Chapter XVII: Book THE THIRD (2)

And thus King Edward made his escape in the year 1470, by the assistance of a small vessel of his own and two Dutch merchantmen, attended only by 700 or 800 men, without any clothes but what they were to have fought in, no money in their pockets, and not one of them knew whither they were going. It was very surprising to see this poor king (for so he might justly be called) run away in this manner, and be pursued by his own servants. He had indulged himself in ease and pleasures for twelve or thirteen years together, and enjoyed a larger share of them than any prince in his time. His thoughts were wholly employed upon the ladies (and far more than was reasonable), hunting, and adorning his person. In his summer-hunting, his custom was to have several tents set up for the ladies, where he treated them after a magnificent manner; and indeed his person was as well turned for love-intrigues as any man I ever saw in my life: for he was young, and the most handsome man of his time; I mean when he was in this adversity, for afterwards he grew very corpulent. But see now how, on a sudden, he is fallen into the calamities of the world! He sailed directly for Holland. At that time the Easterlings[320] were at war both with the English and French; they had many ships at sea, and were dreaded by the English, and upon good grounds; for they were good soldiers, had done them much prejudice that year already, and had taken several of their ships. The Easterlings at a great distance descried the ships which were with the king, and about seven or eight of them began to give them chase; but being far before them, he gained the coast of Holland, or rather something lower, for he put into Friesland, not far from a little town called Alquemare[321], where he came to an anchor, and, it being low water, the king could not get into the harbour, but ran himself as near the town as he could. The Easterlings came as near him as they could possibly make, and dropt their anchors, intending to board him the next tide.

Misfortune and danger never go alone: the king’s success and his courage were now strangely altered. A fortnight before that man would have been looked upon as mad, who should have told him, “The Earl of Warwick shall drive you out of England, and in eleven days have the supreme power and dominion in his own hands” (for it cost him no more time to bring the whole kingdom to obedience). Besides, he laughed at the Duke of Burgundy for squandering his money in the defence of the sea, giving out, that he wished his adversary were landed in England; but what excuse could he make for himself after such a loss, and by his own fault, unless this, “That I did not think it possible?” and, if a prince be but arrived to years of discretion, he ought to blush at such an excuse, for it will not serve his turn. So that this is a fair example for such princes as think it beneath them to be afraid, or have a watchful eye on their enemies, and are fond of such courtiers as flatter and indulge them in that opinion; and think they are the more valued and esteemed for it, and that it is a proof of their courage and resolution to despise and laugh at danger. I know not what they may say to their faces, but I am sure wise men account such expressions great folly. It is honourable to fear where there is occasion, and provide against it with all the caution imaginable. A wise man in a prince’s court is a great treasure to his master, if the one has liberty to speak truth, and the other discretion enough to believe him, and follow his advice.

By chance the Lord de la Gruthuse[322], the Duke of Burgundy’s governor in Holland, was at that place where and when King Edward wished to land; who, by some persons put on shore, was immediately informed of his miserable condition, and the danger he was in by reason of the Easterlings. The governor sent immediately to the Easterlings to charge them to lie still, and went on board the king’s ship himself, and invited him on shore; whereupon the king landed, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who was called afterwards King Richard III.), and about 1500 men in their train. The king had no money about him, and gave the master of the ship a gown lined with beautiful martens, and promised to do more for him whenever he had an opportunity; but sure so poor a company was never seen before; yet the Lord de la Gruthuse dealt very honourably by them, for he gave many of them clothes, and bore all their expenses till they came to the Hague, to which place he safely conducted them.[323] He then despatched the news of his arrival to the Duke of Burgundy, who was much surprised when he heard it, and would have been much better pleased if it had been news of his death; for he was in great apprehension of the Earl of Warwick, who was his enemy, and at that time absolute in England. The earl, immediately after his landing, had prodigious numbers of people flock in to him[324]; even the king’s own party, some for love, and others through fear, submitted to him wholly; so that every day his army increased, and not long after he marched to London. A great number of good knights and squires, who were in King Edward’s interest, fled to the sanctuaries in London, and did the king good service afterwards; and this did the queen his wife, who, in great want of all things that were necessary, was there[325] brought to bed of a prince.[326]

CH. VI.—How the Earl of Warwick released Henry VI., King of England, out of the Tower.—1470.

