Chapter XXX: Appendix: C (4)

One more observation. It would be difficult to explain how it came that, if the author of the _Confession_ spent his life in Leinster, and his name was sufficiently well remembered to make his fortune in the seventh century, no particular church in that region claimed him. Zimmer may get out of the difficulty through his identification of Palladius with Patrick; he may say that Patrick’s church was the Palladian Cell Fine, where memorials of Palladius were preserved. But this explanation would only serve to emphasise the improbability of the theory of identity. It is impossible to understand how Cell Fine remembered its founder as Palladius and not as Patricius, seeing that (_ex hypoth._) the name Patricius (as used by the author of the _Confession_) had so completely superseded the name Palladius, that the bishop was not only glorified as Patricius in the seventh century, but even distinguished definitely from Palladius. Again: either it was remembered in south Ireland or it was not remembered at the beginning of that century, when the Patrician legend is alleged to have taken shape, that Palladius and Patricius were the same person. If it _was_ remembered, then how came it that Palladius-Patricius was differentiated into two, when it was assuredly more in the interests of the Roman cause to glorify an apostle sent by Celestine than to discriminate a successful missionary who was not sent by a Pope, from an unsuccessful missionary who was? If it _was not_ remembered, then the only passage which Zimmer can quote for the identification (_Lib. Arm._ p. 332, see above, p. 389, note) can be at once eliminated from the discussion, as resting on mere conjecture.

[The argument, which Zimmer adduces for his theory, from the statement that Patrick’s burial-place was unknown, falls to the ground when the evidence in regard to his burial-place is criticised as a whole. See above, Appendix C, 19.]

FOOTNOTES

[1] I may be permitted to remark that in vindicating the claims of history to be regarded as a science or _Wissenchaft_, I never meant to suggest a proposition so indefensible as that the presentation of the results of historical research is not an art, requiring the tact and skill in selection and arrangement which belong to the literary faculty. The friendly criticisms of Mr. John Morley in the _Nineteenth Century and After_, October 1904, and of Mr. S. H. Butcher in _Harvard Lectures on Greek Subjects_ (1904), Lecture VI., show me that I did not sufficiently guard against this misapprehension.

[2] For the expansion of Christianity in the first three centuries see Harnack’s invaluable work _Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten_ (1902).

[3] Rufinus, _Hist. ecc._ ii. 7. For the Georgian legend of Nino see _Life of St. Nino_, translated by Marjory and J. O. Wardrop, in Oxford _Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica_, vol. v. (1900).

[4] _De Vocatione Gentium_, ii. 32.

[5] On the other hand it may be questioned whether the army itself did anything to diffuse Christianity within the Empire. In the west certainly its chief significance in the history of religion was what it did to spread the solar, Mithraic worship. Cp. Harnack, _op. cit._ 268, 388.

[6] Rufinus, _Hist. ecc._ i. 9.

[7] Armenia was already Christian at the beginning of the fourth century in the days of Maximin.—Eusebius, _Hist. ecc._ ix. 8. 2.

[8] Socrates, _Hist. ecc._ vii. 30.

[9] The island of Man is indeed another exception. The Scottic colonisation of north-western Britain (Argyle, etc.) was comparatively late, but before the middle of the fifth century (see below, chap. ix. p. 192).

[10] Professor Rhŷs thinks that it was to Ireland, more than to Britain, that the Gallic Druids went to learn their art, and that Caesar (in _B. G._ vi. 13) was badly informed; and he has recently stated this view in _Studies in Early Irish History_ (_Proceedings of British Academy_, vol. i.), p. 35. It is remarkable that, apart from Caesar’s assertion, the only evidence for Druidism in southern Britain pertains to the island of Anglesey (Tacitus, _Ann._ xiv. 29), and Professor Rhŷs holds that in the first century A.D. Anglesey (Mona) was not yet Brythonic. Druidism in the Isle of Man is attested by a stone inscribed _Dovaidona maqi Droata_ “(the burial-place) of Dovaido, son of (the) Druid.” See Professor Rhŷs in the _Academy_ for August 15, 1890.

[11] Tacitus, _Agricola_, c. 24, medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam sita. Cp. Caesar, _B.G._ v. 13. The notice in Orosius (_Hist._ i. 2, § 72) of the lighthouse at Brigantia in north-western Spain as built _ad speculam Britanniae_ is noteworthy. Compare the remarks of Professor Rhŷs, _op. cit._ p. 47.

[12] Tacitus, _ib._ aditus portusque per commercia et negotiatores cogniti.

[13] Tacitus, _ib._ The policy recommended by Agricola, who considered one legion sufficient to hold the island, was based partly on the ground of political expedience. The conquest of Ireland, he thought, would have a similar wholesome effect on Britain to that which the conquest of Britain had on Gaul, by removing the spectacle of liberty (_si Romance ubique arma et uelut e conspectu libertas tolleretur_).

[14] The baronies of Upper and Lower Deece, in Co. Meath.

[15] Decies within Drum, and Decies without Drum, in Co. Waterford.

[16] See note, Appendix B.

[17] _Ib._

[18] It seems probable that Pelagius sprang from these Gaelic settlers in Britain. See below, p. 43.

[19] See below, cap. viii. _ad fin._

[20] Un peuple n’emprunte pas l’alphabet des voisins s’il n’a pas à correspondre avec eux.... Qui donc constate un emprunt de monnaie et d’alphabet, en tous temps et en tous lieux, peut affirmer un échange de produits et d’idées (V. Bérard, _Les Phéniciens et l’Odyssée_, i. p. 20).

[21] See Appendix C, 1.

[22] See note, Appendix B.

[23] See Appendix C, 2, for the following account of the invasions of Britain.

[24] _Circa_ A.D. 389; see Appendix C, 3.

[25] See note, Appendix B.

[26] There is no evidence, and no probability, that the name Paul was adopted on his conversion, or that it had anything to do with Sergius Paullus.

[27] Frigeridus is Gothic Frigairêths.

[28] For date see Appendix C, 3.

[29] See Appendix C, 4.

[30] Croagh Patrick, close to Westport.

[31] Dalriada = north Antrim; Dalaradia = south Antrim and Down. The Latin form, Ulidia, is used in this book for Ulaid in the narrower meaning.

[32] It has been conjectured that Miliucc’s dwelling was on the hill of Skerry, on the northern side of the Braid; see below, p. 86.

[33] Another possible theory is mentioned in Appendix C, 4.

[34] See note, Appendix B.

[35] The association of Saint Elias with the sun was due to the resemblance of the name to the Greek ἥλιος.

[36] See Appendix C, 6.

[37] St. Honorat.—Lero is Ste. Marguerite.

[38] A.D. 426.

[39] A.D. 433.

[40] His own expression “as a son” shows that _parentes_ here means kinsfolk, not parents, and justifies the inference that his parents were dead.

[41] Pelagius, _Letter to Demetrias_, Migne, _P.L._, xxxii. 1100.

[42] Prosper has an epigram on the thesis that the whole life of non-Christians is sin:

Perque omnes calles errat sapientia mundi
Et tenebris addit quae sine luce gerit.

