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Chapter C: G. Woodson (15)

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Nevertheless, there were some anti-slavery leaders in America who seriously questioned the permanent utility and moral influence of the colony of Liberia. One of these anti-slavery groups, composed of free Negroes of Philadelphia, was led by Richard Allen, the founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church.[170] In a letter to a gentleman in Richmond, Lott Cary makes mention, September 24, 1827, of the agitation carried on by these Negroes of Philadelphia. "Before I left America," he said,[171] "and ever since then, the coloured people in about Philadelphia, have been making efforts in opposition to the scheme of colonizing the free people in Africa; and as some of their very recent publications have reached this place, I felt that in justice to the cause, and my own feelings, I ought to undertake to point out to them their situation."

Unfortunately the letter closes shortly after this but singularly enough our sources supply an "Address, _By the Citizens of Monrovia_, to the free coloured people of the United States,"[172] which no doubt is referred to in the letter. The name of Lott Cary is not attached to this address, which boosts "the doings of the Colonization Society" and which points out the political, social, economic, educational and religious advantages enjoyed by the colonists. Nevertheless, the document could not fully express the sentiments of the colonists unless the feelings of the leaders were given. It is not too much to presume that the address was gotten up by Lott Cary, the outstanding leader of the colonists, but it is very doubtful whether he wrote it in its present form. The correspondence of Cary reveals that he did not express himself so clearly nor did he use so good English.[173] The antithetical style reminds one of the writing of Ashmun.[174]

Through all of the many affairs which Cary performed, he continued pastor of the church at Monrovia. A missionary society was formed in connection with the church in the spring of 1826. Cary was elected president.[175] At the first anniversary[176] on Easter Monday, in consequence of the failure of the Rev. Colin Teague to come from Sierra Leone, Lott Cary preached the introductory sermon.[177] This society contributed $50 for mission work during the year 1827.[178] By the following year, the church contained one hundred members and two ordained preachers, John Lewis and Colston M. Waring, besides exhorters.[179]

FINAL WORK AND WORTH

Lott Cary was none the less interested and active in the welfare of the government. From the first settlement in Cape Montserado, he was appointed Government Inspector at the same time he was selected Health Officer[180] and consequently he knew something of the working of the government. In September, 1826, he was unanimously elected vice-agent of the colony. The colonial agent had great confidence in his judgments, decisions and loyalty[181] and left the affairs of the colony in Cary's charge when he was advised in 1828 to return to America for his health.[182]

"I was able," Mr. Ashmun wrote to the board,[183] "to arrange the concerns of the Colony with Mr. Cary, even to the minutest particulars, and I have the greatest confidence that his administration will prove satisfactory, in a high degree, to the Board and advantageous to the Colony."

During the first six months, Cary's task was to see to it that every man and working family were self-supporting. "To effect this object, they must be furnished with a few simple tools--to pay for them if they can--if not, to receive them gratuitously. Their allowance must be withheld if they neglect or negligently follow the improvement of their lands, and the building of their houses. Much may be done by visiting the people separately, getting at their intentions and circumstances and spurring, advising or reproving as they may require. I am persuaded it will be useful, and in most instances possible to get at least all the men out of the public receptacles and on their lands before the rains set in." Respecting the buildings of the United States, those of the colony, the arms, forts, printing establishment, farms, Millsburg settlement, finances, etc., other particular regulations were suggested.[184] Lott Cary kept Ashmun and the American Colonization Society informed about the condition of the colony.[185] On his death bed, Ashmun again expressed his confidence in Cary and urged that he should be permanently appointed to conduct the affairs of the colony[186] which now contained upwards of 1,200 settlers.[187]

The only trouble that Cary had while he was vice-agent was with the natives.[188] The factory belonging to the colony at Digby, a settlement just north of Monrovia, was robbed by them and general hostilities threatened when satisfaction was demanded and refused. A letter of protest to a slave dealer who had stored his goods in the house where stores of the colony had been deposited was intercepted and destroyed by the natives. Immediately, Cary prepared to defend the rights and property of the colony. He called out the militia and began with others, in the evening of November 8, to make cartridges in the old agency house. In some manner, a candle was accidentally upset and almost instantly the entire ammunition exploded, entirely destroying the house. Eight people died; six of the number survived until the next day; Lott Cary and one other until November 10, 1828.[189]

The unbelievable news of the death of Lott Cary spread like a mighty conflagration to the organizations which he represented. The following is the resolution read and adopted at the annual meeting of the Richmond African Baptist Missionary Society in 1829:[190]

The loss which has been sustained, cannot in our estimation, be
easily repaired. This excellent man seems to have been raised up
by divine providence, for the special purpose of taking an active
part in the management of the infant settlement. His
discriminating judgment, his honesty of heart, and decision of
character, qualified him eminently, for this service. But,
especially, in relation to your society is his death to be
sincerely lamented. It will be recollected, that he was a
principal instrument in the origin of this society, and for
several years acted as its recording secretary. A little more
than eight years ago, he received his appointment, and sailed, as
missionary, in company with brother Teage, for the land of their
forefathers. His exertions as a minister in that land have been
of the most devoted and untiring kind. In the communications
which have been received by the Board, he seemed to possess the
most anxious concern for the salvation of the perishing
multitudes around him. Through his instrumentality a considerable
church has been collected together which seems to be in a
prosperous and growing condition. Sabbath and week day schools
have been instituted for the instruction of native children and
the children of the colony, which have proved eminently useful.
We were looking forward with confidence to the more perfect
consummation of our wishes, when that moral desert should rejoice
and blossom as the rose; but God has seen fit to cross our
expectations, in calling from his station this laborious
missionary. It becomes us to bow with submission to the stroke,
and to realize the saying of the apostle, "how unsearchable are
his judgments, and his ways past finding out." Although we were
not permitted to receive his dying testimony to the trust, we
have the fullest assurance that our loss is his unspeakable and
eternal gain.

