Chapter XII: Book V: On outside wrapper (handkerchief) (2)

_October 29._—To-day, year 1301 A.H., is said to be about the date of Hicks’s disaster; it was on the 1st, 2nd, 3rd November, but with the Arabs it was the 12th, 13th, 14th Moharrem. The news was known in Cairo three weeks after the event occurred; _since that date up to this date_ nine people have come up as reinforcements—myself, Stewart, Herbin, Hussein, Tongi, Ruckdi, and three servants, and not one penny of money.[172] Of those who came up, two, Stewart and Herbin, have gone down: Hussein is dead, so six of the reinforcements alone remain, while we must have sent down over 1500 and 700 soldiers, total 2200, including the two Pashas, Ibrahim Hardar, and Hussein Cheri, Coetlogon, &c. The regulars, who were in arrears of pay for three months when I came, are now only owed half a month, while the Bashi-Bazouks are owed only a quarter month, and we have some £500 in the treasury. It is quite a miracle. We have lost two battles, suffering severe losses in those actions of men and arms, and may have said to have scrambled through, for I cannot say we can lay claim to any great success during the whole time. Things apparently went against us when we thought we were getting the best of it.

I believe we have more ammunition, Remington (though we have fired three million rounds at the Arabs), and more soldiers now, than when I came up. We have every reason to thank God for His protection. We had many untoward and unexpected misfortunes; the death of Berzati Bey[173] at Gitana; the almost unprofitable first trip of steamers to Sennaar, and their useless delay; our defeat (after El foun victory), by which we lost the active part of our troops, and our fighting Pasha, Mahomet Ali; the surrender of Saleh Pasha and 1500 men, with the capture of the _Mahomet Ali_ steamer; the fall of Berber, with two steamers lost. It is really very wonderful that, with such few successes and so many heavy disasters, we should be in the position we are now. Of the reinforcement, Stewart and Tongi got wounded. We have lost three steamers, two at Berber and one at the Blue Nile, and we have built another, the _Husseinyeh_, and hope to have another finished in a fortnight, which makes our loss only one. The defeat near El foun brought about the arrival here of the Mahdi, which might have been very serious, but his arrival has been apparently rendered innocuous. We have £40,000 in Treasury IN PAPER, and £500. When I came up, there was £5000 in Treasury. We have £15,000 out in the town in paper money. When I came, we had two Pashas, _Ibrahim Hardar_, _Hussein Cheri_; we have now two, _Ferratch_ and _Nutzer Pasha_. Two women, wives of the men who escaped yesterday (with another very small brown baby), came into Omdurman to-day. They say the Arabs are very angry about the desertions; also a boy came in. It would seem, looking over the past months, that, if taken in detail, events have been very much against us; while, if taken generally, we have been most successful. I always had an idea we would not be allowed any success which we could impute to ourselves; that events would be so ruled that we should just _scramble_ through and have nothing to boast of. Mahomet Ali Pasha’s defeat was owing to his and his men and the people of Khartoum’s desire to _loot_ Sheikh el Obeyed (the _man_, not the city). It was against my grain, for I wanted to capture Berber, which was the proper military operation to undertake; it was only because they were so anxious, and represented the affair as so easy, that I consented to it. Perhaps, if _we_ had taken Berber, Her Majesty’s Government would have said that no expedition was necessary for the _relief of the garrisons_; but it would not have been correct to reason thus, for, though Berber might have been taken, we could not have garrisoned it; and it would have been a barren victory, and not have done much towards the solution of the Soudan problem or withdrawal of the garrisons, while it might, on the other hand, have stopped the expedition for _their relief_.

It is the Mahdi’s men who have made the station at Kokoo on right bank of the Blue Nile opposite Giraffe, not the men of Waled a Goun; I expect it is to overawe the Sheikh el Obeyed.

The Baggaras on the north side captured this morning three of the Arabs (one is brother of the writer whose things were found on the bank, and whom we supposed to have been murdered); they were stealing three horses belonging to Saleh Pasha. A slave came in from the Arabs at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi says, the Moharrem being a sacred month, he does not mean to fight; he did not act on that view _in re_ Hicks; but then Hicks attacked or tried to attack him.