The Earl of Warwick, immediately upon his arrival in London, went directly to the Tower (which is the castle), and released King Henry, whom long before he had committed thither himself. When he imprisoned him, he went before him, crying “Treason, treason, and behold the traitor!” but now he proclaimed him king, attended him to his palace at Westminster, and restored him to his royal prerogative, and all in the Duke of Clarence’s presence, who was not at all pleased with the sight. Immediately he despatched 300 or 400 men over to Calais to overrun the Boulonnois, which party was well received by the Lord Wenlock, whom I mentioned before, and the affection which he had always borne to his master, the Earl of Warwick, was at that time very conspicuous. That very day on which the Duke of Burgundy received the news of King Edward’s being in Holland, I was come from Calais, and found him at Boulogne, having heard nothing of that, or of King Edward’s defeat. The first news the Duke of Burgundy heard of him was, that he was killed, and he was not at all concerned at it, for his affection was greater for the house of Lancaster than for York, and there were at that very time in his court the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of King Henry’s party; so that he thought by their means to be easily reconciled to that family; but he dreaded greatly the Earl of Warwick. Besides he knew not after what manner to carry himself to King Edward (whose sister he had married); and moreover they were brethren of the same orders, for the king wore the Golden Fleece, and the duke the Garter.

The duke despatched me presently back to Calais, and a gentleman or two with me, who were of King Henry’s party. He gave me instructions how I was to proceed with this new set, and pressed me very earnestly to go, assuring me the business required good service. I went as far as Tourneghem (a castle near Guynes), but durst venture no farther; for I found the people flying from the English, who had sent out a strong party to plunder and harass the country. I sent immediately to the Lord Wenlock for a passport; though before I used to go without any such thing, and was always honourably entertained, for the English are naturally of a free and generous temper.

This was a new phase of affairs to me, for I had never seen such mutations in the world before. That night I sent the duke word of the danger which hindered me from proceeding in my journey; but not knowing what answer I should receive from Wenlock, I did not say that I had sent for a passport. He sent me a signet ring from off his finger, commanding me to go on, and if I was taken prisoner, he would ransom me. He made no scruple to expose any of his servants to danger, when he thought it for his advantage; but I had well provided for myself by sending for a passport, which I received with very gracious letters from the Lord Wenlock, assuring me that I should have the liberty of coming and going as formerly. Upon these letters I went on to Guynes; where I found the captain at the gate, who presented me with a glass of wine, yet did not invite me into the castle as he was wont, but showed me great respect, and treated the gentlemen who were with me, who were of King Henry’s party, very nobly. From thence I went to Calais, but nobody came out to meet me, as formerly; all were in the Earl of Warwick’s livery. At the gate of my lodgings, and the door of my chamber, the people had made more than a hundred white crosses with certain rhymes underneath, signifying that the King of France and Earl of Warwick were all one; all which I thought very surprising. I sent, however, to Gravelines (which is about five leagues from Calais), requiring them to seize all English merchants and their effects because of all the mischief done us in their incursions into the Boulonnois. The Lord Wenlock sent to me to dine with him; I found him well attended, with a ragged staff of gold upon his bonnet, which was the cognizance of the Earl of Warwick; all the rest had ragged staffs likewise, but they who could not be at the expense of gold, had them of cloth. I was informed at dinner, that within a quarter of an hour after the arrival of an express from England with the news, the whole town had got this livery, so hasty and sudden was the change; and this was the first time that I had ever seen or considered such an instance of the instability of all human affairs.

The Lord Wenlock made me many compliments, and some excuses in behalf of his captain the Earl of Warwick, from whom, as he told me, he had received many favours; but for the rest who were with him, I never heard people talk so extravagantly. Those whom I had looked upon as the king’s greatest friends, were the most bitter and invective against him; yet I am apt to think some did it for fear, though others spoke the real sentiments of their hearts. Those whom I formerly endeavoured to have turned out of the town (as being servants to the earl) were now in great reputation; yet they never knew of my ever having spoken anything against them to the Lord Wenlock. I told them upon all occasions that King Edward was dead, and that I had certain information of it (though indeed I well knew to the contrary); I added, likewise, that if he were not dead, it was of no great importance, for the Duke of Burgundy’s alliance was with the king and kingdom of England, so that this accident could not infringe it; for whomever they declared their king, should be so to us: and in consideration of such revolutions in times past, they had put in these very words, “with the king and the kingdom;” and we were to have four of the chief towns in England as a security for performance of these articles. The merchants pressed very hard that I might be detained, because their goods had been seized at Gravelines, and, as they pretended, by my express command. At length we came to this composition, that they should pay for, or restore, all the cattle which had been plundered; for by agreement with the house of Burgundy they had liberty to take what cattle they wanted, for the necessary provision of the town, out of certain grounds that were appointed, on paying a certain price; and for prisoners, they had taken none. Hereupon it was concluded between us, that the alliance which we had made with the crown of England should stand good, only we were to put in Henry instead of Edward.