At the sixth triennial meeting of the General Missionary Convention, 1829, the committee on the African Mission made this report[191] which in some particulars was paradoxical:

This excellent man (it began) went to Africa, under the patronage
of the American Colonization Society, as well as of this
convention.... Could he have devoted his whole time to our
service much good might have been expected to have resulted from
his labors. But he was under necessity to assist in its
government and defense, as well as to act as its physician.

It is a source of consolation to the friends of Mr. Cary that
though his life was terminated in an unexpected moment and in a
most distressing manner, the unwearied diligence and fidelity
with which he discharged the important trust confided to his
care--his zeal for the honor of religion, and the purity and
piety of his general conduct have gained him a reputation which
must live in grateful remembrance, as long as the interesting
colony exists, in whose service he lived and died.

Your committee cannot help expressing their regret that so small
a portion of benevolent feeling has been exercised towards this
mission, and that so little has been accomplished during the
eight years of its existence.

The next item of this report is an appeal for "some brethren of competent talents" to go and labor there.

There surely was ground for regret that so small a portion of benevolent feeling was exercised towards this mission. Some individuals did contribute now and then; "A Georgia Planter" sent a part of $10;[192] a "poor woman" of the Rev. H. Malcom's congregation sent $3 for the African mission;[193] "a friend to Africa avails of jewelry for mission to Liberia, per Mr. E. Lincoln, $6";[194] the Negroes connected with the First Baptist Church, Washington, sent $15[195] and, no doubt, some others contributed.

It is not quite clear, however, why William Crane, still representing the Richmond African Baptist Missionary Society in the Convention and the Rev. James B. Taylor, a delegate from Virginia and later the biographer of Lott Cary, did not challenge the statement that so little had been accomplished during the eight years of the existence of the African mission.

The Convention then adopted the following recommendation of the Committee:

_Resolved_, That this convention cherish a grateful recollection
of the self-denying labors of our late lamented missionary to
Africa, Rev. Lott Cary, and that we sympathize with his family,
the American Colonization Society, and the church at Monrovia, in
the loss they have sustained in his death.

_Resolved_, That it be recommended to the Board to take measures
for supplying the vacancy occasioned by the death of Bro. Cary as
soon as possible by an able white missionary, and that they
endeavor to the utmost of their power to promote the success of
this mission, as one in which the convention feel a special
interest.

S. CORNELIUS, Chairman.

It was not until 1832 that the Convention saw the error of its conclusion and declared that it must depend "principally on _colored persons_, as missionaries and school teachers, in Africa."[196] Despite this color-phobia of the Baptists, nothing can explain away the fact that Lott Cary had lived helpfully and died honorably. Gurley[197] and Hervey[198] would make him a man of genius who, had he possessed educational advantages, would have won a worldwide reputation as preacher, as general or as chief magistrate. This square-faced, keen-eyed, reserved, cautious black held nothing back. From Charles City County to Richmond, from slave to freedman, from profligate to prophet, from sinner to saint, is a record that might have gone unnoticed; but from America to Africa, from governed to governor, from missionary to martyr is Lott Cary.

For over a score of years the little village of Carytown was the only memento of the man. But in 1850, the Rev. Eli Ball, an agent of the Southern Baptist Convention, while visiting all the Liberian Baptist Mission stations, found with difficulty the final resting place of Lott Cary. The next year a marble monument was sent out and placed over his grave.[199]

MILES MARK FISHER

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This spelling seems more correct than either the short form, _Lot Cary_, used by the Rev. D. Stratton, D.D. of St. Albans, West Virginia, in his "Life and Work of Lot Cary, Missionary in Africa," or the longer form, _Lott Carey_, used by the Rev. James B. Taylor in "The Biography of Elder Lott Carey" and by many other writers for the following consideration: There is no trace of Cary spelling his name Lot Cary. In the American Baptist Magazine and Gammell's "A History of American Baptist Missions" there are letters from or references to Cary marked Lott Carey, which are no doubt presumptions on the part of the printer or writer that the name is spelled like that of the Rev. William Carey. If, on the other hand, Lott Cary spelled his name either _Carey_ or _Cary_, that would only argue that his name would be better spelled Lott Cary as a means of distinction from the Rev. William Carey. "The Biography of Elder Lott Carey" written in 1837 is the source of much that is known of the man but seems to draw heavily from the "Life of Jehudi Ashmun, late Colonial Agent in Liberia, with an Appendix Containing Extracts from His Journal and Other Writings, with a Brief Sketch of the Life of the Rev. Lott Cary," written in 1835 by Ralph Randolph Gurley, Secretary of the American Colonization Society. Many incidents of the life of Lott Cary are taken from the life and writings of Mr. Ashmun. It would therefore seem consistent to follow his spelling of the name. In this work, the name, Lott Cary, is used frequently--even signed to a letter to Mr. Gurley--and many references are made to it by Mr. Ashmun who probably knew Cary better than anyone else. Only once in the entire work, on page 126, never in the "Brief Sketch of the Life of the Rev. Lott Cary," is the name spelled _Carey_. This could be a typographical error. Furthermore, Mr. Randall who went to Africa as Governor of Liberia about a month and a half after Cary's death said, respecting a native settlement, "I propose to have it called after him, Carytown." (_The African Repository_, Vol. V, p. 1.) Appletons' _Cyclopaedia of American Biography_, Vol. I, p. 548, follows this spelling.

[2] This name is also variously spelled--Collin or Colin and Teague or Teage. The above spelling is from the American Baptist Missionary Union in their Missionary Jubilee volume, pp. 215, 267.