Doubts are thrown on the veracity of that boatman, for he told some few lies about how he went to Berber in a Government boat, which is not true. However, his report cheered us for a time. Some one (Talleyrand?) said, “If a lie got currency for twenty-four hours, it did its work.” I am still of opinion, however, if the season was not so far advanced, and the Nile on the fall, that the route by the Nile for a COVERING force was a correct one, but it ought to have been undertaken in July with a rising Nile.

The three men caught to-day say the “_expeditionary force is still at Debbeh_,” and I expect this is the truth, for the eight steamers coming up the Nile is scarcely possible now, since the Nile is falling. The distance direct from Kartoum to Debbeh is nearly 250 miles, and if the Kababish are friendly, the road is not a bad one; however, I think _Ambukol to Metemma_ (could the force know I had the five steamers at Metemma) would be better, for it is only 150 miles, and from Debbeh to Ambukol there is water transport. The road from Ambukol to Metemma does not plunge so deeply into desert; indeed, _Merowé to Berber_, 150 miles, with water transport from Debbeh to Merowé, would be best of all, if the force could cross the Nile at Berber. The only enemy the force will meet with, on any of the three roads, are camel-men and horsemen, till it arrives on the banks of the Nile.

* * * * *

_October 30._—This morning the Arabs came to Halfeyeh, capturing some of our heedless people; whether they will stay there or not I do not know—rumour says they are on their way to Shoboloha and Shendy to repel the ravages of steamers.

You have the map made by railway engineers of the route from Ambukol to Metemma, which must have all information, wells, &c., &c. I should put five station forts along the line, and when I made my debouch at Metemma I should split off one detachment to capture Berber, and another towards Kartoum, taking care of any guns in Shoboloha defile (during which passage I should march the men, and not leave them in the steamers or boats). I would make my base at Metemma for all operations in the Soudan connected with the Nile Valley—the numbers I have put for the forts along road are probably in excess of what would be required.

The Arab force which went towards the north (? Shendy) consists of 200 footmen, and 50 horse.

Two men came in from the south front—they say the Sheikh el Obeyed is with the Mahdi; and Waled a Goun, and Abou Gugliz are at Giraffe. I expect that the Arabs have captured one of our merchant’s boats at Halfeyeh.

We have 1300 men in the North Fort, yet 250 Arabs went boldly across our front to Halfeyeh, and we do not dare to show our noses; this speaks for our _morale_.

A slave came in at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi says he will not fight until after Moharrem (to-day is 12th Moharrem).

Arabs fired on the lines from near the White Nile to-day, but did no harm. Not being able to sleep last night, I was late in getting up, and consequently every one also slept and no proper look-out was kept on the Arabs. I should think I had written twenty orders about their keeping a look-out, but it is of no use. The Arabs have gone back to Giraffe. I am going to make the officer of North Fort pay compensation for the men wounded, and to the families of those killed, in this raid. The map made by the railway engineers (1874-1875) must have every information as to water supply on Ambukol-Metemma road.

In reality, the relief of the garrisons is only a question of crossing over a _well-surveyed road_ of _150 miles_, at the end of which are found _five steamers_ and _nine guns_: of course there is a great deal of trouble in transport arrangements, but no particular danger.

_I believe we_ (_i.e._ those Shaggyeh) lost to-day twenty-three soldiers taken prisoners, one killed, one wounded; seventeen cows, five women, eight slaves, three donkeys, seven horses,[174] twenty-four Remington rifles[175] captured; and this after I had repeatedly warned them of an impending attack, and specially warned them last night after the capture of the three spies. They, these Shaggyeh, number 1200; on the other side, with 30 horses, the Arabs were not 200; they made no attempt to defend themselves; dreadful lot, how I look forward to their disbandment! Had I left them at Halfeyeh what a time I should have had with them. The Arabs have paid us off with interest for our cavalry raids of a few days ago. If any troops come up, as soon as the environs are clear around Kartoum, I would recommend their immediate disbandment. I cannot see any reason why the “_expedition for the relief of the garrisons_” should not have _captured Berber_, and _arrived at Kartoum on 10th November_ (Lord Mayor’s Show), which is giving ample time; saying that troops did advance from Cairo on the 15th August, which I guess (from Kitchener’s laconic dispatch of 31st August) was the case. That strong rumours could not have been known at Debbeh (for at least twenty days) that Kartoum steamers were at Metemma (plundering right and left) is most unlikely, even if my many spies (sent with notes to this effect) did not get through one of their number. These rumours should have pointed out that the Ambukol-Metemma road was THE ROAD to follow[176]—even if not decided on before, which is most probable.

