Chapter I: The Occasion of the Wars between Louis XI. and the Count of (2)

Whilst both armies were in this posture and suspense, without offering to engage, the night came upon us, and the king retired to Corbeil[88], though we supposed he had encamped in the field. A barrel of their powder was accidentally blown up where the king had been, which set fire to several waggons that were placed along the hedge; and we imagined the blaze to be fires in their quarters. The Count of St. Paul, who seemed to be a great man among us, and the Lord Haultbourdin, who was a greater, commanded our carriages to be brought to us where we lay, and our whole body to be enclosed with them, which was presently done. As we stood thus rallied, and drawn up in order of battle, several of the king’s soldiers, who had been following the pursuit, returned, believing the victory was their own; and being obliged to pass through our camp, were slain, and very few of them escaped. The men of note that fell on the king’s side were the Lord Geoffroy de St. Belin[89], the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, and one Flocquet, a captain.[90] On the Burgundian side there was slain Philip de Lalain. Of infantry and common soldiers we lost more than the king: but of horsemen the greatest loss was on the king’s side. The king’s forces took most of those who fled prisoners. On both sides there were at least two thousand men slain; however, the battle was well fought, for both sides had brave men, and both were thoroughly tired of it. But in my opinion, it was an extraordinary action to rally in the field, and to face one another for three or four hours together; and certainly both princes had great reason highly to esteem those subjects that stood so firmly by them in this pinch: but in short they acted like men, and not like angels. One man lost his places and estates for running away, and they were given to others, who had fled ten leagues beyond him. One of our great men lost his employment, and was banished his master’s presence, yet in a month’s time he was restored again, and in greater authority than ever.

When we had thus surrounded ourselves with our waggons, every man reposed as well as he could: we had a great number of wounded men, and most of us were much dispirited and alarmed, fearing lest the Parisians, under the command of Marshal Joachim (who was the king’s lieutenant in that city), should sally out upon us with two hundred men-at-arms, who were there in garrison; and we should be attacked on both sides. As soon as it was quite dark, fifty lances were commanded out, to get intelligence where the king was quartered; of which number about twenty only went forth. The place where we believed the king lay, was not above three bow-shots from our camp. In the meantime, the Count of Charolois ate and drank a little, and all the rest of the army did the same; after which the wound in his neck was carefully dressed. To make room for him, before he could sit down to eat, four or five dead bodies had to be removed, and two trusses of straw were brought for him to sit on. As we were removing the dead men, one of the poor stark naked creatures called out for some drink, and on putting a little of the ptisan (of which the count had drank) into his mouth, he came to himself, and proved to be one Pierre Savarot, an archer of the count’s guard, and a very brave fellow; upon which his wounds were dressed, and he was cured.

It was then debated in council what measures were best to be taken. The Count of St. Paul, who was the first that gave his opinion, said, that we were posted in a very dangerous place, and advised that we should retreat towards Burgundy by break of day; that we should burn part of our waggons, preserving only such as belonged to the artillery; and that no man should carry off his waggon unless he had above ten lances under his command; and that it was impossible for us to remain without provisions in the camp we were in, between Paris and the king’s army. Next to him the Lord Haultbourdin made a speech much to the same purpose, without waiting to hear what intelligence the scouts we had sent out would bring us. After him three or four more spoke, and all of them concurred. The last who gave his opinion was the Lord of Contay, who said, that, as soon as these resolutions should be spread abroad in the army, the soldiers would immediately prepare for flight, and would be taken prisoners before they could get twenty leagues: which opinion he strengthened with several substantial reasons; and therefore his advice was to rest themselves that night as well as they could, and that in the morning, by break of day, they should attack the king’s army, with a full resolution either to conquer, or die upon the spot; which he conceived a much safer way than to take to flight. The result of all was that the Count of Charolois took the Lord of Contay’s advice, and gave orders that every man should repose himself for two hours, and be ready at sound of trumpet; and at the same time he desired several officers that were about him to go and encourage his men.

About midnight the scouting party returned, and you may believe they went not far; for they brought word the king was encamped where the fires were seen: immediately, others were sent out, and about an hour after, every man put himself into a condition to fight, but the greatest part had more inclination to retreat. About break of day, the party that had been sent out last met a waggoner of ours (whom the enemy had taken that morning) as he was bringing a pitcher of wine from the village, who told them the enemy were all fled; whereupon they sent us back the news, and went on themselves to the place, and finding all true as he had said, they posted back to acquaint us with it; which greatly rejoiced the whole army; and abundance of them were then very eager for the pursuit, who but an hour before had been very doleful. I had an extremely old and tired horse, which drank up a whole pailful of wine, into which he accidentally thrust his head; I let him finish it, and I never found him better or fresher.

