Chapter XIX (3)

Having _invariably encouraged Constitutional_ development in other countries,... and having at the beginning of the great movement in 1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the following years, _sent_ a Cabinet Minister to Italy to _declare_ to all Italian states that _England_ would _protect_ them from Austria if she should attempt by threats and violence to debar them from the _attainment_ of their _Constitutional_ development, _consistency_ would require that we should _now_, when that great struggle is at its end and _despotism_ is to be _re-imposed_ by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw _our weight_ into the scale of _Constitutional_ Prussia and Germany.... The Queen is afraid, however, that all our Ministers abroad,--at Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart, Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord Cowley at Frankfort)--are warm partisans of the _despotic_ league against Prussia and a German Constitution and _for_ the maintenance of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian influence. Ought not Lord Palmerston to make his agents understand that their sentiments are at variance with those of the English Government? and that they are doing _serious mischief_ if they express them at Courts which have _already_ every inclination to follow their desperate course?

Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is that "_no organic change can be made_ without _unanimity_ of voices," which was the cause of the nullity of that body from 1820 to 1848, and will now enable Austria, should Prussia and her confederates recognise the Diet, to condemn Germany to a further life of stagnation or new revolution.

[Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.]

[Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the
Queen's in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord
Cowley: "Her (_i.e._ Prussia's) partisans try to make out
that the contest between her and Austria is a struggle between
constitutional and arbitrary Government, but it is no such
thing." Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. 1. chap. vi.]

[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _18th November 1850._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty. With respect to the maintenance of Constitutional Government in Germany, Viscount Palmerston entirely subscribes to your Majesty's opinion, that a regard for consistency, as well as a sense of right and justice, ought to lead your Majesty's Government to give to the Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support which they endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere; but though he is conscious that he may be deceived and may think better of the Austrian Government in this respect than it deserves, yet he cannot persuade himself that rational and sound Constitutional Government is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes, can think it possible in the present day to re-establish despotic government in a nation so enlightened, and so attached to free institutions as the German people now is. The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in the opposite direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation with which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before had refused everything resolved in a moment of alarm to grant everything, and, passing from one extreme to the other, threw universal suffrage among people who had been, some wholly and others very much, unaccustomed to the working of representative Government. The French have found universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a Republic; what must it be for a Monarchy?

Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that the conflict between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said to have turned upon principles of Government so much as upon a struggle for political ascendency in Germany. At Berlin, at Dresden, and in Baden the Prussian Government has very properly no doubt employed military force to reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as a military one, and the objection which she made to the entrance of the troops of the Diet was that those troops might become hostile, and that they ought not, therefore, to occupy a central position in the line of military defence of Prussia.

The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity being required for certain purposes by the Diet regulations is no doubt very just, and that circumstance certainly shows that the free Conference which is about to be held is a better constructed body for planning a new arrangement of a central organ.[49]

[Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the
relative predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was
left undecided for some years to come.]

[Pageheading: STATE OF THE CONTINENT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, and the dear little English one from dear little Charlotte, which is so nicely written, and shows such an amiable disposition. I send her to-day a little heart for the hair of our blessed Angel, which I hope she will often wear. Our girls have all got one. I have written to the dear child. You should have the dear children as much with you as possible; I am _sure_ it would be so _good and useful_ for _you_ and _them_. Children ought to have great confidence in their parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.

Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she lives, in eight years more she may be married! She is a very clever child, and I must say very much improved.

The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria and the giving way of Prussia are lamentable. _Our_ influence on the Continent is _null_.... Add to this, we are between two fires in _this_ country: a furious Protestant feeling and an enraged Catholic feeling in Ireland. I believe that Austria fans the flame at Rome, and that the _whole movement_ on the Continent is _anti-Constitutional_, _anti-Protestant_, _and anti-English_; and this is so complicated, and we have (thanks to Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel _so happily_, separately with each, that I do not know _how_ we are to stand against it all!

I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as time goes on.

_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk._

Windsor Castle, _22nd November 1850._

MY DEAR DUCHESS,--It is very remiss in me not to have sooner answered your letter with the enclosure, but I received it at a moment of great grief, and since then I have been much occupied.