This accommodation was extremely welcome to the Duke of Burgundy; for the Earl of Warwick was sending 4000 men over to Calais, to make war upon him, and furiously invade his territories, and no way could be found out to pacify him. But the great merchants of London (many of whom were then at Calais) diverted him from that undertaking, because it was the staple[327] of their wools, and it is almost incredible what prodigious returns they make from thence twice every year; there their wool lies till the merchants come over, and their chief vent is into Flanders and Holland: for which reason, therefore, they were very solicitous to promote this accommodation, and stop the forces which the Earl of Warwick was sending over. This treaty fell out very luckily for the Duke of Burgundy; for it happened at the same time that the King of France had taken Amiens and St. Quentin, and if he had been forced to have maintained war with both these kings at a time, he had certainly been ruined. He tried all the ways imaginable to pacify the Earl of Warwick; declaring himself of the house of Lancaster, and that he would do nothing to the prejudice of King Henry; and making use of such other expressions as he thought would serve his turn best.

In the meantime King Edward arrived at the Duke of Burgundy’s court at St. Pol[328], and pressed very hard for supplies to enable him to recover his kingdom; for he assured him of the great interest he had in England, and entreated him, for God’s sake, not to abandon him, since he had married his sister, and they were besides brethren of the same orders. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter violently opposed it, and used all their artifice to keep him firm to King Henry’s interest. The duke was in suspense, and knew not which side to favour; he was fearful of disobliging either, because he was engaged in a desperate war at home; but at length he struck in with the Duke of Somerset and the rest of that party, upon certain promises which they made him, against the Earl of Warwick, their ancient enemy. King Edward was present at the place, and was much dissatisfied to see how unsuccessfully his affairs went on; yet they gave him all the fair words imaginable, and told him that all was but dissimulation, to keep off a war against two kingdoms at once; for if the duke were ruined, he would not be in a capacity to assist him afterwards, if he should be ever so inclinable to do it. However, finding King Edward bent upon his return to England, and being unwilling, for several reasons, absolutely to displease him, he pretended publicly that he would give him no assistance, and issued out a proclamation forbidding any of his subjects to go along with him; but privately and underhand he sent him 50,000 florins with St. Andrew’s cross[329], furnished him with three or four great ships, which he ordered to be equipped for him at La Vere[330] in Holland, which is a free port where all persons are received; besides which, he hired secretly fourteen Easterling ships for him, which were well armed, and had promised to transport him into England, and serve him fifteen days afterwards; which supply was very great, considering those times.

CH. VII.—How King Edward returned into England, where he defeated the Earl of Warwick in Battle, and the Prince of Wales afterwards.—1471.

King Edward set sail for England in the year 1471[331], at the same time as the Duke of Burgundy marched towards Amiens against the King of France. The duke was of opinion that the affairs of England could not go amiss for him, since he was sure of friends on both sides. King Edward was no sooner landed, but he marched directly for London, where he had above 2000 of his party in sanctuary; among whom were 300 or 400 knights and esquires, who were of great advantage to his affairs, for he brought over with him a small number of forces. The Earl of Warwick was at that time in the north with a powerful army, but upon the news of King Edward’s landing, he marched back again with all speed towards London, in hopes to have got thither before him. However, he presumed the city would have been true to him, but he was mistaken; for King Edward was received into the city on Maunday Thursday[332], with the universal acclamation of the citizens, contrary to the expectation of most people, for everybody looked upon him as lost: and without dispute, if the citizens had but shut their gates against him, he had been irrecoverably lost, for the Earl of Warwick was within a day’s march of him. As I have been since informed, there were three things especially, which contributed to his reception into London. The first was, the persons who were in the sanctuaries, and the birth of a young prince, of whom the queen was there brought to bed. The next was, the great debts which he owed in the town, which obliged all the tradesmen who were his creditors to appear for him. The third was, that the ladies of quality, and rich citizens’ wives with whom he had formerly intrigued, forced their husbands and relations to declare themselves on his side. He stayed but two days in the town, for on Easter-eve he marched with all the forces he could collect to give the Earl of Warwick battle: the next day, being Easter-day, they met[333], and as they were drawn up, and stood in order of battle one against the other, the Duke of Clarence went over to his brother King Edward, and carried with him near 12,000 men, which was a great discouragement to the Earl of Warwick, and a mighty strengthening to King Edward, who before was but weak.

You have already heard how the negotiation with the Duke of Clarence was managed; yet, for all this, the battle was sharp and bloody: both sides fought on foot; and the king’s vanguard suffered extremely in this action, and the earl’s main battle advanced against his, and so near, that the king himself was engaged in person, and behaved himself as bravely as any man in either army. The Earl of Warwick’s custom was never to fight on foot, but when he had once led his men to the charge, he mounted on horseback himself, and if he found victory inclined to his side, he charged boldly among them; if otherwise, he took care of himself in time, and provided for his escape. But now at the importunity of his brother, the Marquis of Montague (who was a person of great courage), he fought on foot, and sent away his horses. The conclusion of all was, that the earl, the Marquis of Montague, and many other brave officers, were killed, for the slaughter was very great. King Edward had resolved, at his departure from Flanders, to call out no more to spare the common soldiers, and kill only the gentlemen, as he had formerly done; for he had conceived a mortal hatred against the commons of England, for having favoured the Earl of Warwick so much, and for other reasons besides, so that he spared none of them at that time. This battle was bravely fought, and on the king’s side there were killed 1500 men.

