Chapter I: The Occasion of the Wars between Louis XI. and the Count of (1)

Charolois, afterwards Duke of Burgundy.—1464.

As soon as my childhood was over, and I was old enough[6] to mount on horseback, I was presented at Lisle to Charles, Duke of Burgundy[7], at that time called the Count of Charolois, who took me into his service: this was in the year 1464.

About three days after my arrival at Lisle, the Count d’Eu[8] the Chancellor of France, called Morvillier[9], and the Archbishop of Narbonne[10], as ambassadors from the King of France[11], arrived there also; and, in the presence of Philip, Duke of Burgundy[12] the Count of Charolois, and their privy council, were admitted to a public audience in open court[13]. Morvillier’s speech was exceedingly arrogant, accusing the Count of Charolois of having (during his late visit to Holland) caused a small man-of-war belonging to Dieppe to be seized, in which was the Bastard of Rubempré[14], whom he had also caused to be imprisoned, upon pretence that his design was to have surprised and carried him into France; which report he had had published wherever he went, and especially at Bruges (a town of great resort for strangers of all nations), by Sir Oliver de la Marche[15], a Burgundian knight; for which cause the French king, finding himself, as he said, unjustly traduced, demanded of Duke Philip that Sir Oliver de la Marche might be sent prisoner to Paris, to receive such punishment as his offence deserved. To which Duke Philip made answer, that Sir Oliver de la Marche, being a native of Burgundy, and steward of his household, was in no respect subject to the crown of France; but if, however, it could be fairly proved that he had either done or spoken anything that reflected on the king’s honour, he would take care to see him punished according to the nature of the crime. That as to the Bastard of Rubempré, he had been taken prisoner upon information of intelligence which he and his confederates held in the Hague, where his son Charles, the Count of Charolois, had his residence at that time. That if his son were more suspicious than he ought to be, he had not learned it from him (for he never was of a jealous temper), but rather from his mother[16], who, he must confess, was the most fearful and apprehensive lady he had ever known. But yet, though he was not timorous himself, had he been in his son’s place, when the Bastard of Rubempré was hovering about that coast, he should have caused him to be apprehended, as his son had done. However, if, upon inquiry, the said bastard should not be found to have conspired against his son, as was reported, he would cause him to be released immediately, and sent back to the king, as the ambassadors demanded.

No sooner had Duke Philip ended his speech, but Morvillier began again with great and dishonourable complaints against Francis, Duke of Bretagne[17]; affirming that the said Duke of Bretagne and the Count of Charolois, at the time when the Count of Charolois paid his majesty a visit at Tours[18], had interchangeably set their hands and seals to an instrument of amity, whereby they had become brothers-in-arms; which instrument was delivered by Messire Tanneguy du Chastel[19], who has since been made Governor of Roussillon, and borne great authority in this kingdom; and this action Morvillier heightened and exaggerated in such a manner, that he omitted nothing that could possibly be said on the subject, which might tend to the shame and dishonour of a prince. The Count of Charolois, being nettled at the severe reflections he had cast upon his friend and ally, often attempted to answer him; but Morvillier always interrupted him, saying, “My lord, I was not sent hither on an embassy to you, but to the prince your father.” The count, however, repeatedly entreated his father to give him leave to speak, who at last replied, “I have answered for you as, in my judgment, a father ought to answer for his son. Nevertheless, since your desire is so great, think over it to-day, and to-morrow you shall have liberty to say what you please.” Morvillier still urged the matter farther, and declared, that he could not imagine what could have induced the Count of Charolois to enter into that association with the Duke of Bretagne, unless it were a pension the king had given him[20], together with the government of Normandy, but which, for some reasons, his majesty had since taken from him.