[3] _Proceedings of the Fifth Triennial Meeting of the Baptist General Convention_, 1826, p. 22; Earnest, _The Religious Development of the Negro in Virginia_, p. 95; $150 was appropriated for the mission May 23, 1823. Proceedings, 1826, pp. 22, 32.

[4] _Report of the Board of Managers of the General Convention_ in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, pp. 396 ff.

[5] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[6] Hervey, _The Story of Baptist Missions in Foreign Lands_, p. 199.

[7] Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, p. 147; Peck, _History of the Missions of the Baptist General Convention_ in the _History of American Missions to the Heathen_, p. 443.

[8] Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 199.

[9] _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 11; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 147.

[10] Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 200.

[11] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[12] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 443.

[13] _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 11; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 147.

[14] The gallery was reserved for the slaves connected with the church and congregation. Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 202.

[15] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[16] _Ibid._

[17] _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 11; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 147; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 443.

[18] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 148; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 443.

[19] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[20] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 148.

[21] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 443.

[22] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340. His wife died shortly before this time, _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 11; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 147.

[23] _Fifth Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_ in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. I, pp. 400f.

[24] _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 12.

[25] _Ibid._, Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 148.

[26] Cathcart, _The Baptist Encyclopaedia_, Vol. I, p. 288.

[27] _The Missionary Jubilee_, pp. 17, 18, 19; Tupper, _A Decade of Foreign Missions_, p. 875.

[28] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 444; The Missionary Jubilee, p. 214; Tupper, _op. cit._, p. 875.

[29] The outbreaks of Toussaint L'Ouverture in Hayti in 1789 and especially Gabriel in Richmond had not died away. Gabriel in 1800 organized 1000 Negroes in Henrico County. The plot, however, was betrayed by a slave Pharaoh and amounted to no lives lost except those of Gabriel and Jack Bowles who were executed. A public guard of 68 policed the city for some months afterwards. Cf. Ballagh, _Slavery in Virginia_, p. 92.

[30] From Article I of the Constitution of this body it is presumed that the Richmond Society contributed "a sum amounting to at least one hundred dollars" for their membership fee.

[31] _Proceedings of the General Convention_, 1817, p. 134.

[32] Gammell, _A History of American Baptist Missions_, p. 256.

[33] _The Third Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_, p. 180.

[34] _Proceedings of the Baptist General Convention_, 1829, p. 34; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, pp. 30, 32.

[35] Letter to Doctor Staughton, dated Philadelphia, April 30, 1818, in the _Fourth Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_.

[36] _Third Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_, p. 180.

[37] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary._

[38] August 5, 1816, the Negro Baptists of Warren County, North Carolina, contributed $5.15; August 18, of the County Line Association, Caswell County, North Carolina, $.69; September 1, of the Shiloh Association, Culpepper, Virginia, $1.90; October 21, of the Pee Dee Association, Montgomery County, North Carolina, $2.19; May 7, 1817, "a col. Wom." of Georgia, $1; June 2, "Coloured Brethren" of the Sunbury Association, Georgia, $21; June 16, "a man of colour 15 cts.--a woman of col. 6 cts." and August 1, "a man of col. 25 cts."--_The Third Annual Report of the Baptist Board_, pp. 146-149; _The Fourth Annual Report of the Baptist Board_, pp. 206, 208.

[39] _The Fourth Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_, pp. 206, 208, 210.

[40] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 444; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 201.

[41] Cf. Journal of Mills in Spring, _Memoirs of the Rev. Samuel J. Mills_.

[42] Letter dated Richmond, March 28, 1819, to the Rev. Obadiah B. Brown, Washington City.

[43] _The Missionary Jubilee_, p. 215.

[44] _Sixth Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_ in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, p. 141.

[45] _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, p. 141.

[46] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 439; cf. also The Missionary Jubilee, p. 215. The constitution of the Richmond African Baptist Missionary Society restricted its funds to Africa.

[47] _The African Repository_, March, 1829; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix.

[48] This would have increased his salary to $1000 annually.

[49] Letter of William Crane to the Rev. Obadiah Brown.

[50] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 148.

[51] Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, pp. 145-156.

[52] _Seventh Annual Report of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions_ in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, pp. 317f.

[53] _Ibid._, p. 399; _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 341; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 159; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 439; _The Missionary Jubilee_, p. 215.

[54] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 444; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 202.

[55] Hervey, _op. cit._, pp. 201f.

[56] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 149.

[57] _Ibid._, p. 148; _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 12.

[58] Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 202.

[59] Earnest, _op. cit._, p. 95.

[60] Journal of Cary in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, p. 399.

[61] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. III, p. 181.

[62] Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 202.

[63] _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, pp. 397f.

[64] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 439.

[65] Gammell, _op. cit._, pp. 247, 249.

[66] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. II, p. 181.

[67] Alexander, _A History of Colonization on the Western Coast of Africa_, p. 245.

[68] Latrobe, _Maryland in Liberia_, p. 9.

[69] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, pp. 149f.

[70] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[71] _The Fifth Annual Report of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Colour of the United States_, pp. 55-64.

[72] Liberia was named at the annual meeting of the Colonization Society, February, 1825. Fox, _The American Colonization Society_, p. 71.

[73] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 149; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 202.

[74] Warneck, _Outline of a History of Protestant Missions_, p. 193.

[75] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 149; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 203.

[76] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 149; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 203; _The African Repository_, March, 1829, p. 13; _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 341.

[77] Gammell, _op. cit._, p. 244; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 441.

[78] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 439; Gammell, _op. cit._, p. 244.

[79] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IV, p. 142.

[80] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 341; Gammell, _op. cit._, p. 244; Tupper, _The Foreign Missions of the Southern Baptist Convention_, p. 277.