The very day on which this fight happened, the Duke of Burgundy, being before Amiens, received letters from the duchess, his wife, that the King of England was not at all satisfied with him[334]; that the assistance he had given him was not done frankly and willingly, but as if for a very little cause he would have deserted him; and, to speak plainly, there was never great friendship between them afterwards; yet the Duke of Burgundy seemed to be extremely pleased at the news, and published it everywhere. I had almost forgotten to acquaint you that King Edward, finding King Henry in London, took him along with him to the fight. This King Henry was a very ignorant prince and almost an idiot; and (if what was told me be true) after the battle was over, the Duke of Gloucester (who was King Edward’s brother, and afterwards called King Richard) slew this poor King Henry with his own hand, or caused him to be carried into some private place, and stood by while he was killed.[335]

The Prince of Wales (of whom I have spoken before) had landed in England before this battle, and had joined his forces with those of the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, and several others of their family and party; so that in all (as I have been informed by those who were in that army) they amounted to above 40,000 men. If the Earl of Warwick had stayed till he had been joined by those forces, in all probability they had won the day. But the fear he had of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death[336], and the hatred he bore to Queen Margaret, mother to the Prince of Wales, induced him to fight alone, without waiting for them. By this example we may observe how long old animosities last, how highly they are to be feared in themselves, and how destructive and dangerous they are in their consequences.

As soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched against the Prince of Wales, and there he had another great battle[337]; for though the Prince of Wales’s army was more numerous than the king’s, yet King Edward got the victory; and the Prince of Wales[338], several other great lords, and a great number of common soldiers, were killed upon the spot, and the Duke of Somerset, being taken, was beheaded the next day. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick had gained the whole kingdom of England, or at least reduced it to his obedience. In twenty-one days King Edward recovered it again, but it cost him two great and desperate battles to regain it. And thus you have an account of the revolutions of England. King Edward caused numbers of persons to be put to death in many places, especially those that were guilty of any confederacy against him. Of all nations in the world, the English are most inclined to such battles. After this fight, King Edward enjoyed continual peace till his death, yet not without some troubles and afflictions of mind; but I shall forbear saying any more about English affairs, till I can do it more conveniently in another place.

CH. VIII.—How the War was renewed between King Louis and the Duke of Burgundy at the Solicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne.—1471.

The place where I broke off relating our affairs on this side the water, was at the Duke of Burgundy’s departing from before Amiens[339], the king’s retreat into Touraine, and his brother the Duke of Guienne’s return into his own province. The Duke of Guienne still persisted in his solicitation for the marriage, to which he pretended, with the Duke of Burgundy’s daughter, as I have already said. The Duke of Burgundy seemed to entertain it very kindly, and to be pleased with his proposals, yet never suffered it to come to any conclusion, but admitted of every new overture that was made; nor could he ever forget the stratagem they had made use of to force him to consent to this match. The Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, had a great desire to be the main instrument in this marriage; the Duke of Bretagne had also a design to be the principal manager himself; and the king’s[340] chief business was, if possible, to break it off. But his majesty might have spared his pains, for the two reasons which I have mentioned before; besides, the Duke of Burgundy had no mind to have his son-in-law so powerful, but designed to make his advantage of his daughter, and advance his own interest by entertaining everybody; so that the king lost his pains. But not being able to dive into another man’s thoughts, he had good reason to be afraid, for by this marriage his brother would have grown very considerable, and, in conjunction with the Duke of Bretagne, might have embroiled the king’s affairs, and brought his children into very dangerous circumstances. In the meantime several ambassadors went both publicly and privately to negotiate this affair.

The going and coming of ambassadors in this manner is sometimes very dangerous; for many ill things are often transacted by them, and yet there is necessity of sending and receiving them. Those who read this chapter may perhaps demand what expedient I can propose to remedy this inconvenience. I am sensible there are many persons better qualified to treat of this subject than myself; yet this I shall venture to say, that ambassadors who come from true friends, where there is no ground of suspicion, ought, in my judgment, to be treated with abundance of freedom and openness; and, if the quality of the persons permit, should be often admitted to the king’s presence, provided the prince be wise and affable, for otherwise the less he is seen the better; and whenever he gives audience he ought to be magnificently dressed, well prepared in his answers, and not permitted to hold any long discourse, for the friendship between princes is not of long duration. If ambassadors are sent in a public or private capacity between princes that are in continual hatred and war with one another, as all those that I have known and been conversant with in my time have been, in my opinion they are not greatly to be trusted. However, they are to be honourably received and civilly entertained; for to send to meet them, to lodge them in handsome apartments, and to appoint honest and discreet persons to attend them, is safe as well as civil; for thereby you not only discover what persons they generally converse with, but also prevent fickle and mutinous people from resorting to them with news, and there is no court without some malcontents. Again, I would advise that they have their audience and despatch as soon as possible, for to me it seems dangerous to keep an enemy in one’s house; but to feast them, to bear their expenses, and to make them presents, is but honourable.