(_Epig._ 83, ed. Migne, 51, p. 524.)

[43] Compare Celestine, _Ep._ iv. (Migne, _P.L._, 1. 434), nullus inuitis detur episcopus.

[44] The conjecture is due to Professor Zimmer.

[45] The old kingdom of Leinster, or Laigin, was south of the Liffey, and in this book “Leinster” is used in this sense (not equivalent to the modern province, which includes the old kingdom of Meath). See below, chap. iv.

[46] See Appendix C, 9, on Patrick’s consecration.

[47] No better illustration of this can be found than Pope Gregory’s provision for the mission of Augustine to England, as recorded in Bede, _Hist. ecc._ i. 29; he sent, besides fellow-workers, “uniuersa quae ad cultum erant ac ministerium ecclesiae necessaria, uasa videlicet sacra, et vestimenta altarium, ornamenta quoque ecclesiarum, et sacerdotalia uel clericilia indumenta, sanctorum etiam apostolorum ac martyrum reliquias, necnon et codices plurimos.”

[48] It has recently been held, more plausibly but erroneously, that Patrick was on his way to Rome when the news of the death of Palladius overtook him. See Appendix C, 8.

[49] Celestine probably died July 27, and Xystus succeeded July 31, 432. These dates have been determined by M. Duchesne, _Liber Pontificalis_, i. pp. ccli.-ii.

[50] It is probable that excommunication by a Roman bishop was also recognised as universally binding. The question whether the popes had the right of annulling sentences pronounced by provincial councils on bishops, depends on the question of the authenticity of the Council of Sardica. See J. Friedrich, _Sitzungsber._ of the Bavarian Academy, 1901, 417 _sqq._; E. Babut, _Le concile de Turin_, 75.

[51] A.D. 366-384.

[52] See Babut, _Le concile de Turin_ (1904), a valuable work.

[53] This has been well brought out by M. Babut.

[54] _Novella_, xvi.

[55] _Commonitorium_, ii. 33, 34.

[56] The chief source for the social and economic conditions of ancient Ireland is the collection of the _Ancient Laws of Ireland_ (6 vols., 1865-1901). A clear account of the general framework of society, with interesting details and illustrations, will be found in Dr. Joyce’s _Social History of Ireland_, vol. i.

[57] _Tuath_ = people, tribe, tribal district.

[58] _Flaith_ = noble.

[59] The _bó-aires_.

[60] The tributes and presents which are due from the under-kings to the over-kings, the donations which the over-kings owe to the under-kings, the privileges which the various kings possess, are the subject of the _Book of Rights_ (edited and translated by O’Donovan, 1847), which still awaits a critical investigation. It is easy to see that it was compiled in Munster in the tenth century, but it was based on older material of high antiquity, and clearly reproduces the general character of the mutual relations which theoretically bound together the Irish kingdoms.

[61] The king of Aileach was so called because his palace was at Aileach, near Londonderry. His territory was north Ulster to the Bann. Ulaid was east Ulster; Oriel, south Ulster.

[62] This is clearly to be inferred from the _Book of Rights_, where no relations or mutual obligations are mentioned as existing between the three Ulster kings. Nor was there, since the destruction of the old Ulidian kingdom in the third century, any name to designate the whole province, for Ulaid was confined to the kingdom in the east of Ulster. The use of Ultonia to describe the province, as distinguished from Ulidia = Ulaid, is of course merely a literary convention.

[63] See Petrie, _Tara Hill_, 135.

[64] His date, according to the Annals, was A.D. 358-366; Niall reigned A.D. 379-405; his nephew, Dathi, 405-428; and then his son, Loigaire, 428-463. For Amolngaid (Dathi’s brother), king of Connaught, see Appendix C, 14.

[65] Tyrconnell.

[66] The derivation of the word _druid_ (nom. _drui_, gen. _druad_) is uncertain. Perhaps, as Professor Rhŷs holds, Druidism was not of Celtic origin, and the word “was adopted by the Celts from some earlier population conquered by them” (see his “Studies in Early Irish History,” in _Proceedings of the British Academy_, vol. i. p. 8). _Druidecht_ is the Irish for magic. For the functions and powers of the Druids some excellent pages in Dr. Joyce’s _Social History_, I. c. ix., may be recommended; illustrations and references will be found there.

[67] Mug Ruith, servant of the wheel, was the name of a mythical Druid.

[68] The _Feth Fiada_.

[69] For these superstitious ceremonies at baptism cp. Duchesne, _Origines du culte chrétien_, pp. 296-7 (the exorcism of salt), 299, 317; cp. 349.

[70] In the remarkable ancient Irish Christian incantation, the Lorica, ascribed to St. Patrick (see Appendix A, 5), the Trinity, Angels, Prophets, and other Christian powers are invoked, but also “might of heaven, brightness of sun, brilliance of moon, splendour of fire, speed of light, swiftness of wind, depth of sea, stability of earth, firmness of rock,” to intervene between him who repeats the spell when he arises in the morning and “every fierce merciless force that may come upon my body and soul; against incantations of false prophets, against black laws of paganism, against false laws of heresy, against deceit of idolatry, _against spells of women and smiths and druids_, against all knowledge that is forbidden [so Atkinson] the human soul.”

[71] M. Réville, dealing with the third century, puts this very well. “Chacun croit sans le moindre difficulté à toutes les merveilles et à toutes les folies. On dirait même que plus une pratique est merveilleuse, plus elle a de chance d’être admise sans contestation. Chose singulière! les adeptes des religions opposées ne contestent pas la réalité des miracles allégués par leurs adversaires: Celse admet les miracles des chrétiens, et ceux-ci ne se refusent pas à admettre les miracles païens; des deux parts on attribue aux mauvais esprits les merveilles invoquées par les adversaires” (_La Religion à Rome sous les Sévères_, p. 131).

[72] See note, Appendix B.

[73] The _Memoir_ by Tírechán.

[74] The _Life_ by Muirchu.

[75] Cuchullin of legend.

[76] Then called Brene Strait.

[77] The Slaney (see Appendix B, note). It flows from L. Money past Raholp.

[78] It has been conjectured that the stronghold of Miliucc was on the hill of Skerry, north of Slemish, on the other side of the Braid valley. Muirchu says that Patrick saw the conflagration from the south side of Slemish. We may interpret south to mean south-west. A cross, mentioned by Muirchu, was erected on the spot where the legend supposed Patrick to have stood, and the memory of this is still preserved in the name of the townland of Cross, on a hill to the west of Slemish.

[79] Dr. W. Stokes, taking the story literally, suggests that Miliucc committed self-destruction as “a mode of vengeance” (_Book of Lismore_, p. 295).

[80] _Mag-inis_, later known as Lecale (_Leath Cathail_), now the baronies of Lower and Upper Lecale. It is accurately described as a peninsular plain.

[81] But meaning _barn_.

[82] There is a second story (also recorded by Muirchu), clearly inspired by the same motive. Patrick was resting near Druimbo (in the north of Mag Inis, and close to a salt marsh), and he heard the noise of pagans who were busily engaged in making an earthwork. It was Sunday and he commanded them to cease from work. When they refused he cursed them: “Mudebrod! may your work not profit you!” and the sea rushed in, as in the other story, and the work was destroyed. The curse _mudebrod_ (or _mudebroth_) has not been explained.