I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of the Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no _real_ danger to be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I believe they see that they have been misled and misinformed as to the feeling of this country by some of the new converts to their religion. The real danger to be apprehended, and what I am certain has led to these proceedings on the part of the Pope, lies in _our own_ divisions, and in the extraordinary conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many may now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any acts of intolerance towards the many innocent people who I believe entirely disapprove the injudicious conduct of their Clergy.

Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours, affectionately,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th November 1850._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have no dear letter to answer, but write to keep to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to me by the recollection of our dearly beloved Louise.

We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our religious troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal Wiseman _himself_ admits that Austria not only approves the conduct of the Pope but is urging _on_ the _Propaganda_. I _know this_ to be so. Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to steer clear of both parties--the violent Protestants and the Roman Catholics. We wish in no way to infringe the rights of the Roman Catholics, while we must protect and uphold our own religion.

We have seen General Radowitz,[50] with whom we have been much interested; his accounts are very clear and very able, and I must say, very fair and strictly constitutional. You know him, I suppose? Might I again ask, dearest Uncle, if you would like to have a copy of Ross's picture of our angel Louise or of Winterhalter's?

Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her enquiries after you.

I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for
Foreign Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a
special mission from the King of Prussia.]

[Pageheading: STATE OF GERMANY]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Two of your dear letters are before me, of the 29th November and of yesterday. In the former you _give me a promise_, which I consider _most_ valuable, and which I shall _remind_ you of if you get desponding, viz. "I will to please you _labour on, and do all the good I can_." It is so pleasing to feel that one _does_ good and does one's duty. It sweetens so many bitter trials.

The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a mistake to think the _supremacy of Prussia_ is _what is wished for_. General Radowitz himself says that what is necessary for Germany [is] that she should take the lead, and should redeem the pledges given in '48. Unless this be _done_ in a moderate and determined way, a _fearful reaction_ will take place, which will _overturn Thrones_; to use Radowitz's own words: "_und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben_." Prussia is the _only large_ and powerful _really German_ Power there is, and therefore she must take the lead; but her constant vacillation--one day doing one thing and another day another--has caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are quite right in saying things should be done _d'un commun accord_, and I think that the other great Powers ought to be consulted. Unfortunately, _Lord Palmerston_ has contrived to make us _so hated_ by all parties abroad, that we have lost our position and our influence, which, considering the flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all the European convulsions, _ought_ to have been _immense_. This it is which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have so plainly been speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a noble position we _might_ have had, and how wantonly has it been thrown away!

Good Stockmar is well, and always of the _greatest_ comfort and use to us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and so dispassionate. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND ROME]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th December 1850._

The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft yesterday. He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr Sheil's[51] presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her own part, she thinks it entirely against her notions of what is _becoming_ to _ask_ the _Pope_ for a _favour_ (for it is tantamount to that) at a moment when his name is being vilified and abused in every possible manner in this country. It strikes the Queen as an _undignified_ course for this Government to pursue.

The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between the Archbishop and Lord John.[52] She trusts that something may be done, as the desire for it seems to be so great. On the other hand, the Queen deeply regrets the great abuse of the Roman Catholic religion which takes place at all these meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and unwise, and trusts that it will soon cease....

[Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.]

[Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the
introduction of their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.]

[Pageheading: LADY PEEL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th December 1850._

MY BELOVED UNCLE,--My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat hurried and short one, for my morning has been taken up in receiving in state Addresses from the City and Universities about this _unfortunate_ "Papal Aggression" business, which is still keeping people in a feverish state of wild excitement.[53] _One_ good effect it has had, viz. that of directing people's serious attention to the very alarming tendency of the _Tractarians_, which was doing _immense_ harm....

_Many, many thanks_ for your two dear and kind letters of the 6th and of yesterday. All you _say_ about _Louise_, and about the disappearance _for ever_ of _all_ that _she loved_ and was _proud of_, is so true, so _dreadful_. One fancies (foolishly and wrongly, but still one _does_) that the lost one has been hardly used in no longer enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's grief seems to break out afresh in bitter agony upon _small and comparatively trifling_ occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom I saw for the first time yesterday at Buckingham Palace, whither I had gone for an hour) expressed _this_ strongly. _Hers_ is indeed a _broken heart_; she is so _truly_ crushed by the _agony_ of _her_ grief; it was _very_ touching to see and to hear her. Poor thing! she _never_ can be happy again!