Moreover, though war be proclaimed, no treaty nor overture of peace ought to be interrupted, for nobody knows what occasion they may have of them hereafter, but all should be carried on smoothly, and all messengers be heard as before; yet a strict eye is to be kept upon such as have any discourse with them, or are sent to them with any message either by night or day; and this should be managed with as much secrecy as possible. Were it my case, for one ambassador or message they sent me, I would be sure to send them two; nay, though they grew weary, and desired to have no more, I would not fail to send when I had opportunity and convenience, for there is no spy so good or so safe, nor who can have such liberty to pry and inform himself; and if you send two or three ambassadors at once, it is impossible the enemy should be so cautious, but that one or other of them may secretly or otherwise pick up something to serve their turn; I mean, if they carry themselves civilly towards them, as they ought to do to ambassadors. It is also to be supposed a wise prince will make it his business to place some friend or other about his enemy, and ward him off as long as he can; for in such cases a prince cannot do always as he would. But perhaps it may be objected, that this is but the way to puff up your enemy, and make him more proud. It is no matter if it does; I shall know the more of his councils, and at the making up of our accounts, the whole profit and honour will be mine. Though the enemy should have the same designs upon me, I would not forbear sending, but listen to all propositions without rejecting any, that I might always have fresh occasion to send; for all men have not an equal share of wisdom and penetration, neither have they as much experience in such affairs, nor is there any necessity that they should have; yet in this case, the wisest is always the most fortunate, and of this I will give you a clear and undeniable proof. Never was there any treaty between the French and the English, but the French always over-reached them by their sense and ability, insomuch that, as I have been told, the English have a common proverb among them, That in all, or most, of their battles and engagements with the French the English had the better, but in all their treaties of peace they were juggled and outwitted. And certainly, at least in my thoughts, I have known politicians in this kingdom as proper to manage such secret negotiations as any persons alive, especially those of King Louis’s training up; for in these cases the persons employed ought to be complaisant, and men who, to compass their master’s designs, can digest words and overlook neglects; and such were for King Louis’s turn. I have enlarged a little on the subject of ambassadors, and the caution that is to be used towards them; but it is not without reason, for I have known so many intrigues, and so much mischief carried on under that colour, that I could not forbear laying this matter open, or speak less of it than I have done.

This marriage between the Duke of Guienne and the Duke of Burgundy’s daughter proceeded so far, that promises were passed, not only by word of mouth, but by letters; but the like was done also[341] by Nicholas, Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, the son of John, Duke of Calabria (whom I have mentioned before); as also by Philibert, Duke of Savoy[342], who died lately; and afterwards by Duke Maximilian of Austria[343], now King of the Romans, and only son to the Emperor Frederick, which last received a letter under the lady’s own hand (written by her father’s express command), and with it a rich diamond as a present. These promises were made with all these princes in less than three years’ time; and sure I am none of them would ever have been accomplished while he lived, at least by his consent; but Duke Maximilian (since King of the Romans) made his advantage of that promise, as I shall declare hereafter. I do not mention this with any design to reflect upon the Duke of Burgundy, or any other person I have spoken of, but only to describe things as to my own certain knowledge they happened; for I do not suppose that blockheads and inferior persons will give themselves the trouble of reading these Memoirs, but princes and other great statesmen may do it, and find some information to reward their pains.

Whilst this marriage was in agitation, new enterprises were still contriving against the king. In the behalf of the Duke of Guienne, there were resident at the Duke of Burgundy’s court, the Lord d’Urfé, Poncet de Rivière, and several other officers of less note. On the Duke of Bretagne’s part, there was the Abbé de Begar[344] (since Bishop of Leon), who acquainted the Duke of Burgundy that the king was endeavouring to corrupt the servants of the Duke of Guienne, and was in a fair way of bringing them over to his party, either by love or force; that he had already caused a castle[345] belonging to Monsieur d’Estissac[346] (one of the duke’s servants) to be demolished; and that he had begun several other things against him, and inveigled several of his domestics; from whence it might be reasonably concluded, that as the king had formerly dispossessed him of Normandy, after he had given it him by way of appanage, so now he would disseize him of Guienne.