[83] See above, chap. i. p. 14.

[84] See Appendix C, 11.

[85] See above, cap. iv. p. 72.

[86] Compare what has been said above in chap. i. p. 9.

[87] This name is the same as the British Vortigern (Welsh Gwrtheyrn), and the original Goidelic form was similar. It occurs in Ogam inscriptions, thus: ... Maqi Vorrtigern<i>, on a stone of Ballyhank (near Cork), now in the Dublin Museum (Rhŷs, _Proc. of R.S.A.I._, pt. i. vol. xxxii. p. 9, 1902).

[88] The distance of Tara from Slane is about ten miles.

[89] Yet more remote from the Paschal season was the feast of Samhain at the close of autumn (November 1), when on the hill of Tlachtga, not far from Trim, a fire was kindled, from which, tradition says, all hearths in Ireland were lit. It was at Samhain too, according to tradition, that the High Kings used to hold such high festivals at Tara as are designated in the story. See note, Appendix B.

[90] This incident is obviously suggested by St. John xx. 19, 26. When St. Columba went to the palace of King Brude the closed gates opened of their own accord (Adamnan, _V. Col._ ii. 35).

[91] See note, Appendix B.

[92] See note, Appendix B.

[93] Tírechán, p. 308, perrexitque ad civitatem Temro ad Loigairium filium Neill iterum quia apud illum foedus pepigit ut non occideretur in regno illius.

[94] See Appendix C, 12.

[95] At Crag, in Co. Kerry.—Macalister, _Studies in Irish Epigraphy_, ii. p. 52.

[96] Cp. Appendix A, ii. 5.

[97] It should be Donagh-shaughlin, for Donagh is _domnach_, a church, whereas _dún_ is a fort. There is no doubt that Dún here is a corruption, as we get the form Donnaclsacheling in a document of A.D. 1216 (Reeves, _Eccl. Ant._ p. 128).

[98] See Appendix B, note on cap. ii. p. 23.

[99] See Appendix A, i. 6. One of the best quatrains is the fourth:

Dominus illum elegit ut doceret barbaras
nationes, ut piscaret per doctrinae retia,
ut de seculo credentes traheret ad gratiam
Dominumque sequerentur sedem ad etheriam.

[100] The _Confession_ shows that this comparison was sometimes in Patrick’s mind.

[101] Perfectam vitam, _Hymn_ v. 4. Secundinus died A.D. 447, acc. to _Ann. Ult._

[102] Telltown comes by popular etymology from the genitive Taillteann. The site is marked by a round rath. O’Donovan said in 1856 that it had been in recent times a resort for the men of Meath for hurling, wrestling, and other sports (_Four Masters_, i. p. 22).

[103] Herbord, _Vit. Ott._ ii. 14. The silence of early authorities is decisive against the isolated statement that Patrick preached at Taillte against the “burning of the first-born offspring.” (See Appendix B, note.)

[104] Mac Fechach.—Tírechán, 310₂₄.

[105] Áth Brón.—Tír. 307₂₈.

[106] St. Colomb’s House. For its description and measurements see Petrie (_Round Towers_, 430-31), who compares it with St. Kevin’s House at Glendalough, and Dunraven’s _Notes on Irish Architecture_, vol. ii. p. 50 (plans and photograph).

[107] Tírechán, 310-11.

[108] See Appendix C, 4, _ad fin._

[109] See note, Appendix B.

[110] It may be observed that if the idol of Mag Slecht had been eminently important for all Ireland, and had been destroyed at a period subsequent to St. Patrick, there could hardly fail to be a Christian record of its fall. In the _Annals of the Four Masters_, s.a. 464, it is said that Conall, son of Niall, ancestor of the lords of Tyrconnell, was done to death by the “old Folks” of Mag Slecht, who caught him unprotected. The thought occurs that Conall had supported the attack on the worship of Cenn Cruaich, and that his death was an act of vengeance wreaked by people of the plain who still clung to the old faith.

[111] Perhaps A.D. 444-5. See Appendix C, 14.

[112] See Appendix C, 13, on Patrick in Connaught.

[113] At Duma Graid, close to Lake Kilglass. See Tírechán, 313, and _Vit. Trip._ p. 94.

[114] Between Sligo and Leitrim.

[115] May the name be the same as that of the tribe of the Anghaile (Annaly), who extended their power subsequently into Tethbia (cp. O’Donovan, _Book of Rights_, p. 11, _note_)?

[116] Tamnach.

[117] “Church of Bishop Brón.”

[118] In Mag Airthic. See Appendix C, 13.

[119] Ciarrigi. Through the baronies of Costello, Clanmorris, and Kilmaine. Possibly Aghamore, south of Kilkelly, may lie on the supposed route. It has been conjectured that the church _in campo Nairniu_ (Tírechán, 321) was there.

[120] In quo fiunt episcopi.

[121] Muiriscc (_Muir_ = sea) Aigli. (The promontory dominated by Knocknaree in Sligo Bay was also called Muiriscc, Tír. 327.) The promontory was also known as Umail. This name is preserved in the _Owles_, designating the regions on both sides of Clew Bay, now the baronies of Murrisk and Burris-_hoole_; the latter word also contains the name Umail.

[122] Its height is 2510 feet. Mount Nephin, close to Lake Conn, is higher.

[123] Carrick-on-Shannon.

[124] He first went to a place called Duma Graid, and ordained there the arch-presbyter Ailbe, who resided at Shancoe (as mentioned above). It may be suspected that the name Duma Graid (for which we expect a modern Doogary) is preserved in Dockery’s Island, near the mouth of Lake Kilglass.

[125] See note, Appendix B.

[126] Tuatha De Danann, people of the goddess Danann. They are said, in the mythical history of Ireland, to have colonised the country and to have been conquered by the Milesians.

[127] Fountain of Clebach.

[128] See note, Appendix B.

[129] See Appendix A, ii. 1.

[130] See Appendix A, i. 4, on the tonsure question.

[131] Selce has not been identified.

[132] Kill-araght. From here Patrick may have revisited Mag Airthic and the Kerries.

[133] _Irrus_ Domnand, “the peninsula of Domnu” = barony of _Erris_ in Mayo. Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 38.

[134] Ballina.

[135] It was one of the many Donaghmores, “great churches,” which Patrick is said to have founded. He consigned it to the care of Mucneus.

[136] The name of a townland, in which there is an old churchyard and traces of ruins, to the right of the road from Ballina to Killala, a mile south of Killala. For Donaghmore and Mullaghfarry (_farry_ = _forrach_ = _foirrgea_, Tír. 327) see O’Donovan, _Hy Fiachrach_, pp. 466 and 467, notes.

[137] See Appendix C, 8.

[138] _De laude sanctorum_ (Migne, _Patr. Lat._ xx.).

[139] Jerome, _Adversus Vigilantium_, c. 5.

[140] A.D. 440.

[141] See above, chap. iii. p. 64.

[142] For the evidence see Appendix C, 15.

