Nashville, and Chicago, emphasizing the last mentioned as the place of his most successful labor.

The historian will find this work valuable in that it illuminates one of the most interesting periods of Negro church history. It is not only a sketch of one distinguished churchman but a narrative presenting an important chapter of the story of the Baptists by relating the many incidents connected with the leading churchmen and ecclesiastical organizations interested in the uplift of the Negro since the Civil War. This narrative, moreover, shows how the Negro minister, in keeping with the exigencies of the time, often had to be drawn into politics in self defense and that in the case of unselfish service like that of Dr. Fisher, he may come out of the controversy untarnished.

_History of the United States. Vol. V._ By EDWARD CHANNING. The
Macmillan Company, New York City. Pp. 615.

This is the most recent volume of Professor Channing's eight volume History of the United States from the very beginning of our history to the present time. This particular volume covers the years from 1815 to 1848 and is entitled "The Period of Transition." It is written in keeping with the standard of thoroughness characteristic of the author and is made further informing by the use of ten valuable maps illustrating important facts in American History.

In this volume the author engages the attention of the reader with an account of the wonderful century in which he writes. He then discusses the westward movement of the population, urban migration, the rise of labor unions, giving more attention to economic matters than his predecessors have been accustomed to do in the treatment of this period. A study of the documentary history of the United States has convinced the author that these important factors in the making of this country have been neglected. His treatment, therefore, is a change in the point of view in American historical writing.

This volume does not show the usual interest in slavery and abolition. Only one chapter of this large work is devoted primarily to the plantation life and abolitionism. The author discusses the lot of the slave, accounting for his tendency to escape from bondage, the traffic in human flesh, the free people of color, the colonization movement in the South, and abolition in the North. This chapter culminates in a discussion of the efforts of William Lloyd Garrison, the agitating editor of the _Liberator_, of Wendell Phillips, the abolition orator, of Prudence Crandall, the sacrificing worker, and of Elijah Lovejoy, the martyr in the cause. Prof. Channing does not go into details as to the achievements of the abolitionists. His account is merely sufficient to connect this movement with other forces at work in the country at that time.

Most of this volume is devoted to changes in religion, education, literature, and politics, effected by such outstanding figures as James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun and Daniel Webster. The book shows an extensive treatment of the territorial expansion of that time, especially the efforts to secure Texas, California and Oregon, and the war with Mexico. On the whole, this book has a decided economic and social trend. It is an effort to account for the significant upheavals in our history through connection with important industrial and economic events which have materially influenced the history of the United States during the last century. The book emphasizes the fact that current history can not be easily written, that one must be far removed from situations in the past in order to weigh the influences having a bearing thereon to determine exactly how the country has become what it is today.

_Recent History of the United States_. By FREDERICK L. PAXSON.
Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston. Pp. 588.

This book beginning with the inauguration of Hayes shows how he reestablished home rule in the South, thus clearing the way for a realization of education and economic reconstruction of both South and North. The author then treats the civil and border strife as expressed in the Mexican Revolution of 1876, Indian wars, social unrest, national labor unions, and the War with Spain. Then follows the treatment of post-bellum ideals as expressed by literary periodicals and new writers showing a revolution in literature, and especially in historical writing.

In his treatment of silver, greenbacks, railroad and mine booms, and the like, he shows that the country had reached a new stage in its development when a transition both economic and political was apparent. This is made evident by his discussion of election frauds, Republican factions, office holders in politics, the abuse of patronage and the necessity for civil service reform. Next the author takes up the era of prosperity, the disappearance of the frontier, the land grants to railroads, the development of the telephone, telegraph, typewriter, electrical appliances, and the like, in their bearing on the industrial reconstruction of the whole country.

The author then discusses events more in detail, directing his attention to the tariff revision of the eighties, the "Mugwump Campaign" of 1884, the Wild West, labor ideals, protection, populism, the revival of the Democratic party through the leadership of Cleveland, industrial unrest, political schism, the Spanish-American War, business in politics, the career of Theodore Roosevelt, government control, insurgency, the rise of Woodrow Wilson, watchful waiting, neutrality and preparedness, the United States in the World War, and the League of Nations. Some attention is also given to the reconstruction and the election of 1920.

While the work is a valuable treatise from the point of view of a man who is trying to write the history of a particular race, it does not come up to the standard of history of the United States in all of its national and racial ramifications. So far as the Negro is concerned, it merely refers to his undoing as a political factor in the Reconstruction, the efforts for his education by northern sympathizers, the rise of Booker T. Washington, the elimination of the Negro as a factor in the South, the efforts to pass a force bill protecting the Negro in the exercise of the right of suffrage, and the continued control of the South of the Democratic party. A foreigner who reads this work might wonder whether the Negroes by this political upheaval have been exterminated or have emigrated from the country. Any student of the history of the whole Southland knows that it is centered largely around the Negro and any historian failing to take this into account cannot be recognized as an authority.

_The Backbone of Africa. A Record of Travel during the Great War,
with some Suggestions for Administrative Reform._ By SIR ALFRED
SHARPS, K. C. M. G., C. B., formerly Governor of Nyasaland.
London, H. F. & G. Witherby, 1921. Pp. 232.

