Chapter XV (1)

1846

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd January 1846._

The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his beautiful and indeed _unanswerable_ speech of last night, which we have been reading with the greatest attention.[1] The concluding part we also greatly admire. Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the impression which it has made must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is a fair one;[2] the Queen has _not_ a doubt that he will support Sir Robert Peel.

He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but perhaps he could not do so without exposing Lord Palmerston.

What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of Commons, and of the debate in the House of Lords? The debates not being adjourned is a good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we were never better received.

[Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the
Prime Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately
after the seconder of the Address, and in his peroration,
after laying stress on the responsibilities he was incurring,
proceeded: "I do not desire to be Minister of England; but
while I am Minister of England I will hold office by no
servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other
obligation than that of consulting the public interests and
providing for the public safety."]

[Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made
the difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry
insuperable.]

[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER]

_Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria._[3]

CAMP, LULLIANEE, 24 miles from LAHORE, _18th February 1846._

The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between the Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier forward, within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as to have 50 miles of British territory in front of Loodiana, which, relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to the Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest side, to curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas River instead of the Sutlej--to round off our hill possessions near Simla--to weaken the Sikh State which has proved itself to be too strong--and to show to all Asia that although the British Government has not deemed it expedient to annex this immense country of the Punjab, making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its powers in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the same political and military reason, the Governor-General hopes to be able before the negotiations are closed to make arrangements by which Cashmere may be added to the possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains. The Sikhs declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one million and a half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this case, if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for the expenses of the war, the district of Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah become one of the Princes of Hindostan.

There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but considering the military power which the Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing into the field 80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it appears to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the means of this warlike people to repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the British Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a reverse, would have captured Delhi, and a people having 50,000 regular troops and 300 pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that cannot be tolerated for the future....

The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to carry on the service in cordial co-operation with the Governor-General, and the marked bravery and invincibility of your Majesty's English troops, have overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have been such that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended the arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.

[Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th
February by the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough,
reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from his victory at
Aliwal. _See_ p. 71.]

[Pageheading: PEEL'S ANXIETIES]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _3rd March 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for a most dear and kind letter of the 28th, which I received this morning. You know how I love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is the dearest friend, after my beloved Albert, I have.

I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a few days during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations and improvements which have taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, out all day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create for themselves in London. Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great energy he _alone possesses_ which will carry him through the Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did he not feel (as _every one_ who is fully acquainted with the _real state_ of the country must feel) that the line he pursues is the _only right_ and sound one for the welfare of this country, he never would have exposed himself to all the annoyance and pain of being attacked by his friends. He was, however, determined to have done this before the next general election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to you fully himself the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular state of affairs. His majority was _not_ a _certain_ one _last year_, for on Maynooth, upwards of a _hundred_ of his followers voted against him.

The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do justice to the bravery of our good people.

[Pageheading: DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._

OSBORNE, _4th March 1846._

The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity of expressing to Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his conduct on the last most trying occasion, and of the courage and gallantry of the officers and men who had so severe a contest to endure.[4] Their conduct has been in every way worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have sustained in so many brave officers and men is very painful, and must alloy the satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant successes of our Arms. Most deeply do we lament the death of Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'Caskill,[5] and Major Broadfoot,[6] and most deeply do we sympathise with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who has had the misfortune to lose her husband less than three years after she was released from captivity and restored to him.

We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health has not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so mercifully preserved. The Queen will look forward with great anxiety to the next news from India.

[Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on
21st and 22nd December.]

[Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the
second Afghan campaign.]

[Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on
the north-western frontier.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st April 1846._

I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a memorandum, which I had drawn up respecting our conversation of the 30th.

It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could render it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through. Sir Robert read it through and over again, and, after a long pause, said: "I was not aware when I spoke to your Royal Highness that my words would be taken down, and don't acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that what he said should be committed to paper, he would speak differently, and give his opinion with all the circumspection and reserve which a Minister ought to employ when he gave responsible advice; but he had in this instance spoken quite unreservedly, like an advocate defending a point in debate, and then he had taken another and tried to carry this as far as it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of judging of the different bearings of the question. He did so often in the Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was often asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this measure?" "Not at all, but I want that the counter argument should be gone into to the fullest extent, in order that the Cabinet should not take a one-sided view."