[143] It may be Ptolemy’s _Regia_ (Ῥηγία). Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 49 (_Proc. of British Acad._ vol. i.).

[144] See note, Appendix B.

[145] The dimensions of these houses are given, _Vit. Trip._ p. 226:—“27 feet in the Great House, 17 feet in the kitchen, 7 feet in the oratory [_aregal_, supposed to be derived from _oraculum_]; and it was thus that he used always to found the _congbala_” [_i.e._ the sacred enclosures, or cloisters]. If these houses were circular, the numbers represent the diameters. For the topography of Armagh see the paper of Reeves, _The Ancient Churches of Armagh_ (Lusk, 1860), with a plan. The locality of the first settlement, _ubi nunc est Fertae martyrum_, “the grave of the relics” (Muirchu, 290), he fixes, by means of the monastery of Temple-fertagh, which existed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, to the land south of Scotch St., near Scotch St. river (p. 10).

[146] The two stages, first below, and then on the hill, are doubtless historical. We may conjecture that the second and final foundation is that which is recorded in the Annals, and that the first settlement had been made before the visit to Rome.

[147] This is expressed by _quantum habeo_, “so far as it is mine,” in Muirchu, 292₃₁.

[148] See note, Appendix B.

[149] _Ib._

[150] There can be little question that the (contemporary) expression _in provincia nostra_ in _Ann. Ult._, A.D. 443, means “in Ireland,” conceived as a single ecclesiastical province, like the province of a metropolitan.

[151] Láthrach Patricc (_Trip._ 349₈). Cp. Reeves, _Antiquities of Down and Connor_, pp. 47 and 236; for Glore, _ib._ 87, 338; for Dunseveric, _ib._ 286. For Clogher and Ard-Patrick (Louth) see note, Appendix B.

[152] _Ep. against Corot._ 375.

[153] _Ann. Ult._, A.D. 439.

[154] Or Killishea.

[155] See note, Appendix B.

[156] Áth Fithot, south of Tallow.

[157] Old Kilcullen, south of (new) Kilcullen, in Co. Kildare.

[158] See note, Appendix B.

[159] _Ib._

[160] In barony of Slievemargy, in Queen’s County, a mile or so north-west of the town of Carlow.

[161] The _Life_ by Muirchu, see Appendix A, ii. 3.

[162] See note, Appendix B.

[163] Generally described inaccurately as the Acts of a Synod. The genuineness of the document is vindicated in Appendix A, 4.

[164] For this sphere of Christian activity in the early Church see Harnack, _Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums_, p. 120.

[165] A Christian who believes in a supernatural female form (_lamia quae interpretatur striga_) seen in a mirror is to be anathematised. One is reminded of

Was seh’ ich? Welch ein himmlisch Bild
Zeigt sich in diesem Zauberspiegel!

(Goethe, _Faust_, Part I.)

[166] See Appendix A, i. 4.

[167] Chap. iii. pp. 61 _sqq._

[168] Collection of Irish Canons, 20. 5. b (ed.² Wasserschleben, p. 61). For the possible date of the canon, and for some further illustration of the subject, see Appendix C, 16.

[169] See Appendix C, 17.

[170] _Confession_, 368₉.

[171] _Ib._ 372₁₇; cp. 367₁₃.

[172] _Ib._ 368₂₆.

[173] Otto of Bamberg is said to have baptized 22,156 converts in Pomerania during his first journey! Mon. Prieflingensis, _V. Ott._ ii. 20; Ebbo, _V. Ott._ ii. 11.

[174] _Confession_, 369₂₂.

[175] _Confession_, 367₁₆.

[176] _Ib._ 372. It may be conjectured, from the context, that this happened in Connaught.

[177] So Otto of Bamberg used to distribute presents in Pomerania as a means of propagating Christianity, Herbord, _Dial._ 2. 7.

[178] The question arises, Where did Patrick get his money? Did he inherit from his father? It is useless to ask.

[179] _Confession_, 371₂₅.

[180] See the anecdote in Tírechán, p. 303.

[181] Epistles of Gregory, vi. 10 (A.D. 595), _M.G.H._ vol. i. p. 389.

[182] Todd, _St. Patrick_, p. 154.

[183] The early abbots of Hi (Iona) were almost entirely chosen from a branch of the family of Tirconnell (Reeves, _Adamnan_, genealogical table, p. 342).

[184] See the bequest of Fith Fio in _Lib. Arm._ (_Trip._ 338). It is added that if there be no suitable person in the community of Drumlease, some one from Patrick’s community (Armagh, or any Patrician community?) should be chosen.

[185] _Corus Bescna_, p. 73 (_Ancient Laws of Ireland_, vol. iii.).

[186] Tírechán, 330₂₉, _fecit alteram (aeclessiam) hi Tortena orientali in qua gens oThig Cirpani, sed libere semper_. Cp. 321₇.

[187] _Additional Notices_ in _Lib. Arm._ (338₄, _liberauit rex Deo et Patricio_). The exact boundaries of the land are given, as if from the original document. Two interests were concerned here, that of Caichán and that of MacCairthin, and the land is described as “Caichán’s Fifth.” The two men are designated as _flaith_ (lord) and _aithech_ (tenant-farmer?), and they jointly devoted the land to ecclesiastical use.

[188] _Corus Bescna_, p. 73.

[189] _Ib._ p. 71.

[190] Cp. _Ancient Laws_, iii., Introd. p. lxxii.

[191] _Ib._ luii., _Corus B._ pp. 41, 43.

[192] _Ib._ pp. 39-43.

[193] Cp. Introd. pp. luiii. _sqq._

[194] See Appendix C, 18.

[195] Todd, _St. Patrick_, 51 _sqq._

[196] See Appendix C, 17.

[197] See above, chap. vii. p. 143.

[198] It has twenty-one letters, a b c d e f g h i l m n o p q r s t u v, and ng (a guttural nasal, which occurs in the name _Amolngaid_; cp. the Greek double gamma). If the Goidels had originally invented an alphabet to suit their own language they would never have constructed this. They had to resort to various devices to represent their sounds by its means. See further note, Appendix B.

[199] More strictly, a new letter was added, and _u_ was differentiated into two, to represent its two sounds. It is as well to say that in describing the ogams as a cipher it is not intended to imply that they were cryptic, but only that they were not an independent alphabet.

[200] For the Iberian alphabet see Hübner’s _Monumenta linguae Ibericae_ (1893). Cp. Strabo, 3. 1. 6.

[201] _B.G._ vi. 14.

[202] Desjardins, _Géographie de la Gaule_, ii. 214, note 3.

[203] Ail Clúade.

[204] _Milites._

[205] _Conf._ 360₈.

[206] Cp. _Letter, ad init., inter barbaras itaque gentes habito proselitus et profuga._

[207] _Conf._ 374₂₉. Compare 357₁₅.

[208] _Conf._ 370₂. The passage 373₅₋₉ also supports the view in the text. In that passage the oldest MS. has _ab aliquo uestro_; and we should probably read _uestrum_ with the later MSS.

[209] _Ib._ 359₂.

[210] _Ib._ 372₃₁.

