Chapter XIV (2)

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should your Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy demands upon the Army of this country for colonial service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare, and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do all that he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards France, and will assume for the increase in question any degree of responsibility present or retrospective which can fairly attach to him.

ROBERT PEEL.

[Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision
of taxation to make the arrangement more equitable, and the
safeguards suggested by caution and scrupulous forbearance,
restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and
clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed.]

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]

_Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria._

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _11th December 1845._

... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to avail himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty the deep regret and pain with which he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the advice intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the subject of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have shrunk from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle, for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty and to the country inseparable from any change of Administration; but being unconvinced of the necessity of a change of policy involving an abandonment of opinions formerly maintained, and expectations held out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests of your Majesty's service could not be promoted by the loss of personal character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would necessarily have involved; and that he might far more usefully serve your Majesty and the country out of office, than as the official advocate of a policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to assure your Majesty that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie in his power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon your Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient apology in the deep anxiety which he feels that his regret at being compelled not only to retire from your Majesty's service, but also to take a step which he is aware may have had some influence on the course finally adopted by Sir Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the apprehension of having, in the performance of a most painful duty, incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,

STANLEY.

_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._

OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._

The Queen, of course, _much regrets_ that Lord Stanley could not agree in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject of such importance to the country. However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the Queen gives full credit to the disinterested motives which guided Lord Stanley's conduct.

[Pageheading: THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington._

OSBORNE, _12th December 1845._

The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in consequence of Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his inability to carry on any longer the Government, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is not able at present to state whether he can form an Administration, and is gone to Town in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of his enquiries may be, the Queen has a _strong_ desire to see the Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The Queen appeals to the Duke's so often proved loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking him to give her this assurance. The Duke will thereby render the greatest service to the country and to her own person.

[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S ADVICE]

_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

STRATHFIELDSAYE, _12th December 1845._

(_11 at night._)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just now received your Majesty's commands from Osborne of this day's date.

He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places him in constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's Ministers, and particularly with the one filling the office of First Lord of the Treasury.

Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the counsel, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or gentleman who should be your Majesty's first Minister, before any other step should be taken upon the subject. He might think that he had reason to complain if he should find that it was arranged that the Duke of Wellington should continue to fill the office of Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an influence upon his future relations with that office.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord John Russell and all your Majesty's former Ministers were aware, that during the whole period of the time during which Lord Hill was the General Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion and services of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times at the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and were given whenever required.

He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a member; but that circumstance made no difference.

It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a political connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any relation with the political course of the Government over which he should preside.

Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence, be considered creditable to either party, or be useful to the service of your Majesty.

Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should exist; on the other hand, the performance of these duties would require that the person filling the office should avoid to belong to, or to act in concert with, a political party opposed to the Government.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his duty to submit these considerations, in order that your Majesty may be perfectly aware of the position in which he is about to place himself, in case Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to command Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to continue to hold the office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.

He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he will cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's command upon receiving the official intimation thereof, and that he will as usual make every effort in his power to promote your Majesty's service.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.

[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

ST CLOUD, _le 16 Decembre 1845._

MADAME MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--J'ai a remercier votre Majeste de l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clem m'a remise de sa part. Elle m'a ete droit au c[oe]ur, et je ne saurais exprimer a quel point j'ai ete touche de vos bons voeux pour ma famille, et de tout ce que vous me temoignez sur l'accroissement qu'il a plu a la Providence de lui donner dans mes _onze petits fils_.

Je me disposais a dire a votre Majeste que, quoiqu'avec un bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui vous portaient a remettre a une autre annee, cette visite si vivement desiree, et que j'esperais toujours trouver une compensation a cette privation, en allant de nouveau Lui offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les sentiments que je Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondement a Elle, ainsi qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai recu la nouvelle de la demission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous leurs Collegues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'etaient toujours si bien entendus avec les miens pour etablir entre nos deux Gouvernements, cette heureuse _entente cordiale_ qui est la base du repos du monde et de la prosperite de nos pays, continueraient encore longtemps a l'entretenir, et a la consolider de plus en plus. Cet espoir est decu!![33] Il faut s'y resigner; mais je suis empresse d'assurer votre Majeste, que quelque soit son nouveau Ministere, celui qui m'entoure aujourd'hui, et que je desire, et que j'espere conserver longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir cet heureux accord qu'il est si evidemment dans notre interet commun de conserver intact.

Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement precieux d'etre uni a votre Majeste et au Prince Albert par tant de liens, et qu'il se soit forme entre nous cet attachement mutuel, cette affection et cette confiance, qui sont au dessus et independants de toute consideration politique; mais qui pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer une influence salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis a votre Majeste et a son Epoux avec un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur cette assistance occasionnelle, et j'y compte entierement en vous demandant d'avoir la meme confiance de mon cote, et en vous repetant que cette confiance ne sera pas plus decue dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a ete dans le passe.

Votre Majeste me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de ma vive et sincere amitie. Je la prie aussi de recevoir celle de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame ma tres chere S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere et bien fidele Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.

[Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office
was of course dreaded by the King and Guizot.]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th December 1845._

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of this day's date,[34] and considering that it is of great importance that no time should be lost, has immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.

The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord John in using every effort to ensure the success of the great measure which is impending before he undertakes to form a Government.

The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has taken a copy of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she does not feel to have been authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case Sir Robert should have an objection to it Lord John will not retain the copy.

[Footnote 34: It is printed in the _Annual Register_, 1846, p.
17. Lord John considered the temporary suspension or repeal
of duties, with the prospect of their re-imposition, open to
grave objections.]

[Pageheading: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th December 1845._

Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, and after a full consideration of his position, _he will undertake to form a Government_.

As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the Queen much wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when he thinks it best to come down here.[35]

[Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable
difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli,
"handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir
Robert."]

[Pageheading: GREY AND PALMERSTON]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

(_12 o'clock._)

We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to explain why he had to give up the task of forming a Government. He had written to all his former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord Grey, who answered, "that he could only belong to a Government which pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade and abolition of all protection; that he had his own views upon the sugar question (as to which he advocated the admission of slave labour) and upon the Irish question (as to which his principle was to establish entire religious equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new Government no personal considerations should stand in the way of a full attention to public Duty."

Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the immediate question before them was the _Corn Laws_, he thought it wiser not to complicate this by other declarations which would produce a good deal of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland might be discussed in Cabinet when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in the last sentence.

After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord John considered now with his colleagues the peculiar measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could arrange a financial scheme which would satisfy Lord Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed interest. They all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon them, though they very much disliked taking office under such peculiar difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that the Queen had some apprehension that his return to the Foreign Office might cause great alarm in other countries, and particularly in France, and that this feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city; whether under these circumstances he would prefer some other office--for instance, the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he was not at all anxious for office, and should much regret that his accession should in any way embarrass Lord John; that he was quite prepared to support him out of office, but that his taking another department than his former one would be a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that had been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a long official life his disposition for peace, and only in one instance broke with France;[36] that that matter was gone by, and that nobody had stronger conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that he could not form a Government without him, and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord Palmerston's declaration.

[Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.]

Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This was an infringement of their compact"; that no _personal_ consideration should interfere with the discharge of public duty, and that he must decline entering the Government, as he considered Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office as fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John could not, under these circumstances, form a Government. He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by saying that therefore _he_ was not answerable for the failure to form an Administration.[37]

[Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay
in a letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to
the Press.]

Lord John gave the Queen a written statement[38] of the causes which induced him to relinquish the Government, and of the position he means to assume in Parliament. (He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel should re-enter and successfully carry his measures.)

[Footnote 38: Printed in _Annual Register_, 1846, p. 20.]

The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been--

Lord PALMERSTON, _Foreign Secretary_.
Lord GREY, _Colonial Secretary_.
Sir GEORGE GREY, _Home Secretary_.

(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and willing to go as Governor-General to Canada.)

Mr BARING, _Chancellor of the Exchequer_.
Lord CLARENDON, _President of the Board of Trade_.