The Duke of Burgundy sent several embassies to the king about these affairs, who replied, that his brother the Duke of Guienne was in fault, who by endeavouring to extend his territories, gave occasion to all those disputes; and without that, he would not meddle with his appanage in the least. But here one may observe by the by, how great the troubles and distractions of a kingdom are, when they happen in a time of confusion and discord, how difficult and uneasy they are to be managed, and how far from a conclusion, when once they are begun; for though at first the quarrel be only between two or three princes, or persons of lower condition, before two years be expired, the whole neighbourhood will be concerned and invited to the feast. However, in the beginning of an affair, every man presumes there will be a speedy end, but it is very uncertain, as you will plainly perceive by what follows.

At the time above mentioned, the Duke of Guienne (or his ministers) and the Duke of Bretagne, solicited the Duke of Burgundy not to employ the English, who were enemies to the crown, in any of his wars upon any account whatsoever; and since their own pretences were only for the ease and advantage of the kingdom of France, they did not doubt but that if his forces were in readiness, they should be strong enough of themselves, by reason of the great intelligence which they had with many officers and governors of towns. I was present one day when the Lord d’Urfé pressed the Duke of Burgundy to assemble his army with all possible diligence; the duke called me aside to a window, and said, “Do you see this Lord d’Urfé? he presses me very earnestly to raise what forces I can, and tells me we shall do great matters for the advantage of the kingdom. Do you believe, if I enter France with my army, I shall do them any good?” I replied (smiling) that I thought not: he answered again in these very words, “I love the kingdom of France better than the Lord d’Urfé believes, for whereas they have but one king, I wish they had six.”

Whilst this treaty of marriage was on foot, Edward, King of England (being deceived as well as the King of France, in supposing it real), used his utmost endeavours with the Duke of Burgundy to break it off; remonstrating to him, that as the King of France had no son[347], if he died, the crown would devolve upon the Duke of Guienne, so that all England would be in danger of being utterly ruined by the consummation of that marriage, which would annex so many lordships to that crown; and he took this matter marvellously to heart, and so did his whole council (though without any cause); nor could all the Duke of Burgundy’s excuses induce the English to believe him. However (for all the solicitation of the agent of the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne to the contrary), the Duke of Burgundy had a mind the English should be concerned in the war; but it was to be done privately, as if he had known nothing of it; but the English were so far from embracing this opportunity, that they would at that time rather have assisted the King of France, so fearful were they, lest by this marriage the territories of the house of Burgundy should be annexed to the crown of France.

You see here (according to my design) these great princes thoroughly employed and surrounded with men of such wisdom and foresight, that their lives were not sufficient to accomplish half what they foresaw; and it proved so afterwards, for one after another, all of them died in a short space of time, in the midst of their anxieties and hurry, every one rejoicing and triumphing at the death of his companion, as a thing which he most passionately desired. Not long after, their masters followed them, and left their successors deeply involved in wars and troubles, excepting only our present king[348], who found his kingdom at peace both abroad and at home; his father having provided better for him than he ever could or would have done for himself, for in my time he was never out of war till a little before his death.

About this time the Duke of Guienne fell sick; some were of opinion he was in great danger, others said he would soon recover of his illness. His agents in the meanwhile pressed the Duke of Burgundy (seeing the season was opportune) to take the field, and open the campaign, for the King of France had already assembled his army about St. Jean d’Angely or Saintes; and they prevailed so far, that the Duke of Burgundy ordered his forces to rendezvous about Arras[349], and then marched towards Peronne, Roye, and Montdidier. His army was very numerous, and in better order than it ever was before; for it consisted of 1200 standing lances, who to every man-at-arms had three archers, all of them well armed, and well mounted; besides, in every company he had ten supernumerary men-at-arms, without reckoning the lieutenants or cornets. The nobles of the country were likewise in complete order; for they were well paid (the country being at that time very rich), and commanded by notable knights and esquires.

CH. IX.—How the final Peace which was negotiating between the King and the Duke of Burgundy, was broken off by the Duke of Guienne’s Death and how those two great Princes laboured to circumvent one another.—1472.

As the Duke of Burgundy was setting out from Arras, two couriers arrived, one of them with news, that Nicholas, Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, heir to the house of Anjou, and son to John, Duke of Calabria, was upon his journey to his court, in order to marry his daughter. The duke received him very honourably, and gave him great hopes of success. The next day, which (if I mistake not) was the 15th of May[350], 1472, letters arrived from Simon de Quingy (who was the duke’s ambassador at the king’s court), importing that the Duke of Guienne was dead, and the king already in possession of great part of his country. Not long after, we heard the news from several parts, but all gave a different account of his death.