As soon as it was broad day, we all mounted on horseback, and our troops made a rather thin appearance; however, a great number of them that had lain concealed in the woods, soon rejoined us. The Count of Charolois caused a friar to come in, and pretend he came from the Duke of Bretagne’s army, and that they would be with us that day; which news comforted the whole army, though not a man of them gave any credit to it. However, about ten o’clock in the morning, the Vice-Chancellor of Bretagne, called Rouville, and Maderey with him (of both of whom I have spoken before), arrived in our camp, attended by two of the Duke of Bretagne’s archers of the guard in their regimental clothes, which was a very welcome sight to us all. They were asked where they had been, and were highly praised for absenting themselves (considering the murmurs against them), but more for their return, and every one entertained and treated them kindly.

All that day the Count of Charolois kept the field[91], rejoicing extremely, and imputing the whole glory of this action to himself; which has cost him dear since, for after that he was governed by no counsel but his own; and whereas before he was altogether unfit for war, and took delight in nothing that belonged to it, his thoughts became so strangely altered upon this point, that he spent the remainder of his life in wars, in which he died, and which were the occasion, if not quite of the ruin of his family, at least, of the misery and desolation of it. Three illustrious and wise princes (his predecessors) had advanced it to a great height, so that few monarchs, except the King of France, were more powerful than he, and, in large and fair towns, none exceeded him. No man ought, but especially a great prince, to presume too much upon himself; but ought freely to acknowledge, that it is God alone that grants us favours and success. Two things more I will say of him; the one is, that I believe no man ever endured more fatigues than he in all sorts of bodily labour and exercise, when the occasion required it; and the other is, that, in my opinion, I never knew a person of greater valour and intrepidity; I never heard him complain of being weary, nor betray the least signs of fear, during the whole seven years I was in his service in the wars, though he was constantly every summer in the field, and sometimes winter and summer. His designs and enterprises were great; but no man could ever accomplish them, unless God added the assistance of his power.

CH. V.—The King’s Brother the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bretagne, join with the Count of Charolois against the King.—1465.

The next day, which was the third after the battle, we took up our quarters in the village of Montlhery. The inhabitants had all fled, some to the church-tower, and others into the castle; but the Count of Charolois caused them all to return to their houses, and they lost not the value of a farthing, for every soldier paid his scot exactly as if he had been in Flanders. The castle held out for the king, and was never attacked. After we had refreshed ourselves there for three days, the Count of Charolois, by the Lord of Contay’s advice, marched from thence to possess himself of Estampes[92] (which was good and convenient quarters, and situated in a plentiful country), that he might be there before the Bretons (who were marching that way), and lodge his sick and wounded men in the town, and encamp with the remainder of his forces in the fields round about the town; and these good quarters, and that little time which they staid there, saved the lives of abundance of his men. At Estampes arrived also the Lord Charles of France, at that time Duke of Berry, the king’s only brother; the Duke of Bretagne, the Count of Dunois, the Count of Dammartin, the Marshal of Loheac, the Lord of Bueil, the Lord of Chaumont[93], and the Lord Charles of Amboise[94] his son (who since that time has been a great man in this kingdom); all which lords, the king, upon his first accession to the crown, had disappointed and dispossessed of their places, though they had done his father and the kingdom eminent service in his conquests in Normandy, and in several other of his wars. The Count of Charolois, attended by all the officers of his army, went out to meet and greet them, and conducted them to their quarters that were prepared for them in the town, but their army encamped in the fields. In their train were 800 men-at-arms, very good soldiers, the greatest part of whom were Bretons, who had lately deserted the king’s service (as I have stated elsewhere), and were a great improvement to their army; besides, they had a great number of archers and other soldiers, armed with good brigandines[95]; so that one might compute them at about 6000 men on horseback, all very well accoutred; and, to behold them drawn up was enough to convince a man that the Duke of Bretagne was a very great lord, for all of them were paid out of his treasury.

The king, who (as I have already said) was retired to Corbeil, did not forget what he had to do, but hastened into Normandy to raise men; and, to secure the country from any commotion, put some of his guards into the towns near Paris, where he conceived there was any necessity.

The princes spent the first night of their arrival at Estampes in relating their several adventures. The Bretons had taken some of the king’s party that fled, and, had they been but a little forwarder in their march, they would either have taken or cut in pieces the third part of the army. At first, indeed, they had thought of sending a party out, judging that the two armies must be near, but those orders were afterwards countermanded; however, the Lord Charles of Amboise and several other officers, with a small detachment, advanced before the army, to see what they could meet with, and they took several prisoners, and some pieces of the king’s artillery. The prisoners told them that for certain the king was dead, and they believed what they said; for they had fled as soon as the battle began. The Lord of Amboise and his party brought this news to the army of the Bretons, where it was exceedingly welcome; every man fancying that the news was true, and hoping for mighty rewards when the Lord Charles of Berry should come to the crown; and a council was immediately called (as I have been told since by a person of honour and credit that assisted at it), in which it was debated how they might rid themselves of the Burgundians, and send them packing; and the general opinion was, if nothing else would do, to do it by force. But their joy was not long-lived, from whence it may naturally be collected to what changes and revolutions this kingdom is exposed.

