Chapter IX: Book III: On outside wrapper (a handkerchief) (2)

Take the Tokar business: had Baker been supported by, say, 500 men, he would not have been defeated; yet, after he was defeated, you go and send a force to relieve the town. Had Baker been supported by these 500 men, he would, in all probability, have been victorious, and would have pushed on to Berber, and, once there, Berber would not have fallen. What was right to do in _March_, was right to do in _February_. We sent an expedition in March, so we ought to have sent it in February; and then, the worst of it was, that Baker, having been defeated, _when you did send your expedition to Tokar_, Baker’s force no longer existed, and his guns resist me at Berber. It is truly deplorable, the waste of men and money, on account of our indecision. Baker’s expedition ought never to have been pushed forward, unless by small stages, supported by forts. It had not more than fifteen or twenty miles to go, and that distance ought to be, so to say, sapped. Take your present expedition, I do not know (_thanks to that Intelligence Department!_) the details, but it seems to me that till 20th August, or thereabouts, we were supposed to be quietly disposed of, but about that date our resurrection occurred, and then, “Let us have an expedition at once, and send for Wolseley.” Had the men at Wady Halfa (Duncan) been told in March (when he came up to Assouan) to make _étapes_ up to Dongola, they would have been all ready for the expedition now. Personally, I do not care, but I think what a perfect mess we would be in, in an European war. I am convinced Wood, the Sirdar, and many others, foresaw what was likely to happen, but they did not consider they were called upon to make a row about it. (Plutarch’s Lives are out of print in our generation; we do not like to be what club men call insubordinate, though, of all insubordinates, the club men are the worst.) What is the consequence? Why, an infinite expense and great difficulty. Mark the way the Mahdi treated Cuzzi: is it likely he did it for the love of Cuzzi? was it not because Cuzzi told him of Baring’s telegram, “that no troops will be sent to Berber”? Remember, though I put these queries, it is not I who put them: it is _history_. Why did Baker go to Suakin, and Wood, the Sirdar, stay at Cairo? One was chief of gendarmerie; the other was commander-in-chief. It was not a question of police, but of war. If it was right to let Sinkat perish, it was right to let Tokar; if it was right to relieve Tokar, it was right to see after Berber, and thence on to Kartoum, Sennaar, Kassala, Bahr Gazelle, and the Equator. At any rate, _be consistent_. No one can question the right of the Government to decide; but when they decide, let it be a decision. “WE WILL ABANDON ALTOGETHER, _and not care what happens_.” That is a decision one can understand, whether one approves or not. We are not the judges; but what we have done is such, that I declare I very much doubt what is really going to be the policy of our Government, even now that the expedition is at Dongola.

What were my ideas in coming out? They were these: _agreed abandonment of Soudan, but extricate the garrisons_, and these were the instructions of the Government; and I only wish that the public would look over Baring’s and my telegrams exchanged from 28th February to 16th March, and see how he answered me:[113] it was as if I was amusing myself up here. And then that light-hearted fellow Egerton ... adds to it (“that I am in Capua”), “What are your intentions in staying at Kartoum?”[114] I should like to see some explanation why no efforts were made for the _relief_ of the _garrisons_ before August (_not_ MY _relief_). Berber was known to have fallen in March; it may be said the season was not good, then why in June does Egerton tell me to make _contracts_? I hope Stewart will _cut out all this biliousness_.

9 P.M. _Telegraph cut with Halfeyeh._ This corroborates rather what this man who came in to-day said, _i.e._ that the Arabs meditate coming again to the Dem, north of this town, which will be a trouble—it will be the beginning of a second blockade, and I hope the _last_, for I declare I do not think I could go through a third _blockade_—siege is too great a word for it.

* * * * *

_October 9._—Telegraph repaired with Halfeyeh. The Arabs came down on the lines with two guns and exchanged some shots with our people. Only waste of ammunition.

One soldier escaped from the Arabs to-day. He came from Sheikh el Obeyed. He says they have got the gun which was captured at Katarif.

The Arabs fired seventeen shells this morning, but did no harm.

_Those Shaggyeh!_ I will back them to try a man’s patience more sorely than any other people in the whole world, yea, and in the Universe. It is no use detailing their efforts. I have now sent Moussa Bey down to Halfeyeh. I really believe that they did try the patience of the Arabs, from all I hear; for the Arabs frequently thought of putting them to the sword, and I can quite imagine Arabs having this thought, from the wear and tear they have given me.