[81] A Negro Baptist preacher who accompanied David George to Sierra Leone from Nova Scotia in 1792. For a detailed account cf. Rippon, _The Baptist Annual Register_, Vol. I, pp. 478-481.

[82] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. V, pp. 241f.; _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, pp. 222f.

[83] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, pp. 222f.

[84] At the annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, February, 1825, on motion of General Robert G. Harper, the settlement was named Monrovia, in honor of the President of the United States. Fox, _op. cit._, p. 71.

[85] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, pp. 244f. In the Report of the Board of Managers of the General Missionary Convention, May, 1825, "Lott Cary ... states that hostilities ... of the natives had ceased.... He asks for assistance to complete the work (on the church); and the Board feel pleasure in recommending the case to the hearts of all who are interested in the melioration of the condition of the African Race." Ibid., Vol. V, p. 216.

[86] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[87] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 196.

[88] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 213.

[89] _Ibid._, p. 214.

[90] _Ibid._, p. 213.

[91] _Ibid._, _op. cit._, p. 182.

[92] The laws of the Society required every adult male to work two days a week for the public good while receiving rations from the public store. This rule was dispensed with providing each colonist would cultivate his own land. _Ibid._, p. 186.

[93] _Ibid._, appendix, p. 150.

[94] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 187.

[95] _Ibid._, appendix, p. 150.

[96] Fox, _op. cit._, p. 72.

[97] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 150.

[98] _Ibid._, pp. 190ff.

[99] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 150.

[100] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IV, p. 423.

[101] Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 204.

[102] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 203.

[103] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 214; Hervey, _op. cit._, p. 204.

[104] _Ibid., op. cit._, p. 215; _ibid._, appendix, p. 150.

[105] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 143.

[106] _Ibid._

[107] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 49.

[108] _Ibid._ p. 246.

[109] Gammell, _op. cit._, p. 247.

[110] _The Missionary Jubilee_, p. 215.

[111] The Veys inhabit this healthy country and are very intelligent. They have a written language although no books. Peck, _op. cit._, p. 441.

[112] Warneck, _op. cit._, p. 189.

[113] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 441.

[114] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 30.

[115] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 341.

[116] Cf. Jones, _The Religious Instruction of the Negro in the United States._

[117] These emigrants with one exception were from Newport, Rhode Island. Eighteen of them were, just before their departure and at their own request, organized into a church. Gurley, _op. cit._, pp. 308, 310.

[118] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 309.

[119] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, p. 368; Gammell, _op. cit._, p. 247; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 442; _The Missionary Jubilee_, p. 215.

[120] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 356.

[121] The schools and scholars in Liberia in 1827 were as follows:

Rev. Mr. Gary's school for native children 45
Rev. Mr. M'Gill's classes 16
Mr. Stewart's school 44
Miss Jackson's school 40
Mrs. Williams' school 30
Mr. Prout's school 52

Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 350.

[122] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, pp. 272f.; _ibid._, Vol. VII, p. 166.

[123] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 357.

[124] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. XXI, p. 183.

[125] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, pp. 32, 35, 36, 37.

[126] _Ibid._, _op. cit._, p. 356.

[127] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VIII, p. 144; cf. also Alexander, _op. cit._, pp. 248f.

[128] Baptized eighteen months before by Cary. He was a native evangelist at Big Town, Grand Cape Mount and styled himself John Baptist. Letter of Cary dated Monrovia, June, 1827, to Crane.

[129] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VII, pp. 305f.

[130] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VIII, pp. 143f.

[131] _Ibid._, pp. 53f.

[132] The General Missionary Convention made a remittance of $90 on February 15, 1828. _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VII, pp. 170, 176.

[133] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 442.

[134] Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 181.

[135] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[136] _The American Missionary Register_, May, 1825, p. 142.

[137] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 182.

[138] _Ibid._, p. 190.

[139] _Ibid._, p. 182.

[140] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[141] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 142.

[142] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 439; Stratton, _Life and Work of Lot Cary_, p. 3.

[143] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 190.

[144] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 232.

[145] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. V, p. 242.

[146] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[147] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[148] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 340.

[149] This trip was to influence the free people of color in the United States to emigrate to Liberia. Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 151.

[150] Gurley, _op. cit._, pp. 340f.

[151] Peck, _op. cit._, p. 554.

[152] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, p. 216.

[153] Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, p. 157.

[154] _Ibid._, _op. cit._, p. 261.

[155] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IX, pp. 212f.; Peck, _op. cit._, p. 442.

[156] _The American Missionary Register_, Vol. VI, p. 142.

[157] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, p. 216.

[158] _The Liberia Herald_ ran for three issues. Then the printer, Mr. Charles L. Force, died. _Ibid._, pp. 214ff.

[159] _Ibid._

[160] Rippon, _op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 334, 482; Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 41; Crooks, _A History of the Colony of Sierra Leone_, p. 36.

[161] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 66.

[162] _Ibid._, p. 56.

[163] _Ibid._, p. 131.

[164] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 132.

[165] _Ibid._

[166] Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 247.

[167] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 126.

[168] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, p. 216.

[169] _History of African Colonization_, p. 225.

[170] Cf. Adams, _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America_, p. 92; Cromwell, _The Early Negro Convention Movement_, pp. 3-5.

[171] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VIII, pp. 53f.

[172] Cf. _Letters and Addresses of Lott Cary_.

[173] Cf. especially Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, appendix, pp. 153, 157. In speaking of going to Grand Cape Mount, Mr. Cary says, "I should have went up last year ... we may anticipate a middling severe struggle from the Mandingo priests who have been for years propagating their system of religion among that nation. They are a kind of Mahometan Jews--they are very skilful in the Old Testament...." _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VII, p. 305. Moreover, there is no known evidence that any other of the colonists could have written so well.