But to return to my subject, and the army at Estampes. When all had supped, and many people were walking with great liberty in the street, the Lord Charles of France and the Count of Charolois withdrew to a window and were discoursing of their affairs in a very friendly manner. It happened that among the Bretons there was a poor man who took great delight in throwing squibs into the air, and seeing them break and blaze among the people when they had fallen; and he was called Master John Boutefeu, or Master John of the Serpents, I know not which. This idle fellow, having hid himself in some house that he might not be perceived by anybody, from a garret where he was, cast two or three into the air, one of which, by accident, happened to strike against the bar of the window where the two princes were standing with their heads very near together. Both of them started in great surprise, and stared upon one another, suspecting it a design, and done on purpose to injure them. The Lord of Contay came up to the count, and having whispered a word in his ear, went down, and ordered all the guards of his household, and what other soldiers were at hand, to stand immediately to their arms. And the Count of Charolois persuaded the Duke of Berry to do the same; so that in a moment there were 200 or 300 men-at-arms drawn up before the gate, and a great number of archers, who were employed to search everywhere, to find out from whence the fire had come. At last the poor fellow who had caused all this uproar came and threw himself at their feet, confessed the whole matter, and, by throwing two or three more of them into the air, entirely took away the suspicion several persons had conceived of one another. Thus was this surprising accident turned into a jest, and all laid down their arms and returned to their quarters.

The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken; and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord (which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young, and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men whom he had observed in the count’s army, and by way of compassion he declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much mischief should be occasioned through his means and on his account. Which language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended) they had taken up arms; and they were all of them fully persuaded, that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of the towns in the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his party, that they asked one another, “Did you hear this young duke? He is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch.” And the Count of Charolois further said, “that on account of the ancient wars which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of Berry’s father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be feared they would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time.” And it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny[96], the prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched into England to the court of King Edward IV.[97], who then reigned; and who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother’s side, he was descended.[98] In his private instruction, he had orders to propose a marriage with Margaret[99], the King of England’s sister; but to treat only and negotiate, without coming to any conclusion: for the Count of Charolois, who knew how desirous the King of England was of this match, believed by this means, either to bring him over to his side, if he should have any occasion for his assistance, or at least to hinder him from attempting anything against him. However, though he had no real intention at first to consummate the marriage, upon account of his inveterate hatred to the house of York, yet affairs were so managed, that several years after, the match was concluded; and he moreover accepted the order of the garter[100] and wore it to his death.

Many such like actions as this have happened in the world upon suspicion only, especially among great princes, who are always much more suspicious than other men, by reason of the many false stories and groundless reports that are brought them often merely by court flatterers, without any manner of occasion.

_A Renewing of the Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of
Bretagne, and Charles, Count of Charolois, made at Estampes,
July 24, 1465._