He viewed the existence of such a paper with much uneasiness, as it might appear as if he had left this before going out of office in order to prepossess the Queen against the measures, which her future Minister might propose to her, and so lay secretly the foundation of his fall. The existence of such a paper might cause great embarrassment to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister who proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be said, she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had warned her and left on record the serious objections that attached to the measure.

I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess his views on the question, but that I thought I would not have been justified in keeping a record of our conversation without showing it to him, and asking him whether I had rightly understood him; but if he felt a moment's uneasiness about this memorandum, I would at once destroy it, as I was anxious that nothing should prevent his speaking without the slightest reserve to me in future as he had done heretofore. I felt that these open discussions were of the greatest use to me in my endeavour to investigate the different political questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon them. As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I took it as an affirmative, and threw the memorandum into the fire, which, I could see, relieved Sir Robert.

ALBERT.

_Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._

13 CARLTON HOUSE TERRACE, _1st April 1846._

Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and prays that he may be honoured with your Majesty's permission to direct that the Park and Tower Guns may be fired forthwith in celebration of the victory which was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh army in Sobraon on the 10th of February.[7]

[Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as
a precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of
Tel-el-Kebir. See _Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers_, by
Colonel Childers, C.B., R.E., vol. ii p. 127.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th April 1846._

The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge in order to express her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy termination of our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he communicated to her in his long and interesting letter of the 18th and 19th February. The Queen much admires the skill and valour with which their difficult operations have been conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir Henry Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an acknowledgment of this in the communication she has ordered to be made to him relative to his elevation to the Peerage.

The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this glorious occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry Hardinge.

[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_The King of the French to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _5 Mai 1846._

MADAME MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Quand le 1^er de Mai, au moment ou j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues receptions de mon jour de fete, on m'a remis la lettre si gracieuse que votre Majeste a eu l'aimable attention de m'ecrire de maniere a ce que je la recoive ce jour la, j'en ai ete penetre, et j'ai pense tout de suite aux paroles du Menuet d'Iphigenie comme exprimant le remerciment qu'a mon grand regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par ecrit dans un pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de suite la partition de ce menuet, et celles du Ch[oe]ur du meme Opera de Glueck "_Chantons, celebrons notre Reine!_" mais on n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et j'ai du me contenter de les avoir arranges pour le piano dans un livre (pas meme relie) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la musique de cet Opera. Je l'ai mis dans une grande enveloppe adressee a votre Majeste et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de l'expedier par le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger, comme Depeche, afin d'eviter ces postages dont Lord Liverpool m'a revele l'etonnant usage.

Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a penetre cette nouvelle marque d'amitie de votre part? Vous connaissez celle que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive et sincere. J'espere bien que l'annee ne s'ecoulera pas sans que j'aie ete presenter mes hommages a votre Majeste....

Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de plus en plus l'esperance que la crise Parlementaire dans laquelle le Ministere de votre Majeste se trouve engage, se terminera, comme Elle sait que je le desire vivement, c'est-a-dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast, et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres quand j'aurai le bonheur de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir que ce v[oe]u est a peu pres general en France, et qu'il se manifeste de plus en plus....

Que votre Majeste me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de ma plus tendre amitie, et qu'elle veuille bien me croire pour la vie, Madame ma tres chere S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere et bien fidele Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE, R.

J'ai vole ces feuilles de papier a ma bonne Reine pour echapper aux reproches trop bien fondes que Lord Aberdeen a faits a la derniere fourniture dont je me suis servi.

[Pageheading: IRISH CRIMES BILL]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th June 1846._ (_Friday Night._)

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been made to-night with the Irish Bill.[8]

On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that opportunity of defending himself from the accusations[9] brought forward by Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli against Sir Robert Peel for transactions that took place twenty years since. The debate on this preliminary question lasted until nearly half-past eleven.

Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir Robert Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors.

He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John Russell and Lord Morpeth behaved very well.

The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a few Protectionists.

[Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in
Ireland, a Coercion Bill had been introduced.]

[Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation
discussions of 1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel
of having hounded Canning to death.]

[Pageheading: ATTACK ON PEEL]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _22nd June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and assures your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep sense of your Majesty's great kindness and your Majesty's generous sympathy with himself and Lady Peel.

Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack made upon him was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by Mr Disraeli and Lord George Bentinck, in the hope and belief that from the lapse of time or want of leisure in Sir Robert Peel to collect materials for his defence, or the destruction of documents and papers, the means of complete refutation might be wanting....

He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate the falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of the accusers.