[174] Compare the Address of the Citizens of Monrovia to the free colored people of the United States with the account given in Gurley, _Life of Jehudi Ashmun_, pp. 136-138.

[175] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VIII, p. 203.

[176] $1 was the annual membership fee; 45 names were enrolled and the money paid. $7.25 was collected at the door. Ashmun contributed $5 extra. _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VII, p. 305n.

[177] _Ibid._, p. 305.

[178] _Ibid._, Vol. VIII, p. 170.

[179] _Ibid._, Vol. IX, p. 195; Peek, _op. cit._, p. 443.

[180] On August 31, 1822, Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 181.

[181] _The African Repository_, Vol. V, p. 14.

[182] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 153.

[183] _Ibid._, _op. cit._, p. 385.

[184] Gurley, _op. cit._, p. 385; cf. Journal of Lott Cary in Gurley, _Life of Jehu Ashmun_, appendix, pp. 153-156.

[185] Cf. Appendix L.

[186] Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 159.

[187] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IX, p. 212; Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 279.

[188] Alexander, _op. cit._, p. 261.

[189] _The African Repository_, Vol. V, p. 10; Gurley, _op. cit._, appendix, p. 160.

[190] Alexander, _op. cit._, pp. 254f.

[191] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IX, pp. 212, 215, cf. also p. 195.

[192] Cf. a letter to the treasurer of the Massachusetts Baptist Education Society in _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. VI, p. 181.

[193] _The American Baptist Magazine_, Vol. IX, p. 255.

[194] _Ibid._, p. 214.

[195] _The American Baptist Magazine_, p. 215.

[196] _Proceedings_, 1832, pp. 10, 33.

[197] _Op. cit._, appendix, p. 160.

[198] _Op. cit._, p. 207.

[199] Hervey,_op. cit._, p. 206.

COMMUNICATIONS

The correspondence of the editor often has an historical value as the following communications will show:

February 13, 1922.

_Dear Dr. Woodson:_

Your JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY has been so full of good material
that I hesitate to call attention to two things in the last
(January) number that seem unsuitable.

The first is the leading article on Slave Society on the Southern
Society. For more than thirty years I have been combating with
all my might the theory of slave-holding sovereignty set forth in
that article. It is the essentially Southern view--a magnified
view and an unreal view. The article is practically a mild form
of the panegyric of the slave plantation which has been the stock
in trade of defenders of slavery for a hundred years.

The reasons for slavery given on pages 1 and 2 do not accord with
the facts, and if they were true would have minimized the
protests against slavery, past and present. It is ridiculous to
say that white men endanger their lives by working in the South
when you consider how large a part of the cotton crop is raised
entirely by white men.

The description of what was said to be the "usual" type of
plantation house does not in my opinion apply to more than two
hundred or three hundred plantations in the South at the outside.
I have traveled very extensively in the South and have never seen
more than three or four such mansions. The testimony of Olmsted
and other writers is that ordinarily the slaveholder's house was
poor and that he lived in a very poor fashion. As for the twelve
sons and daughters in the planters' families, and the fifteen to
twenty-five children in the negro families, it is perfect gammon.
Not one family in a thousand had such numbers. None but a very
few of the richest planters lived in the profusion described on
page four. As for the enrolment in colleges between 1859 and
1860, and the incomes of the higher institutions, that is all
bosh. Francis Lieber was a German by birth, found his service in
South Carolina very uncongenial, and stood by the union. To
compare slavery to apprenticeship is an affront. The day's work
set down by Murat (whose history of the United States is a very
obscure work) is contrary to evidence North or South. Regular
nurseries were built only on a few large plantations. The
arguments in favor of slavery on pages nine and ten are stated
without qualification or contradiction. I deeply regret that a
Journal of Negro History should admit an article so full of
statements both untrue and dangerous to the Negro race.

The experience of a Georgia peon "seems to me very doubtful. I am
personally acquainted with the story of Dade's stockade, and have
passed within a few miles of it, and I do not believe in the
least that there is now, or has been in the past thirty years,
any plantation in the South where families are brought up in
servitude. The only Ponce-de-Leon spring that I know is in
Florida, which is not on the road between Georgia and
Mississippi. The man seems to think that Chattanooga is on the
west side of the river. It is a dangerous thing to accept any
such statement without thorough investigation and calling upon
the relater to state exactly where these things happened, and
what was his course of travel.

I should not venture to write so decidedly but that you have done
so much for the cause of the Negro race, and I don't like to see
you give ammunition to the enemies of your race.

Sincerely yours,
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART.

326 FLOWER ST.,
CARTER G. WOODSON, Ph.D., CHESTER, PA.,
The Journal of Negro History, June 26, 1922.
Washington, D. C.

_My dear Doctor Woodson:_

The following list of Negro delegates to the Republican National
Conventions from 1868 to 1920, inclusive, from South Carolina,
may be of sufficient interest for publication. As the proceedings
of the conventions do not differentiate as to the racial identity
of the delegates it is necessary that this data should be
collected before it is too late, especially as it pertains to the
Reconstruction period. While a reduction in the numbers of
delegates from South Carolina, as well as from most of the
Southern States, was made by the Republican National Committee in
December, 1913, the State still sends a majority of Negro
delegates:

1868--Chicago, Ill., May 20-21.
Robert Brown Elliott, Henry B. Hayne, Stephen A. Swails,
Joseph H. Rainey, Wm. J. McKinlay, Robert Smalls,
Henry L. Shrewsbury.

1872--Philadelphia, Pa., June 5-6.