1. We, Francis, Duke of Bretagne, are, and will be, the good
brother, perfect friend, ally, and confederate of Charles,
Count of Charolois: we will aid and assist, counsel, succour,
and support, and, with all our power, guard and defend his
person, and his children born or to be born, their honour,
estates, countries, territories, lordships, and subjects,
as much as we would do our own, without any manner of
distinction, against all and every person and persons (without
excepting our lord the king) whoever they are, that would
injure, make war upon, or usurp anything from our said cousin
and his children, their countries, subjects, lands, and
territories, in possession or reversion, in any manner or upon
any account whatsoever. And we also promise, in all the other
good and laudable quarrels and enterprises of our said cousin
of Charolois, to succour and assist him and his children,
as well against our lord the king, as all other persons
whatsoever; and to employ in their behalf and in their favour
our own person, subjects, countries, territories, and lordships
against all invaders, or such as make war upon them; and to
defend them in person, and with all our power, in such a way
and manner as our good cousin shall require; and, moreover, we
will impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge to be
done, said, or intended to his prejudice, and defend him to
the best of our power; and we shall use our lawful endeavours
to have him comprehended in the alliances already made, or to
be made hereafter by us, so far as he has a mind to it; and we
will make no alliance in prejudice to these presents. And, in
regard of the great love to, and sincere confidence we have in,
our said dear cousin of Charolois, above all others, and also
for his greater assurance that we shall, on our part, perform
as aforesaid, we have been desirous to make, and we do actually
make him our brother-in-arms; and, forasmuch as we do desire
with all our heart, that the said alliances may be inviolably
maintained, kept, and observed, and to the end, lest for want
of a declaration and good understanding, there may arise any
difficulty or doubt, even in respect to the general clause
above written, importing, that we will aid and assist our said
cousin of Charolois in all his quarrels and enterprises, as
well against our lord the king as all others as aforesaid; we
do declare, and our meaning is, that whatever dispute or war
by sea shall happen between the English, or any other nation
whatsoever, and our subjects, or the subjects of our cousin
of Charolois, the subjects of either of us both, who are not
engaged in a contest or naval war against the English, shall
not be obliged, notwithstanding the said alliances, to quarrel
with, nor make war upon them, nor to do anything upon that
account against the truces, treaties, or alliances which, for
the benefit of trade, have been made between the countries and
subjects of our uncle the Duke of Burgundy, and our said cousin
of Charolois, his son; but they shall, as to this particular,
remain in force according to ancient usage and custom: and, if
it should so happen, that any of our subjects, under pretence
of their own war, or otherwise, should come into the countries,
ports, and harbours of our said cousin of Charolois, and,
by sea or land, rob, pillage, and carry off any merchandise
belonging to them, or other people who have the freedom of the
said countries, ports, and havens, or shall be at truce and not
in war, or have the protection of our said cousin of Charolois,
or his officers; in that case, such of our subjects as shall do
so may be taken and seized in the said countries, ports, and
havens of our said cousin of Charolois, wherever they may be
found, and such punishment, correction, and justice inflicted
on them, which in reason ought to be done, according to the
customs and usages of the said countries, ports, and havens
where they shall be taken. Moreover, if any of our subjects
should by sea rob or destroy any goods and merchandises
belonging to the merchants of the countries and territories of
our said cousin of Charolois, residing or dwelling therein,
or to others who are in a truce or peace with, or under the
protection of, our said cousin or his officers as aforesaid,
and should afterwards bring the said goods and merchandises,
or cause them to be brought into any of the towns, ports,
or havens of the said countries belonging to our cousin of
Charolois, in order to sell or barter them there; those who
bring them thither may, in that case, be taken and seized,
and the said goods and merchandises put into the hands of our
said cousin, as being forfeited to him, to dispose of them at
his pleasure, either by restoring them to the right owners, or
otherwise as he thinks fit; and, as for the offenders, they
shall be punished for what they have done, as he, our said
cousin, or his officers, shall judge most convenient.

2. Seeing we are desirous to provide for the security of
our dominions and territories for the time to come, and to
preserve them for the future from the inconveniences which they
have been liable to; if it should so happen, that any of our
successors should hereafter contravene any of these present
alliances (which God forbid), we do, in such a case, give unto
our said cousin of Charolois, or his successors, the countries,
lands, and lordships of Montfort, Estampes, and Vertus,
with their appurtenances and dependencies; and we do divest
and dispossess ourselves of the said countries, lands, and
lordships, and do yield and transfer them from thenceforward,
for ourselves, our heirs, successors, &c., to our said cousin
of Charolois, to occupy and enjoy them, with all their rights,
profits, and emoluments, by way of inheritance for ever, for
himself, his heirs, &c., as fully and in the same manner and
form as we do now enjoy them, and as our predecessors have done
before us, without reserving any right to ourselves, our heirs,
successors, &c., of suing for or laying claim to any right
therein, for any reason or upon any account whatsoever.

3. And to the end that the said alliances may be the more
strictly observed, we have again and anew chosen, named,
and commissioned, and we do on our part choose, name, and
commission for the conservators of them, the same persons
formerly chosen and nominated in our letters patent mentioning
the same, preceding these in date, and also by these presents:
conferring on them new authority and the like power to
maintain, support, favour, and secure them, as well in the
execution of their commission, or otherwise, as our said
letters patent of alliance or conservation do import or contain.

4. If it should come to pass that the said conservators, or any
of them, should hereafter falter, and be justly accused of a
failure in the discharge of the trust reposed in them, in that
case, we, and our said cousin of Charolois, and our successors,
&c., and every one of us in his own right, may appoint one or
more trustees in the room of him or them, who shall transgress,
or be justly accused as aforesaid.

5. That the said alliances between us and our said cousin
of Charolois may be the better kept, and the more firmly
maintained, we have been willing, and we do actually make the
same alliances between our territories and subjects as we do
between our own persons; promising upon our faith and corporal
oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour, firmly to
keep and maintain the said alliance and brotherhood in all
their circumstances and dependencies, without contravening
the same in any manner whatsoever, and to make out unto our
said cousin of Charolois good and authentic instruments of
consent and ratification in the presence of the Estates of our
said countries and territories, to last during our life and
the lives of our heirs, successors, &c., for ever. In witness
whereof we have affixed our seal to these presents.