He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for the kind interest you have manifested during the progress of this arduous struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to a successful termination.

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _26th June 1846._ (_Two o'clock._)

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the Government met in Cabinet to-day at one.

Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting.

He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender his resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that, feeling no assurance that the result of a Dissolution would be to give a majority agreeing with the Government in general principles of policy, and sufficient in amount to enable the Government to conduct the business of the country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your Majesty and the public at large, he could not advise your Majesty to dissolve the Parliament.

Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government generally ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to his own course.

There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and for the reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise dissolution. If Sir Robert Peel does not receive your Majesty's commands to wait upon your Majesty in the course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne about half-past three to-morrow.

[Pageheading: PEEL'S RESIGNATION]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _28th June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post, the labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for anybody to bear, and which in these last six months were particularly onerous. In fact, he said that he would not have been able to stand it much longer. Nothing, however, would have induced him to give way before he had passed the Corn Bill and the Tariff.[10] The majority upon the Irish Bill was much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was glad of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the necessity of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as for himself personally, he had made up his mind to resign, and on being asked what he advised his Cabinet to do, he recommended them to do the same, which received general concurrence. The last weeks had not been without some intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham, who wished Sir Robert and Sir James Graham to retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite with the Protection section of the Conservatives, and to carry on the Government. Lord Ellenborough and Lord Brougham had in December last settled to head the Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by Lord Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of the Admiralty; Lord Brougham then declared for free trade, perhaps in order to follow Lord Ellenborough into office. The Duke of Wellington had been for dissolution till he saw the complete disorganisation of his party in the House of Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had made every exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority was still increased by Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders and Radicals, who had intended to stay away in order not to endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to do so as they would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists voted with the majority.

[Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed
through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were
defeated in the Commons.]

Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord John Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of Wight in order to tender his and his colleagues' resignation to the Queen, that he did not the least know what Her Majesty's intentions were, but that in case she should send for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see Lord John (should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to the state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he could desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least committing the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had nothing to fear on his part, and that, on the contrary, he could reckon upon his assistance in starting the Queen's new Government. He hoped likewise that this would tend to dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _29th June 1846._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his speech notifying to the House the resignation of the Government.

He thinks it was very well received.[11] Lord Palmerston spoke after Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no other person spoke. Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John Russell at ten to-morrow morning.

Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the intelligence received _this day_ from America. The defeat of the Government on the day on which they carried the Corn Bill, and the receipt of the intelligence from America[12] on the day on which they resign, are singular coincidences.

[Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with
goodwill "in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour,
and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows,
when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant
and untaxed food, the sweeter because no longer leavened with
a sense of injustice."]

[Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to
the Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States
Government.]

[Pageheading: PEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN]

_The Bishop of Oxford[13] to Mr Anson._

61 EATON PLACE, _29th June 1846._ (_Midnight._)

MY DEAR ANSON,--Your kind letter reached me half an hour ago whilst Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say a few words in reply by the early post. I went down to hear Peel in the House of Commons, and very fine it was. The House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling every seat and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose for anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in, walked up the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than ever, yet to a close gaze showing the fullest working of a smothered volcano of emotions. He was out of breath with walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench (placing a small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table) as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he rose, amidst a breathless silence, and made the speech you will have read long ere this. It was very fine: very effective: really almost solemn: to fall at such a moment. He spoke as if it was his last political scene: as if he felt that between alienated friends and unwon foes he could have no party again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I thought doubtful: the apostrophe to "Richard Cobden."[14] I think it was wrong, though there is very much to be said for it. The opening of the American peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to? Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig budget and deficiency. The first great question all men ask is: does Lord John come in, leaning on Radical or Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the Cabinet? the first Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I wish you were near enough to talk to, though even then you would know too much that must not be known for a comfortable talk. But I shall hope soon to see you; and am always, my dear Anson, very sincerely and affectionately yours,

S. OXON.

[Footnote 13: Dr S. Wilberforce.]

[Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will
be, associated with the success of these measures, is the name
of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested
motives, has advocated their cause with untiring energy, and
by appeals to reason, enforced by an eloquence the more to
be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned--the
name which ought to be and which will be associated with the
success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden."]