[211] See above, chap. iii. p. 53.

[212] But see note, Appendix B.

[213] See Appendix A, 5.

[214] This is the theory of Professor Zimmer.

[215] The Second Letter to the Corinthians seems to have been especially before him. This was natural. In it Paul was vindicating his character.

[216] The legend will be found in _Vit. Trip._ pp. 112 _sqq._

[217] The old lists of the Armagh succession agree in assigning to Benignus ten years as bishop, so that, as Benignus died in 467 (_Ann. Ult., sub anno_), he would have succeeded in 457.

[218] March 17.

[219] Oirthir, not to be confounded with the kingdom of Oriel (Oirgéill), of which it formed the eastern portion.

[220] Inundations are a recurring motive in the legends of the Island-plain. See the salt-marsh stories, above, p. 91.

[221] This second incident can be shown to be a subsequent invention. See Appendix C, 19.

[222] This story is also told by Muirchu, but not in immediate connexion with the story of the waggon and oxen seized by the men of Orior. It seems probable that the latter was suggested by the former. We meet the duplicate waggon and oxen in the Life of St. Abban (Colgan, _Acta Sanctorum_, i. March 16, cc. 41 _sqq._), where the account of that saint’s death and burial and the struggle between the north and the south Leinster men is obviously borrowed from the stories about St. Patrick. Another story of wild bulls drawing a saint’s body to its tomb will be found in the Life of St. Melorus of Cornwall, _Acta Sanctorum_ (Boll.), Jan. 1, vol. i. p. 136.

[223] It is to be seen in the National Museum at Dublin. For the evidence as to the bell and the staff, see notes, Appendix B. For the copy of the gospels, which used falsely to be supposed to be his, see note, Appendix B, on chap. viii. p. 162.

[224] This theory of Professor Zimmer is examined at length in Appendix C, 21.

[225] Except in regard to Britain, and the British Church was similarly isolated.

[226] _De Cons. Stil. Lib._ iii. l. 151.

[227] Zimmer put forward the theory that the original _Confession_ contained more biographical details than our texts (_Celtic Church_, p. 50). See my criticism showing that his argument has no basis (_Eng. Hist. Review_, xviii., July 1903, pp. 544-6).

[228] _St. Patrick_, p. 347.

[229] _Councils_, ii. p. 296, note _a._

[230] _Celtic Church_, _ib._

[231] Bury, _ib._

[232] Huc usque uolumen quod Patricius manu conscripsit sua: septima decima Martii die translatus est Patricius ad caelos.

[233] Sixth century or not much later, because the writings of Muirchu and Tírechán attest its existence in the second half of the seventh century.

[234] The attempt of Pflugk-Harttung (_Die Schriften S. Patricks_, in _Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher_, p. 71 _sqq._, 1893) to prove the _Confession_ and _Letter_ spurious is a piece of extraordinarily bad criticism. He designates the _Liber Armachanus_ as “Irlands pseudoisidorische Fälschung.”

[235] Now fully admitted by Zimmer, who formerly doubted it.

[236] iteneris A.

[237] terreno A.

[238] requissistis A (with sign of query, Z, in margin).

[239] paradissum A.

[240] aeclessia A.

[241] Curie A.

[242] = ἐλέησον.

[243] It may be well to translate this sentence. “Church of the Scots, nay of the Romans, in order that ye may be Christians as well as Romans, it behoves that there should be chanted in your churches (_uobiscum_) at every hour of prayer the _Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison_.” Compare Mr. Jenkinson in the _Academy_, Aug. 11, 1888.

[244] aeclessia A.

[245] See Tírechán, p. 302.

[246] The assumption that all these details are taken from the book is confirmed by the one explicit exception. The sojourn in the _insula Aralanensis_ is given on the oral authority of Bishop Ultan (302₂₄). This was evidently Ultan’s explanatory comment on the text _in insolis_, etc.

[247] In a paper on Muirchu in the _Guardian_, Nov. 27, 1901.

[248] It may be pointed out that the small number of the _dicta_—three, or more probably two—is in favour of their genuineness.

[249] Since writing this, I observe that the same thing struck Loofs (_De ant. Brit. Scot.que eccl._ p. 50). He held the _Dicta_ to be genuine, admitting the possibility of later additions. So too B. Robert, _Étude crit. sur la vie et l’œuvre de St-Patrick_ (1883), p. 74.

[250] This is also shown by the addition of _Christe eleison_, as Mr. Brightman has pointed out to me. Cp. Gregory the Great, _Ep._ ix. 12. Milan is also excluded; the Milanese only use _Kyrie_. I have had the advantage of communicating with Mr. Brightman on the subject; otherwise I should hardly have ventured to deal with it, as I have no liturgical knowledge.

[251] So the missionary Boniface insists on the necessity of synods and _canonica iura_ in a letter to Pope Zacharias (Ep. 50, p. 299, ed. Duemmler in M.G.H. _Epp._ iii.).

[252] Bradshaw has clearly distinguished two recensions of the collection, which he designates as the A-text and the B-text. Theodore’s _Penitential_ is the latest work quoted in the A-text, Adamnan’s _Canons_ the latest in the B-text. See Bradshaw’s letter to Wasserschleben in Wasserschleben’s edition of the Canons, p. lxx.

[253] Spelman i. 59 _sq._, Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333 _sqq._

[254] The canons which are cited in the Valicellane only are marked by square brackets. The list of correspondences in Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, _a_, is incomplete.

[255] See Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, _a_.

[256] 1. 8. b; 5. 2; 6. 2. b (two MSS. give _Sin. Rom._, one _Sin. Rom. siue Kartagin._, the rest _Sin. Kartagin._); 7. 3. a; 20. 3. b; 40. 13. a; 46. 35. c; 46. 38. a, b; 47. 12. b; 47. 12. c; 47. 20; 66. 19. a. There is another case of _Syn. Rom. uel Kart._ in one MS.; 9. 1. a. The quotation from Pope Symmachus, _Ep. ad Caes. ep. Arel._ c. 1, under the title _Regula canonica Romana_ in 17. 8 may stand on a different footing.

[257] 14. 2. c; 17. 7. b; 17. 9. b; 18. 2. a; 20. 3. a; 20. 3. c; 20. 5. a; 21. 2; 33. 1. f; 35. 4. c; 41. 6. a and b; 42. 7; 42. 25. a; 45. 13; 45. 14; 46. 29; 52. 2; 52. 3; 52. 6; 56. 4. a; 66. 16. To these may be added three other items: 20. 6. a, _institutio Romana_; 28. 5. b and 33. 4, _disputatio Romana_. Also 42. 23 _Sinodus Romana_, but the chapter is found only in one MS.; and in 3. 4 one MS. has an additional quotation from _Synodus Romanorum_. I do not include 42. 24, because the heading _eadem sinodus_ may be referred to the heading of c. 22 _Sinodus Hibernensis_, and not to the heading of 23 _Sinodus Romana_, which, as I have mentioned, is found in only one MS. (Sangallensis).

[258] Here are the two sections:—

e. _Sinodus Romana_: Omnis qui fraudat debitum fratris ritu
gentilium excommunis sit donec reddiderit. f. _Item_: Qua
fronte rogas a Deo debitum tibi dimitti cum debitum proximi tui
non reddidisti?