(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his brother, Mr Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be in the Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of the question.)

Lord LANSDOWNE, _President of the Council_.

[Pageheading: CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL]

[Pageheading: PEEL RESUMES OFFICE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

(_4 o'clock_ P.M.)

We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had written) of what had passed. He was much affected, and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John to form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives. He would have supported Lord John in _any_ measure which he should have thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed his example. He blamed the want of deference shown to the Queen, by not answering her call with more readiness; he said it was quite new and unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he undertook to form a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with other people, to whom the Sovereign had not yet committed the task; and he had been certain it would end so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834 had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the King's hand as his Minister.

He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, all other considerations he had thrown aside, he would undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if she called upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet him at nine o'clock that evening, and that he would tell them what he meant to do. Those who would not go with him, he would dismiss at once. He did not wish to avail himself of any undue advantage, and therefore would not advise an Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"

He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination alone could overcome.

We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which he declared himself very much satisfied. He advised the Queen to write a letter to Lord John, announcing to him Sir Robert's consent to go on with the Government, and wrote a draft of it, which follows here.

He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the men whom Lord John had assembled in town.

Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with much warmth: "There is no sacrifice that I will not make for your Majesty, except that of my honour."

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _20th December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret that Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the formation of a Government.

He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell with the most scrupulous good faith, and that he should have done everything in his power to give Lord John support.

He thinks many would have been induced to follow his example.

Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to resume his office, though he is deeply sensible of the difficulties with which he has to contend.

[Pageheading: PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _21st December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and proceeds to give your Majesty an account of what has passed since he left your Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.

The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing Street at half-past nine.

Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned them for the purpose of deliberating on what was to be done, but for the purpose of announcing to them that he was your Majesty's Minister, and whether supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet Parliament as your Majesty's Minister, and to propose such measures as the public exigencies required.

Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but nothing could shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet Parliament and to advise the Speech from the Throne.

There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord Stanley's declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that he thought the Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might have been maintained.

The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a subordinate consideration. He was _delighted_ when he received Sir Robert Peel's letter that day, announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up to place his services at your Majesty's disposal.

The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably--was much agitated--thought new circumstances had arisen--would not then decide on resigning.

Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note from the Duke.[39]

He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that the present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether your Majesty's former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man to suggest now another alternative to your Majesty.

Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.

All the other members of the Government cordially approved of Sir Robert Peel's determination not to abandon your Majesty's service.

There was no question about details, but if there is any, it shall not alter Sir Robert Peel's course.

[Footnote 39: _See_ next letter.]

_The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel._

MONTAGU HOUSE, _20th December 1845._

MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,--That which has occurred this evening, and that which you have communicated to us, the very critical state in which the country now is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty under the present circumstances, has made a most strong impression upon my mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation or of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a few hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon the course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue? Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,

BUCCLEUCH.

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _22nd December 1845._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty be pleased to confide them to him.[40]

Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that immediate decision in filling up so eminent a post will have a good effect.

[Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the
seat at Newark which he had held through the influence of the
Protectionist Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election,
and though a Secretary of State, remained without a seat in
Parliament.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd December 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your two kind letters of the 17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have little to add to Albert's letter of yesterday, except my _extreme_ admiration of our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of unbounded _loyalty_, _courage_, patriotism, and _high-mindedness_, and his conduct towards me has been _chivalrous_ almost, I might say. I never have seen him so excited or so determined, and _such_ a good cause must succeed. We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord John's _own notions_ were _very_ good and moderate, he let himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by his _violent_ friends, and _all_ the moderate ones were crushed....

VICTORIA R.

_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._

WHITEHALL, _23rd December 1845._

SIR,--I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will have been pleased with the progress I have made in execution of the great trust again committed to me by Her Majesty.

It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's support out of office, to induce him to _discourage_ hostile combinations.

I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual kindness, to say that I had done full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the motives by which he had been actuated, and to the openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he might be still enabled not to oppose and even to promote the accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,

ROBERT PEEL.