[Pageheading: THE NEW GOVERNMENT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _30th June 1846._

Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen Sir Robert Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake the formation of a Government which he thinks will stand; at least, for the present session he anticipates no difficulty, as Sir R. Peel has professed himself ready not to obstruct its progress, and as the Protectionists have held a meeting on Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared that he would let this Government go on smoothly unless the word "Irish Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John has consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon, and Cottenham, who were of opinion that the Liberal members of Sir Robert's Cabinet ought to be induced to retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he would not consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters away from him (it not being his intention to form a party), and that he would not dissuade them from accepting the offer, but that he feared that they would not accept. We concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised by Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of the Exchequer under the late Whig Government, has intimated to Lord John that he would prefer if no offer of office was made to him; Lord John would therefore recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey was still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if he could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His speech in the House of Lords[15] at the beginning of the session had done much harm, had been very extreme, and Lord John was decidedly against him in that. Lord Grey knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody would be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great influence with him might keep him quiet, and so would the Colonial seals, as he would get work enough. About Lord Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no more make any difficulty.

[Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long
speech on the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the
poverty of the Roman Catholic Church in that country with the
affluence of the Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the
superior power of England from its original objects; adding
that the Protestant Church was regarded by the great mass of
the Irish people as an active cause of oppression and misery.]

Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had forgotten to mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir Robert Peel by his speech and his special mention of Mr Cobden as the person who had carried the great measure, had made it very difficult for Lord John not to offer office to Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of being exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work. The only thing he could offer would be a _Cabinet_ office. Now this would affront a great many people whom he (Lord J.) had to conciliate, and create even possibly dissension in his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going on the Continent for a year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon to write to Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going abroad, that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that he considered him as entitled once to be recommended for office to the Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's permission....

[Pageheading: THE NEW MINISTRY]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

OSBORNE, _1st July 1846._

The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The settlement of the Oregon question has given us the greatest satisfaction. It does seem strange that at the moment of triumph the Government should have to resign. The Queen read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great admiration. The Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir Robert again) of expressing her _deep_ concern at losing his services, which she regrets as much for the Country as for herself and the Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel may be, we shall ever look on him as a kind and true friend, and ever have the greatest esteem and regard for him as a Minister and as a private individual.

The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord John Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to Sir Robert. She does not think, however, that he mentioned the wish Lord John expressed that Lord Liverpool should retain his office, which however (much as we should personally like it) we think he would not do.

What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do his own followers say to the state of affairs?

[Pageheading: WHIG JEALOUSIES]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th July 1846._

Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy Council, and the Seals of Office transferred to them. We had a long conversation with Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I mentioned to him that his word of "Richard Cobden" had created an immense sensation, but he was not inclined to enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing which could widen the breach between him and his party, he said, "I don't think that we can ever get together again." He repeated that he was anxious not to undertake a Government again, that his health would not stand it, that it was better likewise for the Queen's service that other, younger men should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had tears in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her confidence and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an interview with Lord Palmerston, and says that when he (Lord A.) came into office, Lord Palmerston and the _Chronicle_ assailed him most bitterly as an imbecile Minister, a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now to show Lord P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him in every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times speak to him as if he was his colleague if he wished it.

The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded in obtaining a very respectable and proper one, notwithstanding the run which the Party made upon it which had been formerly used to settle these matters, to _their_ liking only. The Government is not a united one, however, by any means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the Government,[16] and are responsible to Lord John to keep him quiet, which they think they will be able to do, as he had been convinced of the folly of his former line of conduct. Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead only nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the House of Lords. There is the _Grey Party_, consisting of Lord Grey, Lord Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are against Lord Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and Sir John Hobhouse, stigmatising them as old women. Lord John leans entirely to the last-named gentlemen. There is no cordiality between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, who, if he had to make a choice, would even forget what passed in December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to Lord John personally. The curious part of all this is that they cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They got the _Times_ over by giving it exclusive information, and the leading articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet, but the wicked paper added immediately a furious attack upon Sir John Hobhouse, which alarmed them so much that they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether he would be hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control. (This, however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.) Sir John Easthope, the proprietor of the _Morning Chronicle_, complains bitterly of the subserviency to the _Times_ and treason to him. He says he knows that the information was sent from Lord John's house, and threatens revenge. "If you will be ruled by the _Times_," he said to one of the Cabinet, "the _Times_ has shown you already by a specimen that you will be ruled by a rod of iron."

[Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to
Palmerston's re-appointment to the Foreign Office. See _ante_,
p. 60.]

A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to satisfy Lord Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal.

ALBERT.