[259] It may be observed that in the Valicellane MS. we find some instances of _Hibernensis uel Romana_; 33. 4, 6, and 9.

[260] 11. 1. b; 20. 5. b; 21. 12; 21. 6. b; 25. 3; 25. 4; 29. 7; 37. 27; 37. 29; 42. 26. b; 44. 9; 46. 32. b; 47. 11. b; 67. 2. d. Of these 37. 29 has the curious heading _Sinodus totius mundi et Patricius decreuit_ (with the variants _Sinodus Hibernensis et Pat. decr._, and simply _Sinodus Hibernensis_).

[261] 21. 25 occurs only in one MS., 37. 6 in two.

[262] 25. 3 and 4.

[263] In Ware’s _S. Patricio ... adscripta Opuscula_ (London, 1656, a rare little volume), pp. 85-7. See below, p. 245.

[264] “Brit. ecc. ant.,” in _Opera_, vol. vi. p. 491. The same view was urged by Varin. But neither Ussher nor Varin gave positive proof.

[265] It is officially recognised in the 40th canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633.

[266] Cp. the 15th canon of Nicaea, Mansi, ii. 200.

[267] So too in the _Hibernensis_, i. 22, a and c.

[268] _Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule_, vol. i. p. 41.

[269] Cp. also canon 27 of the Council of Hippo, A.D. 393 (Mansi, iii. 923): ut episcopi non proficiscantur trans mare nisi consulto primae sedis episcopo suae cuiusque prouinciae, ut ab eo praecipue possint formatas sumere.

[270] Printed by Pamelius in his edition of Cyprian; by Ware in his _Opuscula_ of St. Patrick (1656); by Migne, _P.L._ 40, 649 _sqq._

[271] For his alleged relationship see below, p. 292.

[272] To this rule the MSS. present two exceptions, which should be corrected: v. 70, _praeuidit_, which has been corrected to _praeuidet_ (cp. Atkinson, _Lib. Hymn._ ii. 13), and v. 66, _qui ornatur uestimento nuptiale indūtus_, where we ought evidently to read _inclŭtus_.

[273] 311₂₉, Rolls ed.

[274] _Ann. Ult. s.a._

[275] 314₂₈; _Ann. Ult. s.aa._

[276] See Bury, _Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick_ (_Eng. Hist. Rev._ April 1902), p. 255.

[277] _Ib._ pp. 237, 238, 260.

[278] 311₂₃₋₂₅. Cp. Bury, _ib._ 261.

[279] 311-312.

[280] Bury, _ib._ 258. “His whole book is a practical service to the cause of the claims of Armagh. It is virtually a list of the churches which claimed to have been founded by Patrick. If it had been completed, it would have exhibited the full extent of the _paruchia Patricii_.”

[281] 313₂₇, 307₇, 313₂₈, 323₂₉, 319₅, 318₂₅ × 301₉.

[282] 311₂₈.

[283] _In libro apud Ultanum_, 302₃.

[284] Bury, _Tírechán’s Memoir_, 248-250.

[285] Bury, _Tírechán’s Memoir_, 239.

[286] 319₄. Bury, “Supplementary Notes” (_Eng. Hist. Rev._ Oct. 1902), 702-703.

[287] It stops at p. 331, l. 9, in the Rolls ed. See my paper in _E.H.R._ _ut cit._ p. 237.

[288] _Proc. of R.I.A._ (xxiv. sect. C, 3), 1903, p. 164 _sqq._

[289] This has been fully recognised by Dr. Gwynn, _loc. cit._

[290] _Machia_ (330₂₂) probably means Domnach Maigen, not Armagh (Gwynn, _loc. cit._).

[291] 348₁₈, d.g. [= _Duma Graid_, Reeves, but this is far from certain]; Ailbe i Senchui altáre; and Machet Cetchen Rodán Mathona. Compare also 350₈ with 331₄.

[292] The credibility of the Genealogy, as an independent record, is particularly strong; the Ballymote scribe was acquainted with the _Tripartite_, and quotes from it _à propos_ of the sons of Forat, notwithstanding the contradiction. The discrepancy with the Patrician tradition is, in fact, a guarantee that the record is trustworthy.

[293] P. 269₁₃ Rolls ed.: _patris mei Coguitosi_, the brilliant correction of Bishop Graves for the corrupt _cognito si_ in A. On the passage, and on Cogitosus, see his paper in the _Proceedings R.I.A._ viii. 269 _sqq._

[294] See Graves, _ib._ The conjecture is accepted by Dr. Stokes (_Trip. Life_, 269, note 2).

[295] Colgan, _Acta SS._ p. 465 and _n._ 31.

[296] _Ann. Ult. s.a._

[297] See Reeves, _Adamnan_, pp. l. li. Professor Kuno Meyer has just published an old Irish treatise on the “Law of Adamnan” passed at this synod (“Cáin Adamnáin,” in _Anecdota Oxoniensia_, 1905). The document contains a list of the bishops, abbots, and kings present at the synod which was held at Birr. Muirchu appears (p. 18): Murchu maccúi Machthéine. Muirchu appears in the Martyrologies under June 8 (see _Calendar of Oengus_, ed. Stokes, p. xciii.).

[298] I suggested this in the _Guardian_, Nov. 20, 1901, p. 1615, c. 2.

[299] Muirchu does not name his father’s work, but his expression _ingenioli mei_ (269₁₄) may be an echo of the _rusticus sermo ingenioli mei_ in the prologue to the _Vita Brigidae_.

[300] 271₁₇.

[301] 269₁₉.

[302] This is suggested by the use of the third person. In the Preface Muirchu writes in the first person. The note is similar to the note which is prefixed to the memoir of Tírechán and is obviously due to a copyist.

[303] See 495₃ Rolls ed. (ad Britanias nauigauit), and 495₂₆₋ (the second captivity).

[304] Some mistakes have occurred in the course of compilation and transmission: see below, p. 348.

[305] See Bury, _Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick_, p. 16; but I did not see then that the source was probably Irish.

[306] Tírechán, 330₁₅₋₁₉: Muirchu, 276₁₁₋₁₄, and 300₁₀₋₁₃: Bury, _ib._ p. 14.

[307] “The Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” in _Hermathena_, xxviii. pp. 199 _sqq._

[308] On account of the notice of Auxilius (of Killossy) and Iserninus (of Kilcullen). It seems very probable that the notice of Iserninus in the _Liber Arm._ (f. 18) may have been derived from information furnished by Bishop Aed on the occasion of his visit to Armagh. See above p. 253.

[309] In the Table of Contents to Book II. this is the title of the first and the last section alike; but the last item in the table was wrongly taken to be a heading of sect. 1 (though there are no other headings to the sections), until the true explanation was pointed out by Dr. Gwynn.

[310] _Ann. Ult. s.a._

[311] This is the conjecture of Zimmer, _Celtic Church_, p. 81.

[312] These parts were first published by Rev. E. Hogan, _Anal. Boll._ vol. i. I have had the advantage of using a photograph of the MS., kindly given me by Dr. Gwynn.