At-Large--Alonzo J. Ransier.
1st District--Stephen A. Swails, F. H. Frost, Henry J.
Maxwell.
2nd District--Robert Smalls.
3rd District--Robert Brown Elliott, Wm. Beverly Nash.
A. J. Ransier on Committee to notify nominees.
At the Convention of 1872, General Elliott was called
upon from the floor to address the convention. His
speech will be found in the proceedings of the convention.

1876--Cincinnati, Ohio, June 14-16.
At-Large--Robert Brown Elliott, Richard H. Gleaves.
1st District--Stephen A. Swails, Joseph H. Rainey.
2nd District--Wm. J. McKinlay.
3rd District--Wm. Beverly Nash.
5th District--Lawrence Cain, Robert Smalls.
Joseph H. Rainey on Committee to notify nominees.

1880--Chicago, Illinois, June 2-8.
At-Large--Robert Brown Elliott, Samuel Lee.
1st District--Wm. A. Hayne.
3rd District--Charles M. Wilder.
4th District--Wilson Cooke.
5th District--Wm. F. Myers, Wm. J. Whipper.
Messrs. Hayne, Myers and Whipper went down to defeat
with General U. S. Grant. All received medals for
their loyalty.

1884--Chicago, Illinois, June 3-6.
At-Large--Samuel Lee, Robert Smalls.
1st District--John M. Freeman.
2nd District--Paris Simpkins, Seymour E. Smith.
4th District--Charles M. Wilder, Wilson Cooke.
5th District--Eugene H. Dibble.
6th District--Edmund H. Deas.
7th District--Wm. H. Thompson.
Samuel Lee on Committee to notify nominees. Major
John R. Lynch, delegate from Mississippi, was elected
temporary chairman, the first and only time that a colored
man ever presided over a Republican National Convention.

1888--Chicago, Illinois, June 19-25.
At-Large--Wm. F. Myers, Robert Smalls.
1st District--John M. Freeman.
2nd District--Fred Nix, Jr., Paris Simpkins.
3rd District--F. L. Hicks.
4th District--Peter F. Oliver, F. A. Saxton.
5th District--Charles C. Levy, Zachariah E. Walker.
6th District--Edmund H. Deas.
7th District--George E. Herriott.
Paris Simpkins on Committee to notify nominees.
Peter Oliver seconded the nomination of General Alger
for president.

1892--Minneapolis, Minn., June 7-10.
At-Large--Edmund H. Deas, Dr. Wm. D. Crum.
1st District--John H. Fordham.
2nd District--Paris Simpkins, Seymour E. Smith.
3rd District--A. S. Jamison.
4th District--Irwin I. Miller.
5th District--Wm. E. Boykin.
6th District--Rev. Joshua E. Wilson.
7th District--R. H. Richardson.

E. H. Deas on Committee to notify presidential nominee.
J. H. Fordham on Committee to nominate vice-presidential
nominee.

1896--St. Louis, Mo., June 16-18.
At-Large--Dr. Wm. D. Crum, Robert Smalls.
1st District--Robert C. Brown.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon.
4th District--Charles M. Wilder.
5th District--Wm. E. Boykin.
6th District--Edmund H. Deas, Rev. Joshua E. Wilson.
7th District--Zachariah E. Walker, John H. Fordham.
E. H. Deas on Committee to notify presidential nominee.

1900--Philadelphia, Pa., June 19-21.
At-Large--Edmund H. Deas, Robert Smalls.
1st District--Dr. Wm. D. Crum.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon, B. J. Dickerson.
5th District--Wm. E. Boykin.
6th District--Rev. Joshua E. Wilson, Wm. H. Collier.
7th District--John H. Fordham.
E. H. Deas on Committee to notify presidential nominee.

1904--Chicago, Illinois, June 21-23.
At-Large--Edmund H. Deas, Dr. Wm. D. Crum.
1st District--Wm. F. Myers, A. P. Prioleau.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon, E. J. Dickerson.
4th District--Pratt S. Suber.
5th District--Wm. E. Boykin.
6th District--J. R. Levy, J. A. Baxter.
Dr. Crum on Committee to notify vice-presidential
nominee.

1908--Chicago, Illinois, June 16-19.
At-Large--Edmund H. Deas, Thomas L. Grant.
1st District--C. M. English, P. T. Richardson.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon.
3rd District--G. C. Williams.
4th District--Dr. Wm. Tecumseh Smith.
5th District--Wm. E. Boykin.
6th District--J. A. Baxter, J. R. Levy.
7th District--Wm. T. Andrews.
Thomas L. Grant on Committee to notify presidential
nominee.

1912--Chicago, Illinois, June 18-22.
At-Large--Wm. T. Andrews, J. R. Levy.
1st District--Thomas L. Grant, A. P. Prioleau.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon.
4th District--Thomas Brier.
6th District--Rev. Joshua E. Wilson, J. A. Baxter.
7th District--Dr. J. H. Godwyn.
Rev. J. E. Wilson on Committee to notify presidential
nominee.

1916--Chicago, Illinois, June 7-10.
At-Large--Dr. J. H. Goodwyn, John H. Fordham.
1st District--Gibbs Mitchell.
2nd District--Wm. S. Dixon.
4th District--J. A. Brier.
6th District--J. R. Levy.
7th District--L. A. Hawkins.
J. R. Levy on Committee to notify presidential nominee.
W. S. Dixon on Committee to notify vice-presidential
nominee.

1920--Chicago, Illinois, June 5-9.
At-Large--W. S. Dixon, Dr. J. H. Goodwyn.
1st District--Gibbs Mitchell.
2nd District--J. M. Jones.
5th District--G. A. Watts.
6th District--I. J. McCottrie.
7th District--L. A. Hawkins.
W. S. Dixon on Committee to notify presidential nominee.
I. J. McCottrie on Committee to notify vice-presidential
nominee.

HENRY A. WALLACE.

