Chapter VI

P. 102.—Foundation of Trim. _Additional Notes_, 334-6 (translation with notes in Todd’s _St. Patrick_, 257 _sqq._). The name of the wife of Fedilmid is given as Scoth Noe (= _flos recens_). Lomman is said to have been a son of a sister of Patrick (335₁₃). The legendary character of the story is obvious; but there seems no reason to doubt the Trim traditions which it involves—the co-operation of the Briton Lomman with Fedilmid and his British wife and their son Fortchernn. Lomman’s name appears in the _Martyrologies_ (Tallaght and Donegal) under October 11.

P. 104.—The legend of the Easter fire at Slane and Patrick’s visit to Tara is told in the text after Muirchu, who used an older (probably Irish) source. It is very briefly summarised in Tírechán (p. 306); he differs from Muirchu as to the number and names of the Druids. Todd has the merit of having seen that the whole story is unhistorical and that it is absurd to draw any chronological inferences or treat seriously its chronological implications. On the other hand, historical motives clearly underlie the story, as I have sought to show in the text. It may be said that the celebration of Patrick’s first Easter at Slane _may be_ a historical fact. It is evident that this was a tradition at Slane; and it is quite possible that Patrick may have spent his first Easter there for the purpose of baptizing converts, as Easter was at that time one of the chief occasions for that ceremony. We may regard this as a possibility; but we are only entitled to say that there must have been some motive for the location of the fire at Slane. It is a nice problem whether the scriptural parallels (the contest between Moses and the magicians, and the Book of Daniel), which pervade Muirchu’s account, were first introduced by Muirchu himself, or presided at the original composition of the legend. I am inclined to adopt the second alternative; and to hold, with Todd (though he does not clearly distinguish Muirchu from Muirchu’s source), that Patrick’s contest with the Druids took place “at the first Christian passover or Easter celebrated by him in Ireland,” because the similar contest of Moses occurred shortly before the first passover of the children of Israel, in the land of Goshen (as Muirchu—following his source?—points out). Zimmer’s view, that the motive of Muirchu in giving prominence to the story of Patrick’s first Easter was connected with the Easter controversy in the seventh century (_Celtic Church_, p. 81), has been noticed above, Appendix A, ii. 3; but if Muirchu was specially interested in it on that account, the Easter question had certainly nothing to do with the origin of the legend, which must be far older than the seventh century. For Beltane fires cp. Frazer, _Golden Bough_, iii. 259 _sqq._; for fires on Easter Eve, _ib._ 247 _sqq._

[There is a remarkable notice in the _Calendar_ of Oengus that on April 5 “on the great feast of Beccan MacCula, with a victory of piety excellent Patrick’s baptism was kindled in Ireland” (transl. Stokes, p. lxvii.). This obviously refers to the Slane legend, but the date April 5 must have a different origin, as Easter did not fall on that day in 433. During Patrick’s episcopate it fell only once on April 5, viz., in A.D. 459, whether on the 84 or 84 (12) cycle. The notice therefore suggests that in that year there was a baptismal ceremony which was remembered; and it might be conjectured that it was the occasion of the raid of Coroticus, which probably occurred towards the end of Patrick’s life. See cap. ix. and notes.]

P. 104.—High festival at Tara (_Feis Temrach_). The holding of such an assemblage by Loigaire is recorded in _Ann. Ult. s.a._ 454 (cp. _s.a._ 461), and by his successor Ailill Molt, _s.a._ 467 (alternative dates 469, 470). According to the _Book of Rights_ (p. 7), such conventions were held every seventh year; other traditions represent them as triennial (cp. Todd, _St. Patrick_, p. 416). But these notices in the _Annals_ suggest that they were not held at stated periods in the fifth century, but were summoned at the pleasure of the High King for special purposes. This is especially suggested by the notice (_Ann. Ult. s.a._ 461) that Loigaire lived seven years and seven months after the Feast of Tara, as if it were a unique, not a recurring, event in his reign; and the statement is inconsistent with a septennial as well as with a triennial period. The periodic convention contemplated by the _Book of Rights_ was held at Samhain (Nov. 1).

P. 105.—The company driving over the plain of Breg might possibly contain a reminiscence of the custom of a _Flurumritt_, as described by Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme_, 397 _sqq._ In the Archduchy of Austria it was the custom for the sons and servants of the house to ride round the fields at Easter, _vor Sonnenaufgang im schnellsten Laufe_. Other instances of such early processions are cited. The custom of proceeding _ad laevam_ against the sun with malicious intent, seems still to exist near Lough Case in Mayo. There is a pile of stones near the lake “round which stations are made _desiul_ [rightward], except in the case of maliciously disposed persons, who occasionally come on the sly in the dead of night, and go round widdershins in order to raise storms to destroy crops and kill cattle” (Professor Rhŷs, _Proceedings of Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland_, Part iii. vol. viii. 5th series, 1898, p. 233).