Done at Estampes, July the 24th, in the year of our Lord 1465.
Signed FRANCIS, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “by
the Duke’s command,” and signed MILET, with a flourish.

CH. VI.—The Count of Charolois and his Allies with their Army pass the Seine upon a Bridge of Boats; after which, being joined by the Forces of John, Duke of Calabria, they invest Paris.—1465.

These great lords, according to the resolution that had been taken in the council of war, left Estampes, where they had remained a few days, and marched to St. Mathurin de Larchant and Moret in Gastinois[101], in which two villages the Duke of Berry and his Bretons were quartered: but the Count of Charolois and his men encamped in a large meadow on the banks of the Seine, and had proclaimed in his army that every horseman should bring a hook with him to fasten his horse; he also caused seven or eight small boats to be brought upon carts, with several pipe-staves, in order to lay a bridge over the Seine, there being no other way of passing it. The Count of Dunois (who was unable to get on horseback by reason of the gout) attended him in his litter, and had his colours carried after him. When they came to the river, they placed the boats which they had brought together, and got over into a little island in the midst of the river, and some of our archers landed and attacked a party of horse on the other side, who were posted there to secure that pass, under the command of the Marshal Joachim and Sallezard[102]. They were posted in a place very disadvantageous for their horse, for it was steep and thick-set with vines; and the Burgundians had a fine train of artillery, under the command of one Monsieur Gerault, a very famous engineer, who had been previously on the king’s side, but was taken prisoner at the battle of Montlhery. In short, the enemy were obliged to abandon their post, and retire to Paris. The very same night, a bridge was laid quite to the island, where the Count of Charolois immediately ordered his own tent to be pitched, in which he lay that night, under a guard of fifty men-at-arms of his household troops. At break of day, a large number of coopers were set to work to make pipe-staves of clap-boards, which had been brought over into the island; and before noon the bridge from the island to the other side of the river being finished, the count passed over it immediately, ordered his tents to be pitched (of which he had abundance), and then passing over all his army and artillery, he encamped with it on the brow of a hill towards the river, from whence his host made a fine appearance to those who still remained behind.

The passing over of the count’s forces took up all that day; but the next morning, by break of day, the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne advanced with their army to the bridge, which they thought very speedily and commodiously built; and having passed over it, they encamped also upon the hill.[103] As soon as it grew dark, we began to perceive a number of fires at as far a distance as we could well discern. Some were of opinion that it was the king; but before midnight we were assured it was John, Duke of Calabria[104] (only son of René, King of Sicily) with about 900 men-at-arms from the duchy and county of Burgundy. He had a good body of horse, but of foot he had few or none. However, though their number was small, I never saw a finer company, or men who seemed better inured to the exercises of war. He had with him about six score men in complete armour, Italians and others, brought up in the wars in Italy, among whom were James Galiot[105], the Count of Campobache[106], the Lord of Baudricourt[107] (now Governor of Burgundy), and several others. These men-at-arms were all very dexterous and ready, and, to speak impartially, the very flower of our army, at least compared with an equal number of the others. He had also, besides these troops, 400 cross-bow men (whom the Count Palatine[108] had furnished), all well mounted, and brave soldiers, and with them 500 Swiss infantry, the first that were ever seen in this kingdom, who behaved themselves with so much courage and bravery in all the actions they were employed in, as have gained reputation for all their countrymen that have succeeded them. The next morning this gallant army drew nearer, and passed over our bridge; so that one might venture to say, the whole power of France (except what was with the king) passed over that bridge. This I can affirm, the number of persons of quality and officers was so great, and the whole army was in such complete order, and made such a fine appearance, that I could have wished that both the friends and enemies of the kingdom had been there to have seen us: for, by that means, the former would have had a just value and esteem for the kingdom, and the latter would for ever after have more dreaded its power. The chief of the Burgundian officers were the Lord of Neufchastel, Marshal of Burgundy, with his brother the Lord of Montagu, the Marquis of Rottelin, and a great number of knights and squires, some of whom had been in Bourbonnois, as I said before; and, to come to us with more security, all had joined with the Duke of Calabria, who appeared to be a brave prince, and as great a commander as any in the army, upon which account a great friendship arose between the Count of Charolois and him.

