Chapter III

P. 37.—Patrick at Lérins. _Dictum Patricii_, see above, App. A, i. 3; Tírechán, 302₂₃ _erat hautem in una ex insolis quae dicitur Aralanensis annis xxx, mihi testante Ultano episcopo_. It seems obvious that the Bollandists and Todd were right in supposing that _Aralanensis_ arose from _Lerinensis_. The more recent view that Arelate is meant seems very improbable; though the name Arelate may conceivably have influenced the corruption (cp. App. C, 6, _ad fin._).

P. 38.—Island monasteries: Gallinaria, Gorgon, Capraria, Palmaria. See Ambrose, _Hexaem._ 3, c. 5, _insulas uelut monilia_; Jerome, _Epist._ 73 § 6 (Migne, 22, 694) [c. 400 A.D.]; Sulp. Severus, _V. Mart._ 6, 5 (_Gallinaria_). For Capraria, see Rutilius Namatianus, _De reditu suo_ [c. A.D. 417], i., 439 _sqq._—

squalet lucifugis insula plena uiris,

and for Gorgon _ib._ 517 _sqq._ For cloisters in the Dalmatian Islands see Jerome, _Epist._ 92. For the Stoechades: Cassian, _Coll._ 18, Praef. (Migne, 49, p. 1089); Ennodius, v. _Epiphanii_, 93, _medianas insulas Stoechadas_ (so Sirmond and Vogel; _cycladas_, MSS.) _Lerum ipsamque nutricem summorum montium planam Lerinum_, described as _sanctarum habitationum loca_.

P. 38.—Monastery of Lérins. For the names Lero, Lerina (Lirinus is the form in the best MSS. of Sidonius), see Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ 3, 5. Strabo, 4, 1, 10 gives the names Planasia and Leron.

The exact date of the foundation of the monastery by Honoratus is unknown, but it cannot have been later than the first years of the fifth century. The earliest reference seems to be in a letter of Paulinus of Nola in A.D. 410, or a few years later (_Ep._ 51 to Eucherius and Galla in island of Lero; this letter seems to show that the foundation was recent). Tillemont in his note on the question (_Mém. ecc._ xii. p. 675) quotes and contests the statement of Baronius and Barralis, that the monastery was founded in A.D. 375 (so Alliez), but he does not give the source for this statement. So far as I can discover, the only foundation for it is indicated by Barralis (_Chronologia sanctorum ... monasterii sacrae insulae Lerinensis_, 1613), p. 190, where he says he found it _in quodam membr. codice perantiquo Lerin. MS._ We cannot attach any importance to this. Tillemont points out the objections to this date, and founds one of his arguments on the age of Saint Caprasius.

The chief sources for the history of the monastery during the first forty years of its existence are: Hilary, _Sermo de vita s. Honorati_; Eucherius, _De laude eremi_, cp. also his other writings; Vincentius, _Commonitorium primum et secundum_; Honoratus, _Vita s. Hilarii_. All these works will be found in Migne, _P.L._ vol. l. Further information is to be gathered in Paulinus, _Ep._ 51; Faustus, _Epp._ ed. Krusch (M.G.H.), and ed. Engelbrecht (_Vienna Corp. Scr. Ecc._); _Homilia de S. Maximo_ in _Eusebii Emiseni ep. homeliae_, p. 84, vᵒ _sqq._ (ed. Gagneius, 1589); Sidonius Apollinaris, _Carmen_, 16.

Consult Barralis, _op. cit._; Silfverberg, _Hist. Mon. Lerinensis usque ad ann._ 731 (Copenhagen, 1834); Tillemont, _Mém. eccl._ (xii. art. on Saint Honoratus, with notes; _ib._ xv. arts. on Hilary, Eucherius, Vincentius, Maximus of Riez; _ib._ xvi. art. on Faustus); Alliez, _Les îles de Lérins, Cannes, et rivages_ (1860), and _Histoire du monastère de Lérins_, vol. i. 1862; the articles on Honoratus, Hilary, etc. in the _Dict. of Christian Biography_; Krusch’s and Engelbrecht’s prefaces to their editions of Faustus.