P. 110.—The _Burg_ in Eiffel district (on first Sunday in Lent): Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 501. Compare also the practice of the Gallic Druids described by Caesar, _B.G._ vi. 16, and the material collected by Mr. Frazer, _Golden Bough_, iii. 319 _sqq._

P. 111.—Burning of Sandan. Cp. Frazer, _Golden Bough_, iii. 168 _sqq._

P. 112.—Mode of burial of Loigaire. Tírechán, 308₄: the text should be read as follows:—

“Nam Neel pater meus non siniuit mihi credere sed ut sepeliar
in cacuminibus Temro” (quasi uiris consistentibus in bello,
quia utuntur gentiles, etc.), “ego filius Neill, et filius
Dunlinge [_sc._ sepeliatur] im Maistin in campo Liphi pro
duritate odi(u)i.”

Dr. Gwynn saw that _ego_ is to be construed with _sepeliar_. It seems best to suppose that _quasi—bello_ is not part of Loigaire’s declaration. As Mr. Stokes points out, _odiui_ can be translated as a perfect (the relative being omitted), but _odii_ proposed by Todd furnishes better sense. The two foes were still to face each other in their tombs, standing in their armour, Loigaire looking southward and the King of Laigin northward.

P. 115.—Dubthach. Muirchu 283₂ _Dubthoch maccu-Lugil poetam optimum_; _Add. Notices_ 344, _Dubthach maccu-Lugair_. Material about the Hy Lugair of Leinster is collected in Shearman’s _Loca Patriciana_. Shearman’s theory that the Killeen Cormac bilingual stone commemorates Dubthach and three of his sons cannot be maintained. The ogam inscription means “(monument) of Ovanus, descendant of Ivacattus,” and the Latin inscription reads IVVERE DRVVIDES, which Professor Rhŷs interprets “of the Druid of Ivvera (= Ireland).” Thus the stone would commemorate one Ovanus, a Druid. It certainly belongs to the Christian period, and may probably be dated to the sixth century. Professor Rhŷs thinks it is by no means impossible that this Druid was of the race of Dubthach maccu-Lugair (_Studies in Early Irish History_, p. 7). But there can hardly be much ground for such a supposition, especially as Dubthach was a poet, not a Druid. The inscription illustrates the survival of Druidism.

The presence of Dubthach, a Leinster poet, at Tara, in the legend, is remarkable. Was the incident inserted by Muirchu himself, from Slébte tradition, or is Muirchu only responsible for the reference to Fíacc, Dubthach’s pupil? It seems probable that Dubthach’s presence appeared in the legend in its original form, and was a genuine reminiscence (cp. Appendix A, ii. 5), and if so, it betrays that Patrick’s legendary appearance at Tara was suggested by an actual visit, in very different circumstances, for the purpose of consulting with Loigaire and representatives from various parts of Ireland, one of whom would have been Dubthach, about the status, etc., of Christian communities. For the _file_, poet and lawyer, cp. D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Droit celtique_, i. 321 _sqq._

P. 117.—For the foundations in Meath, see Tírechán, 307 _sqq._

P. 118.—Donaghpatrick. The place is marked by a fine earth-fort of the mote type, with a crescent platform, separated from the mound by a ditch. See Westropp, _Trans. of R.I.A._ xxxi. p. 714.

P. 119.—Taillte: burning of the first-born offspring. Cp. _Book of Leinster_, 201 a. 15, and O’Curry, _Manners and Customs_, vol. i. p. dcxl.

P. 120.—Uisnech. For the plan of this hill-town, see Westropp, _ib._ p. 688.

P. 123.—The account of Patrick’s visit to Mag Slecht (which was near Ballymagauran in Co. Cavan) is found in later lives (_Vita Tertia_, c. 46, and _Tripartite_, p. 90). But there is reason to suppose that an account of the visit has fallen out of Tírechán’s text (p. 311): see Bury, _Itinerary of Patrick in Connaught_, pp. 154-6.

P. 123.—Cend Cruaich, _Tripart._; ceneroth or cencroth (corruption of cencroch?), _Vit. Tert._; Cromm Cruach, _Book of Leinster_, 16 b. 30, and cp. 213 b. 38 _sqq._; Crom Cróich, _Rennes Dindsenchas_ (ed. Stokes), in _Rev. Celt._ 16, 35-6. See Rhŷs, _Celtic Religion_, pp. 200 _sqq._ In the _Vita Tertia_, c. 46, it is said that Loigaire used to adore in Mag Slecht; but we cannot attribute much importance to this statement.