Of course, the officer on the lines reports masses of Arabs killed to-day.

Sheikh el Obeyed killed all the prisoners he took (who were inhabitants of Kartoum) in Mahomet Ali’s defeat, near El foun. I have ordered the sale of 200 ardebs of grain, no one to buy more than ¼ ardeb.

Stewart will be annoyed at hearing “Ibrahim Ruckdi is _very ill!!!!_” Illness dates from hour of being turned out of head clerk’s place; he has not sent for the doctor.

It will be a satisfaction for some to know that, owing to their not sending me any news, I am exposed to hearing all sorts of disquieting rumours from the town, which, though I do not mind them, are not destined to make one’s life lighter. The Ulemas have been coming here for two days to see me; they have been bothering for more grain, and so I put off seeing them, but I gave them one ardeb a piece. To-day, however, they pushed an interview, but I still held out, and said they _must_ tell my Vakeel what they had to say. After a deal of palaver my Vakeel came in to say, “_that the whole of the town requested I would take back Ibrahim Ruckdi_.” What an idea! I said “The town had better mind their own business, and leave me to mind mine.” I think it is lovely! and how Ruckdi must have worked at it during his _severe illness_. Ruckdi had got at my servants. Edrees, the butler, told me, with a look of deepest commiseration, how ill Ruckdi was, on which I laughed. I guessed he was on the sick list, and had asked. “Yes” (with a deep sigh), “_Ruckdi was very ill_.” “Illness commenced when?” I asked. “Oh, a long time back, but duty and fidelity to _me_ had enabled him to crawl through his work,” at which I laughed again. Then came the Ulemas, with the town petition. I can quite imagine when men have bribed the chief clerk A. to be favourable, that it is a bother to have to go through the same process with chief clerk B. on A.’s being turned out; it upsets all calculations. Ruckdi will return to Cairo with Tongi.

“See-saw,[115] see-saw, why it is enough to kill a fellow. I can’t keep my eyes open. I would give a shilling to have an hour’s sleep! _Yes_, of course, _you_ say it is close at hand, _you black devil_!” “I know your _Kareb_ means at least three hours more.” “Give you the water-bottle? I can’t. I don’t dare to touch the rope of this long-necked brute. Hullo: there is some one come a cropper. Rifle, ‘broken,’ of course, it is, you cannot fall from a precipice without its being broken.” “Hi! stop! Catch hold of the brute; the machufat, as you call it, is slipping round. Can’t you stop the brute (noise of a body falling); well, there is an end of it. I will walk _now_ sooner than embark again on the ship of the desert. Am I hurt? Oh, no, of course not; rather enjoyed sensation. Walks half a mile, boots full of sand, and tries it again.”—Scene in Desert: Explorations in Central Africa, by Her Majesty’s Army.

The machufats[116] _will_ slip forward, and camels _will_ object to people riding _on_ their long necks; they _will_ drop vesuvians on camels, who will not like it; they _will_ get galled, and have not glycerine; they will drop their pipes, and not dare to descend for them; they _will_ pass baggage-camel with sharp edged boxes, which will rasp their legs; as they mount they will go over the other side and swear—oh how they will swear! all their Topies will be crushed—aches and pains in every part of the body (I should be inclined to put them on ambulance saddles, one on each side: awkward if they meet a baggage caravan). “Tired and ill! of course I am tired and ill after bowing and swaying my body to and fro all night, with my eyes pricking like as from so many needles, from desire to sleep; and you may say what you like, I swear I saw more than one of those skeleton camels get up, and I saw houses as plain as I see you.[117] I was between Scylla and Charybdis. I wanted to sleep, and I was afraid of falling off—shall never forget it.”

“Chermside to Kitchener: Any news of _him_?”

“Kitchener to Chermside: Nothing particular; two or three more men down. Steamers at Metemma. Abuse as usual of Intelligence Department. Mahdi doing much better: _he_ finds it more difficult to get his letters through, and will have time to get over _his_ liver complaint and injustices. Stewart says it was a perfect pandemonium to be boxed up with him when in his tantrums. _I hope you are well. Let me know if I can do anything for you._”

I think, in the interests of the Telegraph Department, Floyer ought to make officers pay for telegrams like this intercepted one.