[Pageheading: THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS]

[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th December 1845._

We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet for the despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert that he dreaded this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for his services, and begged he would do his best out of office to smooth down the difficulties her Government would have to contend with. At the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat, and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and thanked him for the devotion he had shown her during these trying circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent spirits. On my saying, "You have such an influence over the House of Lords, that you will be able to keep them straight," he answered: "I'll do anything; I am now beginning to write to them and to convince them singly of what their duty is."

We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than three hours. He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that the Duke should be made President, and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him he should do with him just as he liked--leave him out of the Cabinet, shift him to another place, or leave him at the Admiralty, as would suit him best.)

Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had behaved so well, but got no more out of him, but "that he would _almost_ have done the same." Sir Robert proposes to see Lord Ellenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty, received the Queen's sanction likewise to Lord St Germans (the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I said: "With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even if you had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't tell them but what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own course." He said in reply, that he should be very sorry if he had to have told his Cabinet that he meant to send for Lord Ellenborough. We could not help contrasting this conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to his people. It is to his _own_ talent and firmness that Sir Robert will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the last election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the end of the next Session to call the whole Conservative Party together and to declare this to them, that he would not meet another Parliament pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, which could be maintained no longer, and that he would make a public declaration to this effect before another general election came on. This had been defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn Laws before a national calamity would _force_ it on. The league had made immense progress, and had enormous means at their disposal. If he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists would have been prepared to form a Government, and a Revolution might have been the consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.

Sir Robert has _an immense scheme in view_; he thinks he shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the dangerous ground upon which it has got--that of a war between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only end in the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one. He will deal with the whole commercial system of the country. He will adopt the principle of the League, _that of removing all protection and abolishing all monopoly_, but not in favour of one class and as a triumph over another, but to the benefit of the nation, farmers as well as manufacturers. He would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had borne out the correctness of the principle: the wool duty was taken off, and wool sold higher than ever before; foreign cattle were let in, and the cattle of England stood better in the market than ever. He would not ask for compensation to the land, but wherever he could give it, and at the same time promote the social development, there he would do it, but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to the country would be the establishment of a rural police on the same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on the Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely relieved in all those counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest charges on the land was the present administration of law and the carrying on of prosecutions. Sir Robert could fancy this to be very much improved by the appointment of a _public_ prosecutor by the State, which would give the State a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary degree. Part of the maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, might be undertaken by the State. A great calamity must be foreseen, when the innumerable railroads now in progress shall have been terminated, which will be the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous labouring population suddenly out of employment. There might be a law passed which would provide employment for them, and improve the agriculture and production of the country, by enabling the State to advance money to the great proprietors for the improvements of their estates, which they could not obtain otherwise without charging their estates beyond what they already have to bear.

Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these details.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY]

_Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne._[41]

BOWOOD, _26th December 1845._

MY DEAR MELBOURNE,--I return you with many thanks George Anson's letter, which was enclosed in yours of the 23rd, which I received just as we were setting off for this place. Pray, when next you write to George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's communication. But I can assure you that although John Russell, in his Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have overstated the terms in which he had mentioned to me what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon that subject he never said anything more than is contained in George Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think that under all the circumstances of the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus much, and making me aware of the impression which seemed to exist upon the Queen's mind as to the way in which other persons might view my return to the Foreign Office.

With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always been convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to believe for an instant that I do not attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the most friendly relations with those leading Powers and States of the world with which serious differences would be attended with the most inconvenience. As to Peace, I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years[42] of great and extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it unavoidably happened during that period of time, that in pursuing the course of policy which seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the views of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object which we were pursuing was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There never was indeed, during those ten years, any real danger of war except on three occasions; and on each of those occasions the course pursued by the British Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after the accession of the King of the French, when Austria, Russia, and Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack France, and when the attitude assumed by the British Government prevented a rupture. The second was when England and France united by a Convention to wrest the Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to the King of the Belgians.[43] If England had not then joined with France, Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it would have led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when Mehemet Ali's army occupied Syria, and when he was constantly threatening to declare himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy Constantinople, and on the other hand, France announced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July 1840, proposed and brought about by the British Government, and the operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger; and, notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put an end to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.