140 COTTAGE STREET, NEW HAVEN, CONN., June 26, 1922.

DR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
1216 You Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.

_My dear Dr. Woodson:_

Your studies in the history of the Negro people have greatly
impressed me with their value and I trust that they will be
continued in the many fields which call for new and careful
investigation. I think there is especial need for exact and
detailed information about the period of "reconstruction" in the
South. Reviewing in my memory the whole period since the civil
war I find a great change in prevalent opinion in the North
concerning the events of the reconstruction. It seems to me that
the champions of secession, of slavery and the southern
oligarchy, have been heard in justification of everything they
did and in arraignment of everything that defeated their designs
with an unsuspicious confidence that has enabled them to mislead
sentiment in the North, especially among the younger people. For
example: a Yale professor of history had an article in the New
York Times, a while ago, declaring that the constitutional
amendments conferring citizenship on the Negroes were wrong and
that the reaction against them in depriving the Negroes of the
vote was justifiable; to which I wrote a reply, mostly in the
language of Mr. Flemming, a native Southerner who had represented
Georgia in Congress, arguing that the amendments were not only
justifiable but indispensable, and the Times would not publish
it, so that I had to give it to the Post. There is a prevalent
opinion that the "carpet baggers" were a sort of monsters. I have
known some of them as estimable men and practical public spirited
citizens of a very high type: Judge Henderson of Wilcox County,
Ala. for example.

Now if you can go to the roots of history in this period and
investigate the facts, with biographical sketches of leading men
as they actually were and authentic records of things that were
actually done, it might help to clarify history.

The incessant whining and propaganda of Southern bigots devoted
to the old regime naturally have an undue influence on
sympathetic listeners. I am afraid that this influence will not
be counteracted as it ought to be till Negro investigators,
historians and journalists learn to tell their side of the story
with greater thoroughness.

Very truly yours,
G. S. DICKERMAN.

NEW BEDFORD, MASS., MAY 15TH, 1916
Room 6, Robeson Bldg.

DR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
Washington, D. C.

_My Dear Sir:_

In reply to yours of the 8th, please find herewith a contribution
in the line of my suggestion to Mr. Baker. I did not mean to
imply I had much material of that nature, and what is sent is
that I could readily find, and would need to take time to go
through my papers to really know what I have. If you can use it
all right; if not, consign it to the waste basket, and no
complaint will be coming.

What I had more in mind was this: In many communities can be
found some one person who has contributed services of value to
race, none the less appreciable from the fact that their
interest and value seem circumscribed locally. That they are so
limited I do not believe, but think of each as the centre of an
ever widening, circling influence for good. To illustrate:

Paul Cuffee was born at Cuttyhunk, Mass., in 1758; was an early
defender of the rights of colored men; when the selectmen of the
Town of Dartmouth, refused to admit colored children to the
public schools, and to make separate provision for their
education, he refused to pay his school taxes, was imprisoned,
and when liberated, built a school house at his own expense, on
his own land, employed a teacher at his own expense, and then
opened his school _without_ race discrimination, a privilege
which his white neighbors availed themselves of as his school was
more convenient and equally as good as those of the town. The
result was colored children ceased to be proscribed along
educational lines. He was a ship owner, builder and export
trader. His story has been published at length, in one of our
dailies, with all the documents in the case. It seemed to me that
such stories would be of general as well as local interest. If
you agree with me in this, Mr. Jourdain would without doubt
forward the clipping to you.

The first colored school-teacher in Boston, was Prince Sanders,
Secretary African Lodge F. & A. M., the first Lodge of colored
Masons in America. He taught a colored school in the basement of
the old Joy Street Church from 1809 to 1812. The first colored
school, private, was opened in 1798, at the residence of Primus
Hall, corner of West Cedar and Revere Streets, Boston, and was
taught by a white man, by name, Sylvester. Its curriculum was
limited to the three "R's."

I am sending you in mail with this a pamphlet copy of
"Proceedings" etc., on pp. 12, 16, 17, you will find statements
of services given by Prince Hall, of general as well as of local
interest and value.

Yours sincerely,
FREDERIC S. MONROE.

DOCUMENTS

LETTERS, ADDRESSES, AND THE LIKE THROWING LIGHT ON THE CAREER OF
LOTT CARY[1]

PHILADELPHIA, January 6, 1621 (1821).

The Board of Managers of the General Convention of the Baptist
Denomination in the United States, to their coloured brethren,
Collin Teage and Lott Carey, present the assurance of their
sincere affectionate esteem. They have heard with pleasure, that,
by a vessel about to sail from Norfolk to the coast of Africa, an
opportunity is presented for accomplishing those benevolent
desires which, for many months past, you have been led to
entertain. At the present time, they possess a deep anxiety for
your preservation in a country where so many colonists have
frequently found a grave. They most fervently commend you to the
gracious protection of that God in whose hand your breath is, and
whose are all your ways. May you make the Lord your refuge, even
the Most High your habitation. It is a source of much
encouragement that you will be able to collect useful information
from the experience of your predecessors; and it is hoped that by
the advice of your brethren who have already reached the shores
of your forefathers, you will be enabled to adopt the most
prudent measures for the health and safety of yourselves and
families.

The Board earnestly recommend, what they cheerfully anticipate,
that your conduct before your fellow passengers on the ocean, be
pious and exemplary. Endeavour to secure their good will by every
office of kindness; and, above all, cherish and discover a solemn
concern for their everlasting salvation. Arrived in Africa, you
will find much that will require patience, and prudence, and
mutual counsel. You will have to bear with prejudices that have
descended on the minds of the inhabitants, after having been
cherished for ages, and to instil the sacred truths of the gospel
with meekness and wisdom. While your conversation shall be
without blame, the Board advise you in your ministry to dwell
much on the doctrine of the cross, a doctrine which has been
found in every age of the church of Christ, the power of God.