ROUTE AMBUKOL TO METEMMA.—ITINERARY OF ARABS.

Ambukol to Nesgee 24 hours.
Nesgee to Om Halfa 12 ”
Om Halfa to Gakdal 12 ”
Gakdal to Klela Abou 18 ”
Abou Klela to Metemma 12 ”
—
Caravan 78 ”

Wells plentifully supplied.

_No wells of import on flanks._

I expect water can be found along Wadi Abou Gir, as water is found at Kambok, which is on a higher level. I shall anticipate no danger for a force of 200 men as far as Gebil Gelif well—that takes 60 miles off this march of 150 and leaves 90 miles.

In the centre you have the wells Abou Halfa and Gakdul, 12 miles apart. This central portion is distant Ambukol 80 miles, Metemma 65 miles. There appear no wells on flanks where Arabs can assemble in any numbers.

_October 31._—Three men, soldiers, came in from the Arabs on the White Nile last night. To-day it is 7-23/30 months, or 233 days, since the Arabs appeared in our immediate neighbourhood, since which date we have had no peace.

It will be bitter cold in the desert, and I think, of all the deserts, that of Dongola is the coldest. I do not think I should send Nutzi Pasha and the Egyptians you take out of the steamers down further than Dongola, for the moment, for if you do you will put Dongola on the _qui vive_ as to the evacuation. Certainly, for those who are for a rapid retreat, having a _tête du pont_ (so to say) at Metemma, much facilitates the movement; for the garrisons and the people of Kartoum and Sennaar. Shendy-Metemma is evidently the chief strategical point of the Soudan; for from it you reach Kartoum, Sennaar, and Berber by water, and Kassala by the Atbara valley; but, short of making Fowler’s railway to Shendy, I should prefer the making of stations along the Nile, for a peace route and for small forces, as by the Nile you get free of camel transport, which depends on the temper of the Arab tribes; besides, the Nile route is cheaper, and could be put into execution with one high Nile.

The three soldiers who came in last night have one sergeant-major among them. He says Mahmound Khalifa wrote to his father, who is with Mahomet Achmet, in which he says that the English General wants him to get camels in great haste; that he is delaying as much as possible; that the English General wants to go in one body; that he is trying to get him to go in four bodies; _that Mahmound Khalifa_ is a traitor, like all his family; and he should catch it, for I expect this information is correct. The sergeant-major says that Mahmound Khalifa is at Dongola or Debbeh. The Mahdi is going into a cave for this month and next; he is now in his cave. All the Europeans are with the Mahdi (not in the cave). Slatin is very good friends with the Mahdi, and _sees him_ every day (?). (This is rather against the cave report.)

The mysterious Frenchman is not with the Mahdi, but in Kordofan. The letter which I spoke of as coming from Mahmound Khalifa arrived at the Mahdi’s camp fifteen days ago, so left Dongola about twenty-two days ago (9th October). Can it be remembered whether at that time, viz. 9th October, any altercation took place on subject of march?[177] In the letter is a remark, that the English General said he wished “all to go together, for he would not leave a sick man behind.” The man says, Mahmound Khalifa wrote another letter to his father, stating the start from Dongola towards Berber. I can produce the sergeant-major who gave this information.

Church parade much as usual. I expect they exhibited the captives of yesterday. It is extraordinary if we are employing Mahmound Khalifa, when his father, Hussein Pasha Khalifa, is a _so-called_ prisoner of the Mahdi. Stewart knows, I think, that the father gave up Berber by more or less treachery.

I hope the Mudir of Dongola will look after this man. The sergeant-major says “that the Mahdi declares” he will execute the Sheikh el Islam (whom I put in prison) for preventing our surrendering, by which bit of news _I read_ that an adherent of the Sheikh el Islam got some friends of his to bribe the sergeant-major _to say this_ while on his way to the Palace.