A man came in from the Arabs on the South Front. He says the Arabs have imprisoned the regular troops with them; that the regulars want to make a rush for our lines and to escape to us.

A boy came in four days absent from the Mahdi’s camp, which is at a place opposite Gitana. He says the Mahdi is moving along the left bank towards Omdurman, and that he has with him all the Europeans, Elias Pasha, and Slatin; that he will try and take the place before the advance of the English, who are said to be near Berber. Kordofan is quiet. The Mahdi has about three to four thousand with him. The Mahdi says he will cross the river dry-foot—by a miracle.

Sent for the _Ismailia_ from Halfeyeh, replacing her by the _Towfikia_. The _Bordeen_, down the river, will go to the same place on her return. Somehow this advance of the Mahdi has raised my spirits; nothing is more dead-like to be shut up as we have been; now, at any rate, a month will see him victorious or defeated, as God may will it. I think he will try and negotiate, for, of course, Hussein Pasha Khalifa has told him I had a Firman enabling me to give up the country if I found some one to take it.

“Kitchener to Chermside.—Hurrah! Capital news! The Mahdi has _him_ on the hip! he has gone to Omdurman. Bottled _him_ up now! We will have no more impertinent remarks about the Intelligence Departments. Dongola illuminated! Regular feast of lanterns! Wish you were here, old fellow; hope you are well! Can I, &c., &c.”

I declare Floyer ought to make them pay for these telegrams—intercepted and brought here.

... “Well after a long night comes the dawn, this is somewhat better news. I confess I was never much taken up with Livingstone’s explorations, and I never would have believed any one, if he had told me I should be carrying out these explorations with a British army. One must not be ungrateful, but one may be permitted the remark why that Mahdi did not move before he has quite spoilt my holiday; why, dear me, in three months I shall be back in that bear-baiting garden again, being asked questions. What a life! What do you say? I am sacrificing myself for my country. Well, you are right there, I am a martyr, if ever there was one.”

The mass of people who have come in from the Arabs, have spread far and wide,—what is to be expected from the Mahdi and his Government—so I have no fear for the town, which I suppose has 40,000 inhabitants in it.

The Arabs prevent all coming to me—I prevent none going to them—and I even give them written permissions to go; so I gauge the fidelity of the people.

Small steamer got her steam up to-day, and I hope will be finished in three days, armed and in action.

I feel sure that the Mahdi comes with the idea of negotiating; if so, and one can have reasonable hope of success as to the extrication of the garrisons, I shall negotiate—for up to the present time, my original instructions are not abrogated, and I feel sure Her Majesty’s Government will not wish any longer campaign, than is necessary, in these parts, for their honour, but it must be remembered _if_, by negotiating, I get out the garrisons at the cost of the steamers, &c., &c., I must not be blamed if in the future, by the cession of the steamers and warlike material, Egypt suffers. Her Majesty’s Government gave me clear orders, _i.e._, “get out garrisons and evacuate”—these orders have not been cancelled and are in force. No official notice is given me of an advance of troops or of a change of policy; therefore I am justified in acting on my original instructions. Kitchener’s note is not sufficient to justify me in disobeying my regular instructions. Egerton’s telegram was not decipherable.

* * * * *

_October 10._—The beginning of the year 1302 of the Arabs is on the 21st October. On the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd October were Hicks’s defeats. The Mahdi, bringing all the Europeans with him, makes his move look as if he were confident of his success ultimately. All information tends to show that his object is to starve us out. If the man would only drop his prophet’s functions, we might come to terms; but he will never do that, I fear. There is one good thing in the Mahdi’s coming here—he will be easy of access, if our Government wishes to communicate with him; and also if he is defeated there is an end of him, without going to Kordofan. I suppose our people at Debbeh must be aware of the whereabouts of the Mahdi at any rate.

It is an odd coincidence the advance of the Mahdi and of the expeditionary force at the same time, and to the same place (Armageddon).

I have 240 men at Omdurman, and it is pretty strong. It is not likely to be attacked; for if the Mahdi won it, he would not have gained Kartoum, though it would be a trouble, as it would discourage the people.

There is one bother, in any negotiations (which, however, I do not think possible), viz. how far one ought to go in _re_ the steamers, and warlike store. If I had Zubair here it might be settled, but now the expedition is at Dongola it is a query what ought to be done.