Pp. 38-9.—Snakes at Lerinus: Hilary, _Sermo_, c. 3 (1257, ed. Migne).—Fresh water flows _in media maris amaritudine_, _ib._ 1258.—_In mare magnum recedentia_: Eucherius, _De laude eremi_, c. 1 (701 ed. Migne).—Vines, etc., _ib._ c. 42.—Anecdote of the tablet of Honoratus: Hilary, _Sermo_, c. 4, 1261 (_mel suum ceris reddidisti_).—“Break through the wall of the passions.” etc.: Eucherius, _Hom._ ii. 836.—_Venire ad eremum_, etc., _Id._, _Hom._ iv. 842.—Manual work was practised at Lérins, Gennadius, _de scr. ecc._ lxix.

P. 40.—Faustus. Engelbrecht (preface to his ed.) gives reasons for placing the birth of Faustus _not long_ before 410; but they are not absolutely decisive.

P. 47.—Semi-Pelagianism at Lerinus.—Vincentius, author of the _Commonitorium_ (which Neander justly describes as “ein für die Geschichte des Begriffs von der Tradition epochemachendes Buch,” _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. 262), held semi-Pelagian views (cp. _ib._ iv. 405). Faustus was also a strong exponent of modified Pelagianism, though severe in condemnation of Pelagianism; his work, _De gratia dei et libero arbitrio_, is extant (_Opp._ ed Engelbrecht; Migne, 58, 783 _sqq._). On the other hand, Hilary of Arles was a follower of Augustine, and Lupus a decided anti-Pelagian. Cp. Duchesne, _Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule_, pp. 129-30.

P. 42.—Victoricus: appears transformed into an angel in Muirchu; and in later biographers the name is changed to Victor. In Tírechán (330₂₂) we meet a Victoricus whom Patrick ordained bishop for Domnach Maigen.

P. 43.—Pelagius, a Scot, but probably born in Britain. See Bury, “The Origin of Pelagius,” in _Hermathena_, xxx. p. 26 _sqq._, where the evidence is set out. Zimmer holds that he was born in Ireland (_Pelagius in Ireland_, pp. 18-20). For a general account of the Pelagian theory and the course of the controversy, see Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vol. x.

P. 47.—Patrick’s reluctance to go to Ireland: cp. esp. _Conf._ 365₁₉, _contra_, _Hiberione non sponte pergebam donec prope deficiebam_ (cp. _Ps._ 18.37, White).

P. 49.—Autissiodorum.—For the connexion of Patrick with Auxerre see Muirchu, pp. 496, 272; cp. Hymn _Gen. Patr._ 19, 20 (p. 98, _Lib. Hymn._ vol. i.). The authenticity of the record that Patrick received his theological training in Gaul is borne out by the desire to visit the brethren in Gaul which he expresses in the _Confession_, 370₁₂.—For Amator, see Appendix C, 9. For Iserninus and Auxilius: Muirchu, p. 273; _Add. Notices_, p. 342 (_Patricius et Isserninus_, 1. _epscop Fith, cum Germano fuerunt in Olsiodra ciuitate_, etc., a passage which shows that Iserninus was an Irishman); and Appendix C, 9. The notice in _Ann. Ult. s.a._ 439 might seem to imply that Iserninus was already a bishop when he went to Ireland in that year; but Tírechán says that Patrick ordained Eserninus at Killcullen. See below, p. 310.

Pp. 49-50.—Patrick ordained _deacon_: _Confession_, 365₁₂ (see Appendix C, 9). Patrick discouraged in his enterprise: _Conf._ 371₁₁, _multi hanc legationem prohibebant_, etc.

P. 50.—Germanus: see Appendix A, i. 7, on the _Vita Germani_ of Constantius, and W. Levison’s monograph there cited. On the apparent inconsistency of the statement that he held a military command with the fact of his civil career (see Levison, _op. cit._ p. 117).

P. 51.—Germanus in Britain: Prosper, _Chron._ _s.a._ 429—the source for the fact that Germanus was sent by Celestine as his representative _ad insinuationem Palladii diaconi_. We are not told whether Palladius was a deacon of Rome or of Auxerre. It is to be observed that this notice is strictly contemporary; the first edition of the Chronicle was published only four years later. Constantius, in the _V. Germani_, does not mention the part played by Celestine. He represents the mission of Germanus, with whom Lupus of Troyes was associated, as decided by a synod of Gallic bishops which assembled in response to an appeal from Britain (c. 12). It is difficult to say how far we should be justified in accepting the statement of Constantius and reconciling it with Prosper’s, in the sense that a Gallic synod decreed the mission and Celestine sanctioned and approved it (so Tillemont, _Mém. ecc._ xv. 15, and others). But it may be so far correct, that an appeal was made from Britain to Gaul, probably to Auxerre, and that Auxerre enlisted the intervention of Rome. The question is discussed in Levison, _op. cit._ pp. 120-2.