When the whole army had passed (which, in my judgment, was little less than 100,000 horse, one with another) the princes resolved to present themselves before Paris, and joined all their vanguards together. The Burgundian van was led by the Count of St. Paul; the Duke of Berry’s and the Duke of Bretagne’s by Oudet de Rye[109], and (as I think) the Marshal of Loheac: in this order they marched. The princes themselves were all in the main battle; the Count of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria rode up and down in full armour, and took abundance of pains to keep their battalions in order, and showed great readiness to do their duties; but the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were at their ease, mounted on little hackneys, armed only with very light brigandines, or, as some said, with gilt nails sewn upon satin, that they might weigh the less; but I cannot positively affirm this. In this order the whole army marched to the bridge of Charenton, within two short leagues of Paris, where we attacked and routed an inconsiderable body of frank-archers that were posted on the bridge; after which the whole army marched over it, and the Count of Charolois encamped (between that bridge and a house at Conflans[110]) all along the river, enclosing a large compass of ground with his waggons and train of artillery, and drawing his whole army into it; and with him the Duke of Calabria took up his quarters. The Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were posted with a strong party of their men at St. Maur-des-Fossez; the rest of the army was sent to St. Denis, also about two leagues from Paris, in which quarters the whole army lay for eleven weeks, during which time those things occurred of which I shall speak hereafter.

The next morning a little skirmishing began at the very gates of Paris; in which place were the Lord of Nantoillet, High Steward of France (who, as I have elsewhere observed, did good service to the king), and the Marshal Joachim. The people were in a great consternation, but many of the citizens seemed inclinable to admit the Burgundians and the other lords into Paris; believing (in their judgments) that their enterprise was for the benefit and advantage of the kingdom. There were others who declared openly for the Burgundians, hoping, by advancing their interest, to arrive at some good office or preferment, which, in that city, are more coveted than in any other part of the world besides; for every man makes his employment worth as much as he can, and not as much as he ought; so that there are some offices, with no salary at all belonging to them, which are sold for 800 crowns; and others, whose wages are very small, are sold for more than the salary could amount to in fifteen years; from whence it happens that seldom any man is put out of his place, and the court of parliament maintains this privilege, and rightly; but it interferes with almost all things else. Among the counsellors there is always a great number of honest and able persons, as well as some very ill-conditioned individuals; but it is so in all conditions of society.

CH. VII.—A Digression concerning Salaries, Offices, and Ambition, illustrated by the Example of the English.—1465.

I mention these offices and authorities, because they lead men to desire changes and revolutions, and are thus the occasion of them; which evidently appears, not only by what we have seen in our own days, but also in the time of King Charles VI.[111], in whose reign the wars, which lasted till the peace of Arras, began; during which wars, the English had conquered so great a part of France, that at the time of that treaty (which lasted two months) the Duke of Bedford[112], brother to Henry V., King of England, and husband to the Duke of Burgundy’s sister, was Regent of France for the English there, and resided at Paris, and had 20,000 crowns a month at least, to support the grandeur and dignity of his office. At this treaty of Arras, the King of France sent four or five dukes and counts, five or six prelates, and ten or twelve councillors of parliament to take care of his interests. On the Duke of Burgundy’s side there were more, and those very great persons; and no fewer from the King of England[113]: besides two cardinals from the Pope[114], to act as mediators. The Duke of Burgundy being desirous to acquit himself handsomely towards the English before they parted, on account of the old leagues and alliances which had been between them, offered the duchies of Normandy and Guienne to the King of England, for himself and his lords, upon condition that he would do homage for them to the King of France, as his predecessors had done before him; and that he would restore whatever else he held in that kingdom except the said duchies. But the English absolutely refused to do any homage, and they suffered extremely by it afterwards; for, being forsaken by the house of Burgundy, they soon lost their time, and their influence in that kingdom daily declined, and dwindled at last to nothing. Soon afterwards they lost Paris, and by little and little all they were possessed of in France. Upon their return into England not one of the English lords thought of lessening his estate; and the whole revenue of the kingdom was not sufficient to satisfy them all. Wars arose among them for command and authority, which lasted a long time, and in which Henry VI. (who had been crowned King of England and France at Paris) was declared a traitor and imprisoned in the Tower of London[115], where he continued the greatest part of his life, and was at last put to death. The Duke of York[116], father of Edward IV., lately dead, proclaimed himself king[117], but in a few days he was beaten and slain; and the heads of all that were killed in the battle were cut off; and, among the slain, was the father[118] of the late Earl of Warwick, who was so famous in England. This last Earl of Warwick[119] conveyed the Earl of March (since called King Edward) to Calais by sea, with some few forces which remained of that battle[120]: the Earl of Warwick espoused the interest of the House of York, and the Duke of Somerset[121] that of Lancaster; but the civil wars lasted so long, that all those of the houses of Warwick and Somerset were either slain in battle or lost their heads. King Edward caused his brother the Duke of Clarence[122], to be drowned in a pipe of malmsey, charging him with a design of endeavouring to dethrone him; but after King Edward’s death, his second brother, the Duke of Gloucester[123], caused his two sons to be murdered, declared his daughters to be illegitimate, and had himself crowned king.