I have lost seven guns, two on board each steamer, at Metemma, and one on board the _Abbas_.

This morning the Arabs fired six Krupp shells into the lines, which did not burst.

Not a large church parade either at Kalakla, South Front, or at Faki Mustapha, near Omdurman. Two men came in, one from south front with rifle, and one from Omdurman; the latter says the Mahdi will come to Omdurman either to-day or to-morrow, and will content himself with the investment of the place. He has with him all the Europeans, nuns and all. The Arabs meditate coming over to the old Dem, near Halfeyeh, but they say it will be the _Arabs of Waled a Goun_ who will come, _not_ those of the Sheikh el Obeyed; this is odd, and it would seem as if these two parties had fallen out. We know Sheikh el Obeyed did not agree with Abou Gugliz.

People do not appear a bit put out at the approach of the Mahdi; in fact they look on it as a good thing, for they say the affair will be ended here, and there will be no necessity to go to Kordofan.

A very little Arab boy, with large, black, limpid eyes, came in from the Arabs. He had been captured some months ago.

The steamer _Bordeen_ is still down the river, robbing, I expect, right and left.

A Sandjak of Shaggyeh, who was for months a prisoner with Sheikh Ibrahim (son of Sheikh el Obeyed), told me how this latter used to quarrel with Abou Gugliz, how the latter had taken the gun they had captured from us; and how glad Sheikh Ibrahim was when we beat Abou Gugliz at Giraffe. On one occasion Abou Gugliz put Sheikh Ibrahim in chains.

Four of the Arab Krupp shells fell in the centre of the town—did no harm—(regular bombardment of Paris), moral effect, _nil_.

Little steamer _Husseinyeh_ trial trip to-morrow. The Arabs will think one of the large steamers has been brought to bed.

One cannot help being amused at the Mahdi’s carrying all the Europeans about with him—nuns, priests, Greeks, Austrian officers—what a medley, a regular Etât major. It will be a great crow for Lord Wolseley if he manages to put an extinguisher on the Mahdi.

Cambyses, son of Cyrus of Isaiah, lost his army B.C. 525, in these deserts, 2409 years ago.

The Mussulman year 1302 begins on the anniversary of Trafalgar. “England _expects_” (does not say even “thank you”) “you will do your duty.”

Those who were ever quartered at Gibraltar will remember two despatches over the mantelpiece, Collingwood’s on Trafalgar; Wellington on Waterloo. What a different tone in them. I cannot help thinking the navy is more chivalrous than the army in all nations; they are more seriously minded, having gone through greater vicissitudes of danger. I noticed flags around Faki Mustapha’s tent, and three women came in this evening from Waled a Goun’s camp, and reports that the Mahdi came to Omdurman to-day; but a soldier who escaped with his rifle came in afterwards and said the Mahdi had not yet come to Omdurman, but was expected to-morrow.

In five days’ time I shall send down the _Towfikia_ steamer to Metemma, and order the _Talataween_ back. With the _Towfikia_ I shall send this journal up to date. The _Towfikia_ will stay at Metemma.

I have placed two of the castled santels at the end of the lines on the White Nile, the other two are at Bourré. The _Bordeen_ steamer is back from Shoboloha; she captured fifteen cows and four slaves. She was fired on from the left bank of the Nile.

Armed the men of the band and made them body guard of Ferratch Pasha.

In future, for the defence of Kartoum, strong forts ought to be built at Shoboloha, on both sides of the defile.

The _Bordeen_ telegraphed from Halfeyeh “important spy captured.” I answered, “what did important spy say?” I was answered, “Important spy said that the English had sent out three men to see about roads to Kartoum.” This was two and a half hours’ work to get this information. It is enough to drive one wild (a very small _mouse_ for such a _mountain_). Couriers were sent on horses to and fro for this information. I am going to sit on the captain of the _Bordeen_ to-morrow. These people, if they have a grain of information which they (not I) think important, make a perfect Mont Blanc of it, so as to get promotion. What on earth of importance is it to us whether the British general has sent 150 spies to look after roads.

The captain of the _Bordeen_ gave the names of the spies sent out by the British general obtained from this “important spy,” thinking, of course, I should be delighted. These things render one perfectly furious, for, at least, twenty people were kept at work for absolutely nothing; and like a born idiot, there was I, on tiptoe of excitement, waiting information of the “important spy,” to end with the news that “three men had been sent out by the British general.” Had “this important spy” said the British general had started, it would have been another thing, but that is in the future, and I do not blame the British general for not rushing headlong into these deserts.