The Duke of Burgundy, being highly concerned at the death of the Duke of Guienne, at the instigation of other people as much concerned as himself, wrote letters[351] full of bitter reflections upon the king to several of the Duke of Guienne’s towns, but to no purpose; yet I am of opinion, that if the duke had not been dead, the king would have found work enough, for the Bretons were up in arms, and had a stronger party in the kingdom than ever they had before; but his death put a stop to all. In this violent passion the Duke of Burgundy took the field, marched towards Nesle, in Vermandois[352], and began a more cruel and barbarous war than ever before, burning and destroying all wherever he marched. His van besieged Nesle, in which there was a small garrison of frank-archers, but otherwise the town was of no great strength. The duke himself had his quarters three leagues off. A herald, coming to them with a summons, was slain by the inhabitants of the town. The governor[353] would fain have excused it, and having obtained a passport, came out to that purpose, but could not agree upon the matter. As he returned into the town, the garrison stood exposed upon the walls, but there being a truce whilst the governor was abroad, nobody fired upon the townsmen; however, they killed two more of the besiegers. Upon which the truce was broken, and word was sent in to Madame de Nesle, to tell her, that if she pleased, she and her servants might have the liberty of coming out, and bringing all her moveables with her; which she had no sooner done, but the town was attacked, taken, and most of the garrison put to the sword. Those who were taken alive were hanged, except some few whom the common soldiers in mere compassion suffered to escape; some of them had their hands cut off, a cruelty which gives me concern to mention; but having been upon the spot, I thought myself obliged to give some account of it. It must be granted that the Duke of Burgundy was highly enraged to be guilty of so barbarous an action, or that there must have been some extraordinary cause that provoked him to it. Two were alleged; one was, the strange report of the manner of the Duke of Guienne’s death, as if the king had been concerned in it; and the other, the indignation he conceived at the loss of Amiens and St. Quentin, which I have mentioned before.

Whilst the Duke of Burgundy was with the above-mentioned army, and before the Duke of Guienne’s death, the Lord of Craon, and Peter Doriole[354], Chancellor of France, came to him twice or thrice, with proposals for a final and lasting peace, which could never be compassed before, because the duke insisted upon the restitution of Amiens and St. Quentin, to which the king would by no means consent: but now, seeing the duke’s preparations, and hoping it might conduce to the following design, he agreed to restore them. The conditions of peace were, that the king should deliver up Amiens and St. Quentin, and whatever else was in dispute between them; that he should likewise abandon the Count of Nevers, and the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, with all the lands and territories belonging to either of them, to be disposed of as his own, if the duke could get the possession of them. On the other side, the Duke of Burgundy was to renounce the Dukes of Guienne and Bretagne, as also the protection of their countries, and to permit him to act against them as he pleased. The Duke of Burgundy swore to these articles in my presence; and the Lord of Craon and the Chancellor of France having taken the same oath in behalf of the king, took their leaves of the duke, but advised him not to disband, but rather march forward with his army, to hasten their master’s surrender of the above-mentioned towns; and Simon de Quingy was sent with them to see the king take his oath, and confirm what his ambassadors had done. The king delayed the ratification of this treaty for some days, and in the meantime his brother the Duke of Guienne died.

Soon after Simon de Quingy returned, being sent back by the king with mild and courteous words, but no swearing to the peace, which the duke highly resented, as a thing done in scorn and contempt. Whilst the war lasted, for this and several other reasons you have heard before, the duke’s ministers made bold with his majesty, and gave him most bitter and reproachful language, and the king’s own subjects did not dissemble the matter, but were very free with his character.

Those who hereafter may read these Memoirs, may think I have spoken very disrespectfully, and with too much freedom, of these two great princes, or that else they were persons of but small honour or faith. I would not willingly speak ill of either of them; and what great obligations I have to the king my master all the world knows. But to continue my history in the same manner (as you, my good Lord Archbishop of Vienne, have desired me) I am obliged to give an impartial and true account of what I know, which way soever it happened. However, were they to be compared with the rest of the great princes that reigned in Europe at the same time, they would appear noble and conspicuous, and our king very wise, for he left his kingdom enlarged, and at peace with all his enemies. But now let us observe a little what artifices and stratagems they used to overreach and circumvent one another, that in case any young prince, who has the same game to play, should hereafter accidentally meet with this history, he may, by reading it, be prepared, and defend himself the better; for though neither enemies nor princes are always alike, yet their affairs being often the same, it is not altogether unprofitable to be informed of what is past. To give then my opinion, I am very confident these two princes had the same desire of circumventing each other, and their ends (as you shall hear afterwards) were the same.

Each of them had a numerous army in the field; the king had taken several towns, and whilst the treaty was on foot, pressed his brother very hard. There were already come over to the king, of the Duke of Guienne’s party, the Lord of Curton[355], Patris Foucart[356], and several others. The king’s army had actually invested La Rochelle, and held great intelligence in the town, which was much increased by the report of the peace, and the Duke of Guienne’s illness; and I believe the king’s resolution was (if either he succeeded in his enterprise there, or his brother died) not to swear to the peace; but, if the enemy got the better of him, he would then swear, and keep his engagements, to deliver himself from danger. In this manner he spun out his time, managed all his affairs with wonderful diligence, and, as you have heard, kept Simon de Quingy eight days together in suspense, and in the meantime his brother happened to die; for he knew the Duke of Burgundy was so intent upon the restitution of those two towns[357], that he durst not be angry, but might securely be wheedled for a fortnight or three weeks, till he saw what he had best do; and so it fell out.