[313] See also Todd, _St. Patrick_, 489; Stokes, Intr. to _Tripartite_, cxi. _sq._; Bernard and Atkinson, _Liber Hymnorum_, ii. 175-6.

[314] Criticised by Thurneysen, _Revue celtique_, 6, 326 _sqq._, who rejects the theory of interpolation except in the case of stanza 17. So too Stokes and Strachan.

[315] The stanzas which are abnormal, or defective, in metre, assonance, etc., are—2, 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33 (for criticisms on their subject-matter see Atkinson, _ib._ xliii. _sqq._). Stanza 16 has a “glossatorial” character (_ib._ xlviii.). The ejection of 10 on ground of subject-matter may be confirmed by the abnormal endings (_nua_ and _tua_, cp. Atkinson, xlii.). 18 (rejected by Zimmer and Atkinson) is clearly an imitation of 18, and this is indicated by the repetition of the rhymes. The rejection of 19 and 20 depends on the subject-matter, and 21 repeats 19. The irrelevance of 22 is obvious. I leave the second stanza as doubtful, for though there is a metrical anomaly (_daec_ a disyllable), there is no objection on the ground of the subject-matter; but it could be dispensed with.

[316] Cp. Muirchu, 296₁₂.

[317] See Bury, _Guardian_, Nov. 27, 1901, p. 1647.

[318] There is no other edition.

[319] I have shown, from misunderstandings in V₄ that its author was ignorant of Irish, while the author of V₂ was an Irishman (_op. cit._ 197).

[320] Dr. W. Levison of Bonn kindly called my attention to a _Vita_ preserved at St. Omer which proves to be a copy of the _Vita Secunda_ different from that used by Colgan. It is contained in Cod. 716 (_Legendarium beatae Mariae de Claromarisco_), a book of the thirteenth century, vol. ii. ff. 155-9. For the text of _Vita Quarta_, the Stowe MS. 105A (Brit. Mus.) is important (see my _Tradition_, etc., p. 186 _note_).

[321] Except so far as to show that neither of the two existing MSS. was used by Colgan. The text is based on Rawlinson B. 512, but it is not explained why this was chosen as the basis in preference to Egerton 93 (which—I speak under correction—does not seem inferior).

[322] _Ann. Ult. s.a._

[323] _Ib._

[324] _The Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, in _Trans. of R.I.A._, xxix. Pt. vi. 1889.

[325] A scribe of Armagh, _ob._ 725 (_Ann. Ult._).

[326] _Ann. Ult. s.a._

[327] The narrative here (c. 14) is very confused, and perhaps there is interpolation.

[328] I observe that Lanigan wished to derive _Hermon_ from _her_, “great,” and _maen_, “rock.”—Todd, _St. Patrick_, 337 note.

[329] The literature which I have used in working through the Nennian problem is as follows:—Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, a brilliant and indispensable book, but too ingenious, and full of wiredrawn arguments; many of the conclusions have been upset by the Chartres text (Mommsen’s Z) which Zimmer left out of consideration. This text was published by Duchesne, _Nennius retractatus_, in _Revue celtique_, xv. 173 _sqq._; and was used by Mommsen for his authoritative edition of the work in _Chronica Minora_, vol. iii. (it is much to be regretted that he did not devote a separate column to printing the text of Z in full). New light was then thrown on the problem by Thurneysen, _Ztsch. f. deutsche Philologie_, xxviii. 80 _sqq._ His interpretation of _exberta_ in the title in the Chartres MS. as a mistake for _excerpta_ (_Incipiunt excerpta filii Urbagen_) seems probable (Dr. Traube’s emendation _experta_ has not convinced me); his identification of this son of Urbagen with Run map Urbgen, who baptized the Northumbrians in 627 (_Hist. Britt._ c. 63), though plausible, cannot be considered certain. Duchesne, in a judicious and instructive criticism with reference to Mommsen’s edition and Thurneysen’s article, has summed up the conclusions which may safely be drawn from the data: _Revue celtique_, xvii. 1 _sqq._ Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson, who had reached several of Professor Thurneysen’s conclusions independently, published his views in _Ztsch. f. celtische Philologie_, iii. 104 _sqq._ The most important point in this paper is that the true reading of the important words in the title of the Chartres MS. is: _exberta fili vrba gen_. See also L. Traube in _Neues Archiv_, xxiv. 721 _sqq._

[330] Nennius, _Preface_, ed. Momms., p. 143; Elbodug died A.D. 809, Zimmer, _Nenn. Vind._ 51.

[331] (1) Noteworthy is the explanation of _sed prohibuit illum Deus quia nemo_ etc. (Muirchu 272₂₀) by the insertion of _per quasdam tempestates_ after _Deus_. In the context this is incongruous, and it can hardly have been originated by Nennius. Had he a MS. of Muirchu containing additions inserted from Muirchu’s source? [_Deus_ is in the Bruxellensis, but omitted in the Armachanus.] (2) He changes Muirchu’s _Victoricus_ into _Victor angelus Dei_. (3) He says that Patrick’s first name was _Maun_ (_Magonus_, Tírechán, 302₅). (4) It is to be observed that while Muirchu mentions two views as to the duration of Patrick’s sojourn with Germanus, namely, forty or thirty years, Nennius gives a much smaller period, _per annos septem_. Thus Muirchu’s _Life_ does not explain Nennius, c. 52; he had some additional material.

Nennius agrees with Brux, and V₂ V₄ in recording that Palladius died _in terra Pictorum_.

[332] Todd Lecture, Series iii. The _Codex Palatino-Vaticanus_, 830, p. 354 _sqq._, cp. 252 _sqq._

[333] _Ib._ 247 _sqq._

[334] Cp. Columbanus, _Epist._ (M.G.H., Epp. iii.) 157, and the notice in the Würzburg MS. of St. Matthew, quoted by Zimmer, _Nenn. Vind._ 252, note (Scheps, _Die ältesten Evangelienhandschriften der Würzburger Bibliothek_, 27).

[335] A genealogy of Brito is ascribed by Gilla Coemgin to _senior nobilis Guanach_, and Todd pointed out that the reference was to the _Liber Cuanach_ (Zimmer, _Nenn. Vind._ 250-1). Calling attention to the notice in _Ann. Ult. s.a._ 616, _usque hunc annum scripsit Isidorus cronicon suum_, Zimmer observes that the old recension (up to 616) of Isidore’s chronicle was known in Ireland, and conjectures that its arrival may have been the stimulus which prompted the work of Cuana.

[336] An older authority, Maucteus, was quoted by Cuana (_Ann. Ult. s.a._ 471).

[337] Dr. MacCarthy quotes appropriately the 20th canon of the Council of Milevi, A.D. 416.

[338] See Migne, P.L. 87, 969.

[339] For such entries in the blank spaces of a Paschal Table, compare, _e.g._ the _Paschale Campanum_ (_Chron. Min._, ed. Mommsen, i. 745 _sqq._).

[340] Mr. Phillimore’s suggestion that _cum_ is a misrendering of the Old-Welsh _cant_ = by, seems improbable, as the notice is not likely to be a translation. I should say that _cum_ is simply a dittogram of the last syllable of _dominicum_, and has ousted _a_.