Three men more have come in—one sergeant, one corporal, and a slave—from the Arabs at Omdurman. They say many Arabs leave daily for Kordofan; the Mahdi has sent three companies of regulars to bring back deserters; the Mahdi has been taking women from others, which makes the Arabs doubt his holiness; he has only forty rounds for each Krupp gun, of which he has two. The slave was a great fat bull-faced fellow. He was honest, for when I asked him why he came here, he said, “because he got so little to eat with the Arabs.” His appearance belied his words. These men said nothing of the cave business. The living skeleton in hospital (Stewart knows him) departed this life yesterday—I will not say, deeply regretted, except by _me in a small way_, for I knew him so long. It turns out that the Shaggyeh chief who commanded in the North Fort slept in town the day before yesterday night, and so was absent at yesterday morning’s catastrophe; also the officer Osman Bey, who went down to Berber with steamers to escort the _Abbas_ past Berber, and who let the _Fascher_ pursue the _Abbas_ never reported this man’s absence; I have turned them out, and cut them each a month’s pay. (No sentry as usual, on North Fort. They are incorrigible. 2 P.M. Though their men have gone to look for missing rifles, I ordered them thirty blows: _i.e._ the sentries.)

Two cows have kindly walked into Omdurman Fort. The Arabs fired a few shots on the lines near the White Nile, which did not reach them; I expect the Arab chiefs send out the regulars and tell them to fire on the lines, and the regulars obey orders much as my orders are obeyed here. The North Fort hate my telescope; day and night I work them. It is one of Chevalier’s, of Paris, which I picked up here and gave £5 for, it is by far the best glass I ever saw. Commander J. Baker, R.N., has the _best_ opera-glasses; he got them from me at Berberah in 1878, in exchange; they belonged to the Egyptian Government. It was the father of Hussein Pasha Khalifa who led the Egyptians into the Soudan in 1823. The family comes from Assouan, for this, the grant of monopoly of commerce through Korosko desert was given to the family. It was taken away from them in Ismail Pasha Ayoub’s time, about 1872, and I restored it to them. I heard the Mahdi gave them this monopoly after the fall of Berber, or rather agreed to their retaining it. I think the only good one of the family was Sheikh Hamid, who died this year. I sent the horsemen of these Shaggyeh out to the scene of yesterday’s disaster; they recovered a horse! two donkeys! and three Remingtons! and found the body of one of their slaves. I am going to make them pay for the lost Remingtons, nineteen in number now. I cannot afford to have Remingtons thrown away like that. This recalls to my mind how, when I had 700 men in the North Fort, which consisted of two houses distant sixty yards apart, the great Melon, who was in the house where the telegraph office is, declined to open the door of his house and sent a message to the other house, for fear of the Arabs, who were camped three miles distant. It was like this:

I have ever felt the greatest insecurity respecting the lines, for I believe one hundred determined men would carry them with ease, if they made their attack on the Shaggyeh or Bashi Bazouk part. These creatures used to shut themselves into the houses at about 7 P.M., and never go out till it was broad daylight; they were not eighty yards from the river. The Cairo Turkish Bashi Bazouks, the Shaggyeh, and the Fellaheen soldiers, I will back against any troops in the world for _cowardice_! I expect the reason why the Arabs did not take the three recaptured horses was because they were as frightened nearly as our men (_vide_ p. 259); the worst of it is, that it is taken generally as a thing of “_matter of course_” by the Kartoum people, and, one may say, officers; no one is a bit put out or ashamed; it teaches no experience. _Vide_ the absence of sentries on the fort to-day, who, I expect, cannot sit down over-comfortably to-night after their thirty blows.

One cannot help feeling amused at these Shaggyehs, for they are the most arrant braggadocios, as are the Cairo Turkish Bashi Bazouks, and when you come up, if you do, you will see how they will exhibit. They have little kettledrums about a span in diameter; whenever I hear them I feel viciously inclined. This dates back many years. The Shaggyeh are very quiet to-day; they are all boxed up in the houses; very few have ventured out more than 2000 yards. The report is that they are ashamed, which, if words could make them so, they ought to be; but I doubt it. They have not beaten their kettledrums to-night; yes, they have begun to beat them now. On one occasion, when I had two guns in their fort, I had a truly miserable night; for a cow would have taken the fort, though there were 1200 men in it. It was more for the guns than for them that I was anxious. The horse, which was recovered to-day, was saddled and _was_ bridled, but, like a wise brute, as he could not eat with the bit in his mouth, he put his foot on the bridle and broke it off. I telegraphed to the rider “that I felt sure he could not look him in the face after leaving him out all night for nothing with the saddle on.”[178]