This is the reaction of a public functionary to the scenes of colonial life as they appeared to him from a different angle in a survey of the whole continent and under the circumstances of a political upheaval. He had in mind here the regions of Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Tanganyika, Ruanda, the Congo, and the Upper Nile. The book is illustrated, well written and suggestive throughout. It contains four valuable maps and has an index largely of names.

Writing from the point of view of the exploiter of Africa, the author considers such questions as the disposition of the German Colonies coming into the possession of England at the close of the Great War, the question of restitution, the partition of Africa, the suggested union of the Protectorates in Eastern Africa under a Governor General, the partition of German East Africa, the redelimitation of boundaries, problems of railway construction and a united East African Colony. He discusses also the Home Government, native taxation, local representation, land along with land laws, native rights, their education, the labor problem, migration, industrial questions, and missions.

Treating the colonial policy in dealing with the natives, the author shows some sympathy. He does not believe that the tax on natives has been wisely imposed and, therefore, asks for a uniform and more equitable system. To effect such a reform, however, he believes that the local government with increased authority in its own affairs should exercise such power rather than have such a policy determined by the Home Government through its appointive executive and legislators who act for the colonies though not of them. The question of native ownership of spare land, he believes, should be carefully considered, inasmuch as there has never been any real title to the possession of definite blocks of freehold lands in Native Africa. Native education also should be taken in hand and there should be adopted a suitable scheme, applicable to all the Protectorates.

"In the first place in one shape or another," says the author, "we introduce a direct but immoderate impost such as a hut-tax or a more general poll-tax, the money for which has to be earned. Next, we endeavor to create new wants: clothes, ornaments, manufactured goods and luxuries of all kinds. All this represents a gradual process of regeneration, as the native is by nature very conservative and, therefore, slow to adopt new tastes or acquire ambitions. But we endeavor to raise his ideals and to inculcate the view we ourselves hold: that man should not be satisfied with mere existence, like beasts in the field, but should adopt civilisation and everything that, in the main, we consider to be essential to civilised life. We ask him, therefore, to produce something--other than for his own immediate wants--whether it be by labour done for an employer, or on his own account."

NOTES

The next annual meeting of the Association will be held in Louisville, Kentucky, on Thursday and Friday, the 23d and 24th of November. The day sessions will be held at the Branch Library on West Chestnut Street and the evening sessions at the Quinn Chapel African Methodist Episcopal Church on the same street. The management is endeavoring to make this a national meeting effective in arousing universal interest in the study of Negro life and history.

During the academic year 1922-1923 Mr. A. A. Taylor, formerly Instructor in Economics at the West Virginia Collegiate Institute, will devote a part of his time to research in the field of Negro Reconstruction History as an investigator of the Association. The remaining portion of his time will be devoted to the completion of some graduate studies at Harvard University.

Mr. Taylor is a product of the Washington Public Schools and of the University of Michigan. He is the author of two articles recently published in THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, namely, "Making West Virginia a Free State" and "Negro Congressmen a Generation After." It is expected that Mr. Taylor may find it possible to devote his future to investigation under the auspices of the Association.

Mr. Hosea B. Campbell, who during his four years at Grinnell College held a Julius Rosenwald scholarship, has been awarded a fellowship of $500 by the Association to prosecute at Harvard graduate studies in Negro American and African History.

* * * * *

An authorized translation into English of René Maran's _Batouala_ has been published and is being sold throughout the United States. It is expected that in this form the work will more thoroughly inform the American public as to the African situation and as to the ability of this man of Negro blood to treat it.

_Les Noirs de l'Afrique_, an historical essay on the people of Africa, their customs and art, by Mr. Delafosse, appeared in Paris in 1921.

* * * * *

[Transcriber's Notes:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct obvious errors:

1. p. 5, professsors --> professors
2. p. 6, posssible --> possible
3. p. 34, Haper's Ferry --> Harper's Ferry
4. p. 51, tself --> itself
5. p. 54, Douglas --> Douglass
6. p. 61, banquent --> banquet
7. p. 70, Geogre --> George
8. p. 79, Ninteenth --> Nineteenth
9. p. 81, Footnote #19, Grimke's --> Grimké's
10. p. 81, No footnote marker for footnote #19.
11. p. 110, ecnouragement --> encouragement
12. p. 119, disfranchisment --> disfranchisement
13. p. 122, subscripion --> subscription
14. p. 133, Virgina --> Virginia
15. p. 137, successivly --> successively
16. p. 151, establisment --> establishment
17. p. 154, Eliott --> Elliott
18. p. 161, distinquished --> distinguished
19. p. 208, Piqua, --> Piqua.
20. p. 251, No footnote marker for footnote #10.
21. p. 334, villified --> vilified
22. p. 338, childern --> children
23. p. 355, No footnote marker for footnote #21.
24. p. 357, wheras --> whereas
25. p. 376, Footnote #8, Mossel --> Mossell
26. p. 381, missonary --> missionary
27. p. 385, Footnote #29, Toussiant --> Toussaint
28. p. 433, and and --> and

Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain as published.

End of Transcriber's Notes]