Have as little to do as possible with what may be called the
politics of the country. Be content with the silence so divinely
exemplified in the Lord Jesus and his apostles to render unto
Caesar the things which are Caesar's. Cultivate a tender regard
for each other. If difference of opinion on any measures occur,
never suffer it to produce alienation of affection. You have
already had opportunities of improving your minds by reading, and
the Board are gratified by the reflection that you bear with your
books that are calculated to add to your general and spiritual
knowledge.

Give yourselves to reading still; and, above all, let the word of
God dwell in you richly. Be much engaged in prayer. If troubles
rise around you, the delightful thought that you have a Father, a
Saviour, in heaven, with whom you are so happy as to hold
communion, will not only soften their severity, but in a good
degree elevate you above their influence.

Let nothing discourage you. Ethiopia shall stretch forth her
hands unto God. You are engaged in the service of Him who can
make the _crooked straight_, and the _rough places_ plain.

The Board wish you, as you shall find opportunity, to write. They
will rejoice to hear that a church, on the principles of the
gospel, is founded as the fruit of your labours. They trust that
at no distant period, many such churches will rise, and the
solitary place be glad for them. They will be happy to facilitate
your prosperity to the utmost of their power.

They pray that the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ may be with
you, with your families, and with all who sail or settle with
you; and that the American Colonization Society, and all its
sister institutions, may be rendered instrumental in diffusing
literary, economical, and evangelic light, from the Mediterranean
to the Cape of Good Hope, and from the Atlantic to the Red Sea
and Indian Ocean.

By order of the Board,
WM. STAUGHTON, _Cor. Sec'ry._

Seventh Report of the Board of Managers of the General
Convention, in _The Latter Day Luminary_, Vol. II, pp. 396f.

A RESOLUTION

A communication having been received from the Petersburg African
Mission Society, and also from brother Colston W. Waring, a
preacher of colour at Petersburg, desiring the patronage of this
Board in favour of the said Waring, as a missionary to Africa.

_Resolved_, That the said communications impart pleasure to this
body, and that the Board will cheerfully countenance and
encourage the said Waring as their missionary to Africa, provided
the expenses of his outfit, &c. can be met by his own resources
and those of his brethren in that quarter.

Sixth Annual Report of the Board, in _The Latter Day Luminary_,
Vol. II, p. 134.

A CONTRACT

KNOW ALL MEN, That this Contract, made on the fifteenth day of
December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
twenty-one, between King Peter, King George, King Zoda, and King
L. Peter, their Princes and Head-men, of the one part; and
Captain Robert F. Stockton and Eli Ayres, of the other part;
WITNESSETH, That whereas certain persons Citizens of the United
States of America, are desirous to establish themselves on the
Western Coast of Africa, and have invested Captain Robert F.
Stockton and Eli Ayres with full powers to treat with and
purchase from us the said Kings, Princes, and Head-men, certain
Lands, viz: Dozoa Island, and also all that portion of Land
bounded north and west by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the south
and east by a line drawn in a south-east direction from the north
of Mesurado river, We, the said Kings, Princes, and Head-men,
being fully convinced of the Pacific and just views of the said
Citizens of America, and being desirous to reciprocate the
friendship and affection expressed for us and our people, DO
HEREBY, in consideration of so much paid in hand, viz: Six
muskets, one box Beads, two hogsheads Tobacco, one cask
Gunpowder, six bars Iron, ten iron Pots, one dozen Knives and
Forks, one dozen Spoons, six pieces blue Baft, four Hats, three
Coats, three pair Shoes, one box Pipes, one keg Nails, twenty
Looking-glasses, three pieces Handkerchiefs, three pieces Calico,
three Canes, four Umbrellas, one box Soap, one barrel Rum; And
_to be paid_, the following: three casks Tobacco, one box Pipes,
three barrels Rum, twelve pieces cloth, six bars Iron, one box
Beads, fifty Knives, twenty Looking-glasses, ten iron Pots
different sizes, twelve Guns, three barrels Gunpowder, one dozen
Plates, one dozen Knives and Forks, twenty Hats, five casks Beef,
five barrels Pork, ten barrels Biscuit, twelve Decanters, twelve
glass Tumblers, and fifty Shoes, FOR EVER CEDE AND RELINQUISH
the above described Lands, with all thereto appertaining or
belonging, or reputed so to belong, to Captain Robert F. Stockton
and Eli Ayres, TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the said Premises, for the use
of these said Citizens of America. And we, the said Kings, and
Princes, and Head-men, do further pledge ourselves that we are
the lawful owners of the above described Land, without manner of
condition, limitation, or other matter.

The contracting Parties pledge themselves to live in peace and
friendship for ever; and do further contract, not to make war, or
otherwise molest or disturb each other.

We, the Kings, Princes, and Head-men, for a proper consideration
by us received, do further agree to build for the use of the said
Citizens of America, six large houses, on any place selected by
them within the above described tract of ceded land.

In WITNESS whereof, the said Kings, Princes, and Head-men, of the
one part; and Captain Robert Stockton and Eli Ayres, of the other
part; do set their hands to this Covenant, on the day and year
above written.

(Signed)
KING PETER, X his mark.
KING GEORGE, X his mark.
KING ZODA, X his mark.
KING LONG PETER, X his mark.
KING GOVERNOR, X his mark.
KING JIMMY, X his mark.
(Signed)
CAPTAIN ROBERT F. STOCKTON.
ELI AYRES, M.D.

Witness, (Signed)
JOHN S. MILL.
JOHN CRAIG.

AGREEMENT WITH J. S. MILL

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The Journal of Negro History, Volume 7, 1922Chapter C: G. Woodson (15)

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