* * * * *

_November 1._—The Arabs came up to their old fort in front of Bourré this morning and fired a few shots; they did not stay five minutes there. A Boulak Basha, his son, and two slaves came in to Omdurman and report the Mahdi is in the cave; that Slatin has retained all his property; that the Arabs continue to desert the Mahdi, who sends the regulars after them; that the deserting Arabs fight the soldiers, and have killed many of them; that the Arabs generally doubt the mission of the Mahdi, and wish for the return of the Government. The Mahdi is not going to fight during Moharrem and Saphia months. Two hundred and fifty Arabs deserted yesterday. The Mahdi sent the regulars after them, and four regulars were killed, and the deserters got away. Fifty to one hundred per diem run away. These people are a fine lot. The merchants of the market have been refusing to give more than three and a-half reals for a sovereign, five to six reals being the proper rate; so I captured nine of the chief of them, and have sent them to the lines with a pretended order to send them out to Waled a Goun, but with orders to keep them on the lines. I hope this will cure them. I shall let them in again when they sign a paper agreeing to my terms. Of course it is tyranny, but there is no other course to be pursued. The nine culprits, three soldiers with fixed bayonets before, three soldiers with ditto behind, and a mounted cavass on each flank, are wending their way to the lines through the market. Quite a procession! My servants are my staff. I never hear these sort of things from the officials, who are bribed, I expect, to keep silence.

7 P.M. A small bright fire in direction of and below Halfeyeh, lasting scarcely a minute. I flatter myself I keep a good look out.[179]

Two soldiers came to Omdurman, escaping from the Arabs this evening. Nothing new.

One of the trying things of this existence is the way that one is waylaid as one goes out with petitions for dhoora, and howled at. These are the times when one feels _amiably_ disposed towards the gentlemen who have ruled in Cairo for the last seven years.

* * * * *

_November 2._—Those men I sent out ostensibly to the Arabs have given in, and I have let them back into town. I hate these coercive measures. But what is to be done? This frightening them is better than putting them in prison, or chaining them. No words are of any avail, or orders. Two dervishes with their weapons presented themselves before lines this morning, saying they had a letter from the Mahdi for me (at Mesalamieh Gate). I said, “Leave the letter and go back; I will not let you in. It is no use any more writing.”

The Arabs fired on the lines near the White Nile. We answered, and committed some damage, from all appearance; for the whole Dem turned out. I have forbidden all firing on the Arabs, unless they come so near as to injure our people; for I expect this vague firing is only performed by the captured soldiers to conform, in appearance, to the orders of the Arab chiefs.

Letter has come in;[180] it is an address to the whole town; it has no seal, the usual rubbish about the Mahdi being Mahdi, &c. A soldier came in from the Arabs at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi is not in the cave, but in a tent (very stupid man!) Some one has stolen 93,000 okes of biscuit; this robbery took place nearly a year ago, and was only found out two days ago. The people of the town wonder at one’s getting no information; the last I had was from Kitchener, dated 31st August, and received 17th September, now forty-six days ago. Had our people sent to Kassala _viâ_ Massowah,[181] there is no doubt information could have got through, but it is no use saying any more on the subject. I suppose you acted according to “your conscience, best of your ability, and custom of war in like cases.”

3.30 P.M. Sentries off the roof of the North Fort again; sent over to have them flogged!

Rectified list of biscuit is 266,430 okes.

Dhoora is 2110 ardebs in magazine to-day—six weeks’ consumption!! and then the sponge must be thrown up.

I could write volumes of pent-up wrath on this subject if I did not believe things are ordained and all work for the best. I am not at all inclined to order half rations with a view to any prolongation of our blockade; if I did so, it would probably end in a catastrophe[182] before the time, in which, if full rations are given, we should have exhausted our supplies. I should be an angel (which I am not, needless to say) if I was not rabid with Her Majesty’s Government; but I hope I may be quiet on the subject of this Soudan and Cairo business, with its indecision; but to lose all my beautiful black soldiers is enough to make one angry with those who have the direction of our future.[183]

Arabs fired four rounds this evening towards the lines near White Nile, but did no harm (one shell fell in the town) with their Krupp.