What you say about _me_ is far too kind. I am very _often_ sadly dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I have.

Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs are very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards," as you say, of my poor friend the King of Prussia is _calamitous_; it causes _all_ parties to distrust him, and gives _real_ strength only to the Republicans. Since '48 that has been his conduct, and the _misfortune_ for Germany. A _steady_ course, _whatever_ it may be, is _always_ the best.

What you say about poor Helene[54] and France is true and sad. I really wish you would caution Helene as to her language; she is much attached to you. I _pity_ her very much; her position is very trying, and her religion renders it more difficult even.

I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going _alone_ to Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your poor children also ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor,
Prince Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the
Universities of Cambridge and Oxford.]

[Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.]

[Pageheading: THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _11th December 1850._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day considered at great length the question of the steps to be taken in respect to the Papal Aggression.

The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to bring a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any titles of archbishop, etc., of any place in the United Kingdom illegal, and to make any gift of property conveyed under such title null and void.

[Pageheading: RITUALISM]

_Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th December 1850._

MY DEAR AUNT,--Many thanks for your kind letter; you are quite right not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by mentioning to her what I wrote to you about the Bishop of London.[55] I am glad that you are pleased with my answers to the Addresses; I thought them very proper.[56]

I would never have consented to say anything which breathed a spirit of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I always have been and always shall be, and indignant as I am at those who _call themselves Protestants_, while they in fact _are_ quite the _contrary_, I much regret the unchristian and intolerant spirit exhibited by many people at the public meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the many good and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we must hope and trust this excitement will soon cease, and that the wholesome effect of it on our own _Church_ will be the lasting result of it. Ever yours ...

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view
as Lord John Russell of the Papal action, though they had
disagreed over the Gorham controversy.]

[Footnote 56: See _ante_, p. 279.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th December 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday. She sanctions the introduction into Parliament of a Bill framed on the principles agreed upon at yesterday's Cabinet, presuming that it will extend to the whole United Kingdom. What is to be done, however, with respect to the Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and what is to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title of Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is punishable under the Emancipation Act? If this is left unnoticed, the Government will be left with the "_lame_" argument in Parliament of which we conversed here. Could the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by the Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes that the meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may do some good; she cannot say that she is pleased with the Archbishop's answer to the laity published in to-day's _Times_, which leaves them without a remedy if the clergymen persist in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will return Lord Minto's letter with the next messenger.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd December 1850._

The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the New Forest, and sanctions the proposed arrangement. Considering, however, that she gives up the deer, and all patronage and authority over the Forest, she wishes the shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to give Deputations[57] to shoot over the various divisions and walks of the Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or others; but in order that this may establish no right on their part, and may leave the Sovereign a voice in the matter, she wishes that a list be prepared every year of the persons recommended by the Office of Woods to receive Deputations and submitted for her approval.

[Footnote 57: A deputation, _i.e._, a deputed right to take
game.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XX

The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session (1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of the agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was allowed to be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by their own friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis ensued, and a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but proved impracticable. Lord Stanley having then failed to form a Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs, much weakened, had to resume office.

The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six million people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the building, some time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at the Crystal Palace.

The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with, and, though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law, though its effect, while in operation, was virtually _nil_. It was in after-years repealed.

Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained from receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later, Kossuth's ultra-liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign Secretary in language violently denunciatory of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, for which Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them. The cup was filled to the brim by his recognition of the President's _coup d'etat_ in France. Louis Napoleon, after arresting M. Thiers and many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the Council of State and the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and re-established universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten years, and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston thereupon, though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to the French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding, and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise. Even after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty in bringing him to book; but before the end of the year he was dismissed from office, with the offer, which he declined, of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's satisfaction, Lord Granville became Foreign Secretary.

At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the Kaffirs, which were not brought to a successful termination till the following year, when General Cathcart had superseded him.