Having already spoken of the king, and the artifice he used to overreach and circumvent the duke, now it is necessary that we should say something of the duke’s designs upon the king, and how he would have acted if the Duke of Guienne’s death had not intervened. At the king’s request, Simon de Quingy had a commission from the Duke of Burgundy (as soon as the king had sworn to the peace, and letters confirming what his ambassadors had done, had been received) to signify the contents of the peace to the Duke of Bretagne, and also to the ambassadors of the Duke of Guienne, who were in Bretagne, to the end they might notify it to their master, who was then at Bordeaux; and this the king proposed as a thing that would startle the Bretons, since they found themselves forsaken by an ally who was the main support of all their hopes. Simon de Quingy had by chance in his retinue one of the equerries of the Duke of Burgundy’s stable, whose name was Henry, a Parisian by birth, and a very sensible, intelligent person, to whom the duke had given a letter under his own hand, directed to his ambassador Simon de Quingy, but his instructions were, not to deliver that letter till the ambassador had left the king, and arrived at the Duke of Bretagne’s court at Nantes. Then he was to deliver the letter to him, show him his credentials, and let the Duke of Bretagne know, that he had no occasion to fear that his master would quit his alliance with him and the Duke of Guienne, for he would still stand by them both with his life and fortune; that what had been already transacted was only to avoid war for the present, and repossess himself of Amiens and St. Quentin, which the king had taken from him in time of peace, and contrary to his promise. He was likewise ordered to acquaint him, that the duke his master (as soon as he should be possessed of what he demanded) would send notable ambassadors on purpose to the king, to desire and entreat his majesty to desist from his enterprises against those two dukes; and would not adhere too strictly to the oath he had taken; for he was resolved to keep it with no more strictness than the king had kept his in the treaty before Paris, called the treaty of Conflans, and the pacification at Peronne, which for a long time he neglected to confirm and ratify. He designed likewise to put him in mind, that he had seized the said towns in time of peace contrary to his solemn promise, and therefore he ought not to be surprised if the duke had taken the same measures to recover them.

As to the Constable of France and the Count of Nevers, whom the king had abandoned, though he had a mortal hatred against them, and not without cause, yet the Duke of Burgundy would pass by all their injuries and affronts, if the king would do the same by the Dukes of Bretagne and Guienne, and suffer all parties to live in peace according to his oath, and the treaty of peace at Conflans, where they were all of them assembled together; protesting that, if he refused, he should be obliged to assist his allies with all the forces he could raise; and that the duke was actually in the field when this embassy was despatched. But it happened otherwise. Man proposes, and God disposes; for death (which divides all things, and defeats the counsels of mankind) gave them other work to do; for the king (as you have heard) did not deliver up the two towns, and yet seized upon the duchy of Guienne, as rightfully reverting unto him upon the death of his brother.

_Articles of a Treaty between Louis XI. and Charles, Duke of
Burgundy, whereby the Treaties of Arras, Conflans, and Peronne,
are confirmed. Concluded at the Castle of Crotoy, October 3.
1472._

1. That there is a firm and lasting peace concluded between
the king and his kingdom, and us and our territories; and that
all hostilities shall cease for ever between them and their
subjects, &c.

2. That the said peace may be the better confirmed and
established, and the friendship remain inviolable, the treaty
made at Arras between the late King Charles and our late most
dear lord and father, as also the treaty of Conflans, together
with that of Peronne, are hereby confirmed as much as if they
were expressly and word for word inserted, and shall remain in
their full force, so far as they concern the king and the Duke
of Burgundy. And all those points and articles of the treaty of
Peronne, not yet executed, shall be fully accomplished, in the
same way and manner, and within the same time, as is specified
in the said treaty.

3. By this present treaty the king is to surrender to us, or
those authorised by us, the towns of Amiens and St. Quentin,
with the provostships of Vimeux, Foulloy, and Beauvais, with
all their appurtenances, and whatever has been transferred to
us by the treaty of Conflans and Peronne, to be employed by us
in the manner prescribed by the said treaties. In like manner
the king is to give up to us the towns, provostships, and
territories of Roye and Montdidier, with their appurtenances;
as also what was to have been taken from the provostship of
Peronne. And as to those places, towns, castles, and fortresses
in the duchy, county, and country of Burgundy, Charolois,
Mâconnois, Auxerrois, and Liege, which the king surrenders to
us, we shall enjoy them with all their appurtenances, as we did
before any contests arose about them.

4. As to all moveables possessed on either side, as also all
rents, revenues, and profits, no disputes or lawsuits shall be
made concerning them.