* * * * *

_November 3._—Two women and one boy came in to Omdurman from the Arabs; also seven cows walked into the same place. To-day is _our_ anniversary of Hicks’s defeat. I have let out several of the men whom I had arrested as adherents of the Mahdi; they have had a good warning.

4 P.M. _Bordeen_ in sight: I have let out the Sheikh el Islam, Cadi, and the old Mudir. A soldier came from the Arabs to Omdurman; he says Slatin is a prisoner for the last three days. With this man came in a spy from the Mahdi, whom I put in prison. The Mahdi has sent regulars to the rear. I shall send down the _Bordeen_ the day after to-morrow to Metemma, and shall send the _débris_, Tongi & Co. down with the steamer, and you can send them on to Cairo. I think this is noble on my part, for you get their boats and they use your camels. The post has come in from _Bordeen_. Kitchener’s letter, saying “_Abbas_ was captured” was a terrible blow (I send back the letters sent to Stewart in envelope).[184] Kitchener asks who were on board: Stewart, Power, and Herbin, the French Consul, and the Greeks named in the margin on the other side.[185] I cannot understand it, for the general opinion was that the route was quite safe for the _Abbas_, which had a mountain gun and some fifty soldiers in her. I can only put it down to some treachery on the part of the Arabs pretending to be friends.

I cannot decipher Lord Wolseley’s telegram,[186] for Stewart took the cipher-books. (Please inform Foreign Office of _this_, for if he [Stewart] is killed, and _Abbas_ captured, they, the cipher-books, are in the hands of the Mahdi.) I think cipher-messages are in some countries, like this, a mistake.

The Shendy steamers sent back ten wounded from Shendy, one seriously; and I hear they had five killed. For goodness’ sake do not send back any Egyptians, _now_ in steamers, to Kartoum; I include Pashas, officers, men, and exclude the sailors, engineers, and captains of steamers.

If _Abbas_ is lost, I hope a Court of Inquiry will be held on the departure of Col. Stewart and Messrs. Power and Herbin; for when they left we had no news of an Expedition of Relief—_vide_ my journal; also it was generally believed that the passage of the _Abbas_ down was an absolute certainty without danger. I also add that Stewart, Herbin, and Power left of their own free will, and without any order from me, as the papers captured would show, if ever available. I refused to _order_, but I said, “If you like to go, I will assist you to go. It is at your own risk. The service you will perform is great, and you can do no good here.” _I wrote this to Col. Stewart_, in an official letter.

* * * * *

_November 4._—I received private letters from Stanley, dated Congo, 5th May, and from Sir S. Baker, 1st June. I like the official note written on the envelope of Sir Samuel Baker’s letter to me—“Communications avec la Soudan interrompées.” I should think the communications were interrompées!!!

The Arabs have one gun at Shendy and one gun at Metemma; they struck _Mansowrah_ four times.

I looked upon the descent of the _Abbas_ as a certainty. I looked upon the relief of Kartoum as most uncertain; hence I sent down the cipher-books of the Foreign Office. Perhaps the _Abbas_ got wrecked on the cataract. It is very sad. There is a report that the Sheikh el Obeyed is dead; if true, it will simplify that vexed question with Foreign Office of the _man_ and the _city_. Arabs fired five shells at the Lines to-day; we answered with two, and they retired. If the capture of steamer is corroborated, tell French Consul-General that the Mahdi has his cipher, which was with Herbin. _If Abbas was captured by treachery, then I am not to blame; neither am I to blame if she struck a rock_, for she drew under two feet of water; and fifty boats (sailing) used to go down yearly to Cairo, with high Nile; _if they were attacked and overpowered, then I am to blame_, for I ought to have foreseen the chance, and prevented their going. But when they left we knew nothing of the Expedition, and I passed them under escort through Berber, which was the apparent only danger they had to meet. The Mahdi, if it is true that he has captured the _Abbas_, found two of his own seals,[187] which we had forged but did not use, also all his letters to me, and the journal was in most careful detail, hour by hour, so to say. Steamer leaves at daybreak, 5th November, 1884.

C. G. GORDON.