* * * * *

_October 11._—A sergeant-major came in at Omdurman to-day, he left the Mahdi three days ago. The Mahdi was then one day’s march from Omdurman, at the place Stewart met the chiefs when he went up the Nile in March. The Mahdi will be at the camp Faki Mustapha to-night or to-morrow. He has from 2000 to 3000 regulars with him, whom he captured here and there. Three Krupp guns and four mountain guns, but has a lot more mountain guns en route from Kordofan. With the Mahdi are Hussein Pasha Khalifa, Saleh Pasha, Slatin, and all the Greeks, priests, and nuns, who have become Muslim. A priest and a nun who refused to become Muslim, he left in Obeyed. Nuchranza is with him. He has a mixed multitude with him, who are not over zealous, for he has discontented the people by his exactions. They have plenty of meat, but not much grain. The Frenchman spoken of (and supposed to be Renan by me) has gone away from the Mahdi. Fighting is going on in Kordofan in the Gebel Nubar. Report is rife of the English being at Debbeh. The Mahdi intends bombarding Kartoum from the other side, and trying to demolish the Fort Omdurman. The money captured at Berber has not yet left Berber.

Another soldier came in from Waled a Goun’s camp; he says the regulars are all in chains.

The Arabs are making a fort 2000 yards off the south front. They fired eight rounds from a Krupp, which entered the town but did no harm.

Four shells entered the town yesterday—one slightly wounded five black sluts, one struck a house belonging to the family of the Mahdi.

Small steamer’s trial trip took place to-day—a great success; she snorts terribly.

Two more soldiers came in this morning from the Sheikh el Obeyed. They say he intends coming to the old Dem off the north front, where they were before. They say he is not on the best of terms with Waled a Goun. I hope sincerely he will not come opposite to us.

Sent out two men separately to Debbeh, with notification of the arrival of his holiness the Mahdi at Omdurman.

Connected the Fort of Halfeyeh by telegraph to river bank, 1500 yards.

Moussa Bey put in charge of the _Bordeen_ and _Ismailia_, and Omdurman and Mogrim.

Ferratch Pasha is made a Ferile (General of Division). I am more generous than Her Majesty’s Government (when a colonel, I used to make Generals of Division. The Khedive used to tear his hair over it). It may be that Ferratch Pasha may be sold for 2¼$ in a fortnight, if the town is taken, and be carrying water for one of the Mahdi’s Ameers. I must say I am against doctors. If a man is suffering intense pain, and is in a more or less desperate condition, I would give as much morphine as would still that pain. It was the custom of the ancients to give to those who were to be crucified a numbing potion, which is that mentioned in Matt. xxvii. 34, Mark xv. 23. Our Lord would not abate, by mortal means, the slightest pang of His passion, and He would not taste it. But in our Lord’s case He knew the object of giving Him this potion, whereas a patient need not know it. Our doctors give a composing draught to produce sleep, and I cannot see why they stop at that and do not give a draught to produce insensibility to pain—but I suppose they have rules we know not of. Napoleon at Jaffa asked the principal medical officer a question—whether, with respect to the plague patients (whom he could not take with him in his retreat to Egypt, and they would have had their throats cut had they stayed) it would not be justifiable to give them composing draughts. The principal medical officer answered, “his business was to cure, not to kill.” Now Napoleon did not say “do so,” but he merely asked the question, inasmuch as it was certain that the throats of those patients would be cut by the Turks if they were left behind. History disputes whether Napoleon did not get another doctor to give the composing draughts, but it is certain that the plague-stricken patients were killed by the Turks (whether under the influence of composing draughts or not it does not much signify). To my mind the principal medical officer was a snob, and took advantage of Napoleon’s question to make himself a hero. Napoleon alluded to it afterwards at St. Helena, and I am inclined to believe his version, viz. that he only put the alternative question to the principal medical officer, and did not order the giving of the composing draught. I shall now conclude this Volume III. I have sent 200 men to Omdurman, and am prepared to evacuate Halfeyeh and place its garrison at Goba, if the Sheikh el Obeyed moves to the north of this place.

C. G. GORDON.

12/10/84.