The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s, are to give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which he is to announce his opinions upon the line they are to take. Lord George Bentinck is there to lay down the lead which the Party insisted upon. Who is to follow him as their leader in the Commons nobody knows.

[Pageheading: A WEAK GOVERNMENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _7th July 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for your kind letter of the 3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day for me. I had to part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen, who are irreparable losses to us and the Country; they were both so much overcome that it quite overset me, and we have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe with them. Never, during the five years that they were with me, did they _ever_ recommend a _person_ or a thing which was not for my or the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage only; and the contrast _now_ is very striking; there is much less respect and much less high and pure feeling. Then the discretion of Peel, I believe, is unexampled.

Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs, which is unexampled, and I think the present Government _very_ weak and extremely disunited. What may appear to you as a mistake in November was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen very truly explained it yesterday. "We had ill luck," he said; "if it had not been for this famine in Ireland, which rendered immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the Corn Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely made this change (for which the _whole_ Country blesses him), a convulsion would shortly have taken place, and we should have been _forced_ to yield what has been granted as a boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party (which _will_ come together again, whether under Peel or some one else) is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted, and I do not know exactly _why_ he did it (though we _can_ guess), was his praise of _Cobden_, which has shocked people a good deal.

But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't think what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up of all this intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable.

We have contrived to get a _very_ respectable Court.

Albert's use to me, and I may say to the _Country_, by his firmness and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments of trial.

We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by all these tribulations.

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome at taking leave of us.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th July 1846._

The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting communications. Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has taken place in the Country; one of the most brilliant Governments this Country ever had has fallen at the moment of victory! The Queen has now, besides mourning over this event, the anxiety of having to see the Government carried on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country. The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment of this object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at the head of the Government of India, where great experiments have been made which require unity of purpose and system to be carried out successfully.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _10th July 1846._

... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J. Russell, though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks the one to Father Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite true that he has done much good by preaching temperance, but by the aid of superstition, which can hardly be patronised by the Crown.[17]

The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to speak out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without reserve.

[Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.]

[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

OSBORNE, _14th July 1846._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We are very happily established here since Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly enjoyable place; we drive, walk, and sit out--and the nights are so fine. I long for you to be here. It has quite restored my spirits, which were much shaken by the sad leave-takings in London--of Sir R. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, etc. Lord L. could _not well_ have stayed. Lord Aberdeen was very much overset.

The present Government is weak, and I think Lord J. does not possess the talent of keeping his people together. Most people think, however, that they will get through this Session; the only question of difficulty is the _sugar_ question.

I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever desirable--now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would prove to the world that this _new_ Government was hostile, and the _entente cordiale_ no longer sure. Pray impress this on the King--and I _hope_ and _beg_ he will let the dear Nemours pay us a little visit in November. It would have the best effect, and be so pleasant, as we are so dull in the winter all by ourselves. I hope that in future, when the King and the Family are at _Eu_, some of them will frequently come over to see us _here_. It would be so nice and _so near_.

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall _not_ have to _write_ to you again, but have the happiness of _saying de vive voix_, that I am ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th July 1846._

... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, Viscount Palmerston has received a good deal of general information from persons who have conversed with him on the subject, but he has learnt nothing thereupon which was not already known to your Majesty. The state of that matter seems, in a few words, to be that the Count of Trapani is now quite out of the question, that the Count of Montemolin, though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice, and that the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and the Prince Leopold of Coburg, the two Queens being equally set against the Duke of Cadiz, Don Enrique's elder brother. In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be the two Queens, and a party (of what extent and influence does not appear) in Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at least, the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria.

In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the Spanish nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their Sovereign's husband; and the preference, expressed only as an opinion and without any acts in furtherance of it, by your Majesty's late Administration. Against Don Enrique are the aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on her family differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of the present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power endangered by the political connection between Don Enrique and the more Liberal Party. The sentiments of the King of the French in regard to Don Enrique seem not very decided; but it appears likely that the King of the French would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to Don Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the Prince Leopold of Coburg, because the former would fall within the category of Bourbon princes, descended from Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the King of the French as the limited circle within which the Queen of Spain should find a husband.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

_16th July 1846._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter, and is very much satisfied with his parting conversation with Ibrahim Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon him. The view Lord Palmerston takes about the present position of the Spanish marriage question appears to the Queen quite correct. She finds only one omission, which is Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique, and the danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by a Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political enemy of the opposite Party.[18]

The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about Portugal, which is really in an alarming state.[19] She sends herewith the last letter which she received from the King of Portugal. The Queen is sorry to have lost the opportunity of seeing Marshal Saldanha.

[Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his
celebrated despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed
a copy of it to Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The
mention of Prince Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for
the Queen of Spain's hand, gave the French King and Minister
the opportunity they wanted, and brought matters to a crisis.
See _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. i. chap. xvii.;
Dalling's _Life of Lord Palmerston,_ vol. iii. chaps. vii. and
viii.]

[Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on
the Bank of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War
Minister) had some difficulty in raising a loan.]

[Pageheading: THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE HOUSE, _16th July 1846._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication of yesterday, and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar measure[20] may be such that the Committee of the Cabinet, as well as the whole Cabinet and _Parliament_, may concur in it, which would save the country another struggle this year. The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience and good sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the possibility of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put Lord John in possession of her views upon this subject _generally_. She considers the power of dissolving Parliament a most valuable and powerful instrument in the hands of the Crown, but which ought not to be used except in extreme cases and with a certainty of success. To use this instrument and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown and hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she made a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the result has been a majority returned against her of nearly one hundred votes; but suppose the result to have been nearly an equality of votes between the two contending parties, the Queen would have thrown away her last remedy, and it would have been impossible for her to get any Government which could have carried on public business with a chance of success.

The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did not ask for a Dissolution, and she _entirely concurs_ in the opinion expressed by him in his last speech in the House of Commons, when he said:

"I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a fair, reasonable presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after a Dissolution they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I think the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if it be resorted to without necessity.

"The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong presumption that after a Dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in this House to give effect practically to the measures which we might propose. I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on _one great question of domestic policy_, however important that may be, not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of public policy, agreeing with us in one; but that we should have the support of a powerful party united by a general concurrence of political opinions."

The Queen is confident that these views will be in accordance with Lord John Russell's own sentiments and opinions upon this subject.

[Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the
Ministry introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties
on foreign slave-grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of
equalising them with those on Colonial produce.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _21st July 1846._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and is much delighted at again hearing from your Majesty.

What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of parties in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir Robert Peel had a party which might have enabled him to have long carried on the Government if he had not most unaccountably chosen himself to scatter it to the winds.

Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that your Majesty would not have been displeased or unwilling to see him again amongst your confidential servants, but your Majesty acted most kindly and most judiciously in not calling upon him in November last, and John Russell has done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall during the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir Robert Peel's Government must be very speedily dissolved; and upon considering the state of his own health and feelings, he came to the determination, which he communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he could take no active part in the then speedily approaching crisis. He felt himself quite unequal to the work, and also to that of either of the Secretaries of State, or even of the more subordinate and less heavy and responsible offices. He is very subject to have accesses of weakness, which render him incapable for exertion, and deprive his life of much of its enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten its termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to foretell or foresee.

Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon your Majesty on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of the full dress uniform. He begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness.

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE AND PEEL]

_Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert._

DRAYTON MANOR, FAZELEY, _August 1846._

SIR,--I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal Highness's kind permission occasionally to write to your Royal Highness. However much I am enjoying the contrast between repose and official life, I may say--I hope without presumption, I am sure with perfect sincerity--that the total interruption of every sort of communication with your Royal Highness would be a very severe penalty.

It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of my correspondence all the letters which I had received from the Queen and your Royal Highness during the long period of five years, in order that I might ensure their exemption from the fate to which in these days all letters seem to be destined, and I could not review them without a mixed feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence and kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest and pleasure was dried up.

I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious wishes, and occasionally write to you, without saying a word of which the most jealous or sensitive successor in the confidence of the Queen could complain.... Your faithful and humble Servant,

ROBERT PEEL.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._

The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses very much for her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put Lord John Russell in possession of her views on this subject.

It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken, and which the Queen would be glad to have accomplished, because it must be disagreeable to her that people should speculate whether she _dare_ visit one part of her dominions. Much will depend on the proper moment, for, after those speculations, it ought to succeed if undertaken.

The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a National thing, and the good which it is to do must be a permanent and not a transitory advantage to a particular Government, having the appearance of a party move.

As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former ones, but a State act, it will have to be done with a certain degree of State, and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot be expected that the main expense of it should fall upon the Civil List, nor would this be able to bear it.

[Pageheading: CANADIAN AFFAIRS]

_The Prince Albert to Earl Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd August 1846._