I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home and abroad have imbibed the notion that I am more indifferent than I ought to be as to running the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded upon an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere, would soon yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that impression has been industriously propagated to a limited extent, partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks. These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged to accuse me of something. They could not charge me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings, whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or elsewhere; they could not charge me with having involved the country in war, because, in fact, we had maintained peace; and the only thing that was left for them to say was that my policy had a _tendency_ to produce war, and I suppose they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule that it did not do so.

But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter, the transaction which has by some been the most criticised in this respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the operations connected with it, were entirely approved by the leaders of the then Opposition, who, so far from feeling any disposition to favour me, had always made a determined run at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke of Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in the House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that transaction, and could not find that any fault had been committed by us in working it out; and I happen to know that Sir Robert Peel expressed to the representative of one of the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire approval of our course, while Lord Aberdeen said to one of them, that the course I had taken in that affair made him forgive me many things of former years, which he had thought he never should have forgiven.

I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has grown, and shall only add, with reference to our relations with France, that I had some very friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not enter into any conspiracy against Guizot and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we parted on very good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course Guizot would do me the same good office with his supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours affectionately,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.]

[Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.]

[Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the
assistance of the Belgians, who some time before had entered
Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel.]

[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY REINSTATED]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the French._

CH. DE W., _le 30 Decembre 1845._

SIRE ET MON TRES CHER FRERE,--Votre Majeste me pardonnera si je viens seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon c[oe]ur de votre lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j'etais occupee pendant ces dernieres 3 semaines. La Crise est passee et j'ai tout lieu de croire que le Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir de plus en plus, ce que je ne puis que desirer pour le bien-etre du pays. Je dois cependant dire a votre Majeste que si le Ministere eut change, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empresse de maintenir, comme nous le desirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale si heureusement etablie entre nos deux Gouvernements.

Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au mien nos felicitations les plus sinceres a l'occasion de la nouvelle Annee, dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec beaucoup d'interet le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez si aimablement du "friendly call" a Eu et des cooperations des 2 pays dans differentes parties du monde, et particulierement pour l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.

Ayez la grace, Sire, de deposer nos hommages et nos felicitations aux pieds de la Reine et de votre S[oe]ur. Agreez encore une fois, les expressions d'amitie et d'attachement sincere avec lesquelles je suis, Sire et mon bien cher Frere, de votre Majeste, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et fidele Amie,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1845._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 27th, by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel being again--and I sincerely and confidently hope for many years--my Minister. I have heard many instances of the confidence the country and _all_ parties have in Peel; for instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham--a most Radical place; and _Joseph Hume_ expressed great distress when Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The Members of the Government have behaved extremely well and with much disinterestedness. The Government has secured the services of Mr Gladstone and Lord Ellenborough,[44] who will be of great use. Lord E. is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.

We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few
Conservative statesmen of the day who, after remaining
faithful to Sir Robert Peel till the middle of 1846,
subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord Derby and Mr
Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with those
Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XV

The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling political events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a Government, and Sir Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly constitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but on the night that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated on an Irish Coercion Bill by a factious combination in the Commons between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on this occasion was able to form an administration, though he failed in his attempt to include in it some important members of the outgoing Government.

Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was shattered; after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action could take place between his supporters in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the Russell Government, his chief care being to maintain them in office as against the Protectionists.

In India the British army was successful in its operations against the Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed on between Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore, peace being signed on 8th March.

On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her sister, which had so long been considered an international question, came at last to a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the Spanish people, except in so far as might be necessary to check the undue ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.

It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at the Chateau d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de Montpensier, Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable qualities, and feeble in _physique_. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked.

At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner her Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an insurrection for several months: at the close of the year her arms were victorious at the lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end.

In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting Powers" of Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only became possible in consequence of the _entente_ between England and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their formal but separate protests were disregarded.

There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to announce in the Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for adjusting the question, had been accepted by the American President.