Immediately after this, the Earl of Richmond[124], the present king (who had been many years a prisoner in Bretagne) returned into England, and in a set battle defeated and slew this bloody King Richard, who had so barbarously murdered his two nephews. Thus have there been slain in these civil wars of England, within my remembrance, near fourscore persons of the blood royal, some of whom I was acquainted with myself, and the rest I have heard of, by the report of several English gentlemen that resided at the Duke of Burgundy’s court, during the time of my being in his service. So that it is not at Paris only, nor in France alone, that the riches and honours of this world occasion quarrels and disputes. Yet all monarchs and great princes ought to be very careful and circumspect, and not permit any faction or party to spring up in their courts, for from thence the fire spreads, and runs over the whole kingdom. However, I am of opinion that all these revolutions happen by the divine permission and appointment; for when kings and kingdoms have enjoyed a long series of riches and prosperity, and forgotten the fountain from whence those blessings and advantages proceed, God raises up enemies against them, of whom they never had the least suspicion, which appears evidently by the history of the kings mentioned in the Bible, and by the surprising events that have happened of late years, and do daily happen, both in England, Burgundy, and other places.

CH. VIII.—How King Louis entered Paris, whilst the Lords of France were tampering with the Citizens.—1465.

I have dwelt too long upon this subject, and therefore it is now time to return to my history.

As soon as the princes were arrived before Paris, they all began to tamper with the citizens, promising them great places and rewards, and everything that might any ways contribute towards advancing their design. By that time we had lain three days before the town, there was held a grand assembly in the Hotel de Ville of Paris, in which, after many and long harangues, upon hearing the princes’ summons and propositions, which (as was pretended) were for no other end than the good of the public; it was unanimously resolved to send commissioners to them to treat of a peace. Whereupon a great number of substantial citizens went to wait on the princes at St. Maur; and Maître Guillaume Chartier[125] (a person of great parts and eloquence, and at that time Bishop of Paris) was their speaker; and the lords appointed the Count of Dunois to be theirs. The Duke of Berry, the king’s brother, was president of the council, and sat in a chair of state, and all the rest of the princes stood round him: on one hand the Dukes of Bretagne and Calabria, and on the other the Count of Charolois, completely armed (all but his head-piece and gauntlets), with a very rich mantle thrown over his cuirass; for he had come from Conflans, and the Bois-de-Vincennes had in it a strong garrison for the king, so that it was necessary for him to come with a strong guard. The request and object of the princes were to be admitted into Paris, to hold friendly consultation with the citizens about reformation of the government, of which they sadly complained, and charged the king with numerous acts of injustice and mal-administration. The answer of the citizens was full of respect and modesty, yet not without some hesitation and demur. However, notwithstanding that, the king was afterwards displeased with the bishop, and with all that went with him. In this manner the commissioners returned, and great practices and intrigues were still carried on; for every one of the princes had a private conference with the citizens; and I believe it was secretly agreed by some of them, that the lords in their own persons might enter the town, and their army pass through it in small bodies at a time, if they desired it. This admission of the princes would not only have been the means of gaining the town, but of finishing the whole enterprise; for the whole people would, for several reasons, have easily gone over, in imitation of their example, to their side, and by consequence the whole kingdom would have revolted. But God gave the king wise counsel, and he executed it vigorously: being informed of all their secret practices and cabals, before the commissioners, who had been to wait on the princes, had made their report, the king arrived in Paris[126], in the condition of a prince that came to relieve and animate his subjects; for he came with a very great company, and brought above 2000 men-at-arms into the city, all the nobility of Normandy, a great number of volunteers, his household retainers, his pensioners, and other persons of quality that were accustomed to attend so great a king upon such occasions. Thus was the whole design quashed, and the minds of the people entirely changed; so that not a man, how active soever he had been formerly for us, durst now speak one word in our behalf. Some of the commissioners, who had been with us, fared but very ill; some lost their places, and others were banished; but the king used no farther cruelty or revenge; for which I think he is highly to be commended, considering that, if this intended design had succeeded, the best he could have expected had been to have escaped out of the kingdom; for he has told me many times since, that if the town had revolted, and refused to admit him, his resolutions were to have retired, either to the Swiss, or to Francis, Duke of Milan[127], whom he thought his great friend, and so indeed he afterwards showed himself to be, by the supplies which he sent him, which consisted of 500 men-at-arms, and 3000 foot, under the command of his eldest son Galeas[128] (afterwards duke); who came as far as Forest, in Auvergne, and made war upon the Duke of Bourbon; but, upon the death of Duke Francis, they were recalled. His affection to the king appeared, likewise, by the advice which he gave him at the treaty of Conflans[129], which was to make a peace with the princes upon any terms whatsoever, in order to break the confederacy, and separate their forces; but yet still to keep his own army on foot.