_Ib._—British Pelagians: Agricola was prominent. Writings of a British Pelagian are edited by Caspari, _Briefe, Abhandlungen und Predigten aus den zwei letzten Jahrhunderten des kirchlichen Alterthums_ (1890), who ascribes them to Agricola. For Fastidius cp. Tillemont, xv. 16, 17; but Mr. H. Williams seeks to defend him against the charge of heresy (_Transactions of Society of Cymmrodorion_, 1893-4, p. 71 _sqq._).

P. 52.—Pelagianism in Ireland: see Zimmer, _Pelagius in Ireland_, 22-24.

_Ib._—Patrick’s false friend: _Confession_, p. 365, 366: esp. 366₁₃, et comperi ab aliquantis fratribus ante defensionem illam [see below, note on p. 202], quod ego non interfui nec in Brittanniis eram, nec a me orietur [I would read _oriebatur_: “without any prompting from me”], ut et ille in mea absentia pro me pulsaret.

P. 54.—Mission of Palladius: Prosper, _Epit. s.a._ 431, _ad Scottos in Christum credentes ordinatus a papa Celestino Palladius primus episcopus mittitur_. It has been pointed out by Zimmer that this notice probably owes its insertion in the Chronicle to the circumstance that Prosper was at Rome in this year (_Celtic Church_, p. 32). The mission of Palladius is also referred to rhetorically by Prosper in his _Contra Coll._ c. xxi.; Migne, _P.L._ li. p. 271: _ordinato Scotis episcopo dum Romanam insulam studet seruare catholicam, fecit etiam barbaram Christianam_ (sc. _Caelestinus_).

P. 56.—Churches said to have been founded by Palladius: See V₂24 = V₄28 (= W source) = _V. Trip._ p. 30. In Cell Fine “he left his books and the casket with relics of Paul and Peter, and the board on which he used to write” (_V. Trip._ trans. Stokes). In Donard were preserved the relics of “Sylvester and Solinus” (V₄; Solonius, _V. Trip._). Acc. to V₄ the Tech na Romhan was founded by the disciples of Palladius. For the identification of this name with _Tigroney_, see Shearman, _Loca Patriciana_, p. 27. Shearman has attempted to identify the site of Cell Fine with the ancient cemetery of Killeen Cormac (near Colbinstown in Kildare on the borders of Wicklow). He supposed that Killeen has not here its usual sense of “little church,” but stands for “Kill Fhine,” so that the name would mean “the church of the clan of Cormac”; and he supposes that the saint Abbán maccu Cormaic was buried here. It cannot be said that he has made out his case. His argument largely depends on his view that the remarkable bilingual inscription preserved in the graveyard is connected with the poet Dubthach maccu Lugair—a view which must be rejected (see below, p. 305). The same sources mention the landing-place of Palladius. Muirchu (p. 272) has no local details, and only notes his failure in general terms. The _feri et inmites homines_, who would not receive his doctrine, evidently mean especially Nathi son of Garrchu, who is mentioned in other sources as opposing Palladius.

P. 59.—Patrick’s preparations. Cp. Muirchu, 275₁₀.

P. 59.—Companions of Palladius: _Augustinus et Benedictus_, Muirchu, 272₃₁. The thought strikes one that they might have brought some intimation from Ireland that Patrick would be acceptable as successor to Palladius. If Palladius died in Dalaradia, and these companions came with a message from Dalaradian Christians, this might have been a motive for Patrick’s special connexion with that region of Ireland.

Pp. 61 _sqq._—Position of the Roman see. For what I have said on this subject I must acknowledge my particular obligations to the important study of M. E.-Ch. Babut, _Le Concile de Turin_, 1904. His chief object is to determine the date and circumstances of the Council of Turin (Sept. 417), but the book is of much wider scope. For the position of the apostolic see in the latter half of the fourth century, Rade’s _Damasus, Bischof von Rom_, 1882, is important.