[341] We are indeed enabled to infer that before the tenth century A.D. 457 had been maintained by some to be the date of Patrick’s death.

[342] An examination of the dates in the sixth century suggests that the entries of contemporary events did not begin before the seventh. Certainly the erroneous date of the battle of Mons Badonis was a late insertion.

[343] For references see Tillemont, _Mémoires_, xv. 769. Leo had taken the step of writing to the Emperor Marcian on the matter in 453.

[344] _Vit. Hilarii. Arel._ 16. See Levison, _Neues Archiv_, xxix. p. 99.

[345] Levison, _loc. cit._ pp. 125 _sqq._

[346] Compare Zimmer’s criticism, _Celtic Church_, 64-5.

[347] Stokes (_Urkeltischer Sprachschatz_, 198) and Rhŷs seek a Celtic etymology for Magonus. Rhŷs treats it as a derivation from Goidelic _magus_ (whence the Irish _mug_, “servant”), meaning perhaps originally a “boy.”

[348] His day was Nov. 27; _Mart. of Donegal_, p. 319.

[349] Dichu of Saul appears in the _Martyrology_ of Donegal under April 29 (p. 114).

[350] Instances are collected by Professor Rhŷs in _Proceedings of R.S.A.I._ Pt. i. vol. xxxii. p. 5; to which add the Donard stone (_ib._ Pt. ii. vol. xxxiii. p. 114).

[351] This comes from Muirchu’s Irish source for the legend. See above, App. A, ii. 3.

[352] For _scriptum erat_ I would read _scriptum quod scriptum erat_.

[353] _sine honore_, supposed to mean “without recognition of my episcopal title.”

[354] _male uidimus faciem designati nudato nomine_ (365₂₉). This gives much better sense than the ordinary rendering, which refers _designati_ to Patrick, and _nud. nom._ to the suppression of the episcopal title. I observe that Mr. White, though he does not adopt it in his translation, gives it as an alternative interpretation in his note.

[355] Another petition (which in _V. Trip._, p. 116, appears in connexion with Mount Crochan) is added in V₃, c. 88. See Bury, _Trans. of R.I.A._ xxxii. C. Part iii. p. 223.

[356] I retract the date “_c._ A.D. 850” in my note †, _op. cit._ p. 218. I have abandoned a view of the relations of the Nennian MSS. which prompted me to assign this date.

[357] The Armagh tradition, connecting Columba with St. Patrick’s tomb, is referred to in the _Additions to Tírechán_ (see Appendix C, 19).

[358] I have shown that this was possibly the original corruption, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 196.

[359] _haut_ has been restored for -cha _ut_ of the Brussels MS. The restoration, obviously right, is borne out by Probus (Colgan, _Trias Thaum._ 47), who here transcribes Muirchu. See Stokes, _ad loc._

[360] Probus here, using another but related MS. of Muirchu, gives _Nentriae prouinciae_.

[361] Mr. Nicholson’s explanation that it is a corruption of _Britanniae_ will hardly be accepted. Palaeographically it has no probability; it was hardly necessary, and we should rather expect _Britanniarum_.

[362] It is obvious how readily the corruption rose from _bannauētabernie_ or -_urnie_.

[363] Stokes, _Tripartite_, Introduction, p. cxxxvii. He refers to Gregory of Tours, _Hist. Franc._ x. 28, _in uico Nemptudoro_. Skene (_Celtic Scotland_, ii. 436, n.) identifies Nemthur with _Neutur_ in the Black Book of Caermarthen (_Four Ancient Books of Wales_, vol. ii. p. 3).

[364] It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that Ammianus when he says that Theodosius _instaurabat urbes_ does not refer to Valentia (which he has not yet mentioned) in particular, but to Britain in general.

[365] In A.D. 383 he was sent on an embassy to the Persians (whom Keller calls “Parthians,” p. 15), and married Serena soon after (384 or 385). In A.D. 386 he was engaged in the campaign with the Gruthungi.

[366] This seems to me a just remark of Mr. Hodgkin, _Italy and her Invaders_, vol. i. (2nd ed.), p. 716.

[367] “Tyrants of Britain, Gaul, and Spain,” _Eng. Hist. Review_, 1886, i. 55, note 3. This is the chief study on the subject (republished in _Western Europe in the Fifth Century_, 1905, chaps. ii., iii.). Cp. App. 20 to Bury’s edition of Gibbon, vol. iii.

[368] II. k. Jan. ed. Mommsen, p. 465.

[369] Prosper’s notice, _sub ann._ 407, agrees with the implication in Olympiodorus.

[370] Preface to edition of Gildas (_Chron. Min._ iii. 1), p. 7.

[371] The Picts are described as a _gens transmarina_ (the Picts of Dalaradia?).

[372] _Ann. Ult. sub a._ 461.

[373] _Ann. Inisf._ ed. O’Conor _sub a._ (“488” =) 493: _anno ccccxxxii a passione Domini_.

[374] Ed. Mommsen, p. 158-9.

[375] Rolls ed. p. 365₁₅, _nescio, Deus scit, si habebam tunc annos quindecim_.

[376] _Ib._₁₁.

[377] 366₁₀.

[378] 365₁₀.

[379] So it is interpreted by Todd, _St. Patrick_, p. 392; by Neander, _Allg. Geschichte der christlichen Religion u. Kirche_, iii. 185, note; by Zimmer, _Celtic Church_, p. 43.

[380] I adopt the admirable correction of Dr. N. J. D. White for _occasionum—inuenerunt me_ (MSS.).

[381] The truth is that the length of time which elapsed since the wrongdoing is not pertinent. The point is the interval between the confession of it to his friend, who offered no obstacle to his ordination as deacon (nor later to his ordination as bishop), and the occasion on which it was used against him. It is this lapse of 30 years which makes his friend’s conduct so unaccountable.

[382] It is interesting to note that this name is found on three ogam stones, in the genitive forms _Gosoctas_, _Gossucttias_, and _Gosocteas_ (see Rhŷs, _Ogam-inscribed Stones_, in reprint from _Proc. of Royal Soc. of Antiquaries of Ireland_, Part i. vol. xxxii. 1902, p. 24).

[383] The force of _adhuc_ here (not synonymous with _iterum_) is exactly like its force in _adhuc capturam dedi_. See above, Appendix B, note on p. 34.

[384] Muirchu’s _et erat annorum triginta_ (496₁) must not be alleged; it is based on a misconception of the _annos triginta_ of the _Confession_ (365₁₀), and influenced by the Scriptural parallel to which Muirchu refers.

[385] Jerome, Ep. cxxiii. (_ad Ageruchiam_), Migne’s ed. vol. i. 1057-8.

[386] After A.D. 439.

[387] vii. § 50. Orosius, vii. 38 and 40, gives no details of the devastations.

[388] Edited by Brandes in the _Corp. Script. Eccl._ 1889.

[389] Compare the sketch of Professor Dill, based on these poems, in _Roman Society_, bk. iv. cap. 2 (p. 263, ed. 1).