As far as I can remember, we had scarce been three days before Paris, when the king entered with his troops. Upon whose arrival the war began very briskly, and they often fell upon us; especially upon our foragers, whom we were forced to send under a strong guard on account of their foraging at a great distance from our camp. But it must needs be owned, that the city of Paris is admirably well placed in the Isle of France, to be able to supply two such powerful hosts with provisions. As for our part, we never found a scarcity of anything in the camp; neither did the inhabitants that were in the town suffer any privation on our account. Nothing grew dearer except bread, which was sold for only a penny more than the usual price; and the reason was, because we had not blocked up the rivers above it, which were three, the Marne, the Yonne, and the Seine, besides several little rivers which fell into them. To say all in a word, Paris is surrounded by the finest and the most plentiful country I ever yet beheld, and it is almost incredible what vast quantities of provisions are brought to it. Since that time, I have been there with King Louis, for six months together, and never stirred, lodging in the Tournelles, eating and sleeping with him very frequently; and besides, since his death (much to my sorrow) I was a prisoner twenty months in the Louvre, from whence I could see, out of my window, whatever came out of Normandy up the River Seine; and on the other side there came in incomparably much more, which I could never have believed, had I not been an eye-witness of it.

The Parisians made frequent sallies every day, which occasioned warm skirmishes on both sides. Our guards, consisting of fifty lances, were posted near the Grange-aux-Merciers[130]; but our scouts went as near the town as they could, and were often attacked and beaten back to our main guard, sometimes retreating gravely step by step, sometimes at full trot, with the enemy at their heels, who sometimes drove them to our very waggons; upon which we used to send a fresh body of troops to reinforce the beaten party, who very often repulsed the enemy, and drove them back to the gates of Paris. And this happened daily and hourly, for there were in the town more than 2500 men-at-arms, well armed and in complete order, besides a great number of the nobility of Normandy, and volunteers; whom the sight of the ladies of Paris, who were constant spectators of their actions, inspired with an emulation of signalising themselves. On our side we had a very great number of men, but not so strong a body of horse as the enemy; for we had none but the Burgundian cavalry, consisting of about 2000 lances, good and bad, who were not so well disciplined as those in Paris, by reason of the long peace they had had, as I said before.[131] Besides, 200 of these were with the Duke of Calabria, at Laigny; but our infantry was numerous, and generally very good. The Bretons were posted at St. Denis, and ravaged all the country on that side Paris; the rest of the lords were dispersed, some here, some there, for better convenience of their provision. At length the Duke of Nemours, the Count of Armagnac, and the Lord of Albret, came to our camp, but their forces were left at a good distance behind, because they had no pay, and it would have starved our army if they had taken anything without paying. To my knowledge the Count of Charolois gave them money for their subsistence, to the amount of 5000 or 6000 francs; and it was resolved that they should come no nearer us; for they were full 6000 horse, and did a marvellous amount of mischief in the country where they lay.

CH. IX.—How the Count of Charolois and the King cannonaded each other near Charenton; after which Action, the Count of Charolois laid a second Bridge of Boats over the River Seine.—1465.

But to return to the army before Paris. It will not be doubted that scarce a day passed without some loss or gain on both sides, but nothing considerable on either. For the king would not suffer his forces to sally out in great bodies, nor would he bring his affairs to the hazard of a battle; his only desire being for peace, in order to break and divide our forces as wisely as he could. However, one day early in the morning, 4000 of his frank-archers came and posted themselves along the bank of the river, over against the Hotel de Conflans. The nobles of Normandy, and some few of the household troops, were disposed in a village about a quarter of a league off, with only a fair plain between them and their infantry, and the River Seine between us and them. The king’s troops began to throw up a trench over against Charenton, and made a bulwark there of wood and of earth, all along the front of our army. This ditch or trench was thrown up (as has been said already) before Conflans, with the river between us and them, and upon that trench and bastion they planted a great number of pieces of cannon, which played briskly upon the Duke of Calabria’s quarters, and at the first firing drove his men out of Charenton, and forced them to retire in great haste to our camp, with the loss of some few horses and men. So the Duke of Calabria took up his quarters in a little house, between the river and the place where the Count of Charolois lay.

The enemy immediately began to cannonade our camp, which threw the whole army into consternation; for, upon the first firing, they killed us abundance of men, and two cannon shots coming through the room where the Count of Charolois was sitting at dinner, killed a trumpeter on the stairs, as he was bringing up a dish of meat.