The next morning, before the same audience, the Count of Charolois, kneeling upon a velvet cushion, addressed himself first to his father, and began his discourse about the Bastard of Rubempré, alleging that the causes of his apprehension and imprisonment were just and reasonable, as would appear upon his trial. Yet I am of opinion that nothing was ever proved against him, though the presumptions were great; and I afterwards saw him discharged out of prison, where he had been kept five years. Having cleared this point, his next business was to vindicate the Duke of Bretagne and himself. He confessed that the Duke of Bretagne and he had entered into an alliance and friendship together, and had sworn to be brothers-in-arms; but that the said alliance was not intended in any way to prejudice the king or his kingdom, but rather to serve and support him when occasion required. And lastly, as concerning the pension that had been taken from him, he said, he had only enjoyed it for one quarter, and that amounted to nine thousand francs; and that, for his part, he never was solicitous either for that pension, or for the government of Normandy; for as long as he was so happy as to be in favour with his father, he could afford to dispense with the bounty of other people. I really believe that, if it had not been for the respect he bore his father, who was there present, and to whom he directed his speech, he would have answered in much sharper terms than he did. However, Duke Philip concluded his discourse[21] with great modesty and wisdom, beseeching his majesty to continue to regard him with favour, and not easily to entertain an ill opinion of him or his son. After which, he called for wine and sweetmeats; and then the ambassadors took their leave of them both. When the Count d’Eu and the Chancellor had taken their leave of the Count of Charolois, who stood at some distance from his father, the Archbishop of Narbonne coming last, the count said to him, “Present my most humble respects to the king, and tell him that he has handled me very roughly by his chancellor; but before the year is at an end, his majesty may have reason to repent it.” The archbishop delivered his message punctually to the king at his return, as you will find hereafter; and these words bred a mortal hatred between his majesty and the count, which was augmented by the king’s late redemption of certain towns upon the Somme—namely, Amiens, Abbeville, St. Quentin, and others; delivered formerly to Duke Philip by King Charles VII.[22], in pursuance of the treaty of Arras[23], to be enjoyed by the said duke and his heirs male, till the sum of 400,000 crowns should be paid.[24] How this affair was managed, I can give no certain account; only this I can say, that the affairs of the duke in his declining years, were so entirely governed by two brothers, the Lords of Croy[25] and Chimay[26], and others of their family, that he consented to take the king’s money, and restore the towns that were mortgaged to him, to the great concern and disadvantage of the Count of Charolois; for they were the frontiers and limits of their dominions, and they lost, in parting with them, several thousands of brave soldiers and good subjects. The count charged the whole matter upon the house of Croy; and when his father was grown decrepit and superannuated, which at that time he was very near, he drove all the said Lords of Croy from his father’s palace, took away all their employments, and confiscated their estates.

_A Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of Bretagne, on the
one part, and Charles, Count of Charolois, on the other. Made
at Nantes, the 22nd of March, 1464._

“Francis, by the Grace of God, Duke of Bretagne, Earl of
Montfort, Richemond, Estampes, and Vertus, to all who shall see
or hear of these Presents, Greeting.

“Whereas love, unity, and agreement between princes, are a
means to preserve them and their dominions, in due obedience
towards God, in a flourishing state, virtue, magnificence, and
tranquillity, and even to improve and augment them; in order
to which, all princes and lords ought to be very intent and
watchful, so as to repress the contentious, and all such as
would invade or form any enterprises against them: and seeing
there has been, from time immemorial, a firm friendship and
alliance made, cultivated, and maintained, as well in respect
to consanguinity, affinity and natural affection, as otherwise,
between the late most high and potent princes the Dukes of
Burgundy, and the late Dukes of Bretagne, our predecessors
(may they rest together in glory!)—and seeing we are and have
for some time been assured that certain people in authority
and near the person of the King of France, excited thereto by
an evil and accursed disposition, have, and do daily move him
to entertain enmity, indignation, displeasure, and ill-will
towards several princes of his own blood, and by false and
wicked reports set him at division and variance with them, to
the detriment of the whole kingdom; advising and exciting him
to invade and divest them of their countries and signiories;
and among others, the most high and potent princes, our most
dear and well-beloved uncle and cousin, the Duke of Burgundy,
and the Count of Charolois his son, and especially us, upon
the account of them, their territories and subjects, so as
to do us and ours all the damage and displeasure they can;
for the prevention whereof, being desirous to make use of all
just and reasonable means, we have—in conformity to the rules
of right reason, and the most just and laudable actions of
our predecessors; and to prevent any sudden, unexpected, and
injurious enterprises, which the said king, by the persuasions,
counsels, and earnest solicitations of those our ill-willers,
may form against us; and the better to enable us to withstand
and resist the same, and to defend our territories, subjects,
and signiories, as we are in duty bound—entered and do by these
presents enter into an alliance, confederacy, and agreement
with our said most dear and well-beloved cousin, the Count
of Charolois, son and only heir of our said most dear and
well-beloved uncle of Burgundy, in the following manner and
form, that is to say:—That we are and shall continue a true
friend and ally to him, will assist him, take his part, advise,
comfort, and succour him, and with all our power protect, save,
and defend his person, and those of his children born or to
be born, and his estates, countries, territories, signiories,
and subjects, as well those dominions which he now holds and
possesses, as those which he may or shall possess, for the
future, in the same manner as we do our own, without any
distinction, against all and every person and persons who
shall molest, lessen, make war upon, or usurp anything from
him, and his said children, their countries, territories,
signiories, and subjects, in any manner whatsoever, without
any reservation or exception of the said lord the king; and
in case he shall, by the advice and enticements of our said
enemies, or otherwise, invade or make war upon our said cousin
of Charolois, we do promise our aid and assistance to him,
our said cousin, against the king, and all others whomsoever,
that would invade, or make war against him. And to this end
we will, for and in favour of him, and for his assistance,
engage ourselves, our territories, countries, and signiories,
in possession or reversion, our whole power, in making war
against such invaders or assailants; and we will signify and
impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge, that may be
said, done, projected, or contrived to his prejudice, and will
defend him to the utmost of our power: And we do comprehend in
this alliance, convention, and confederacy, our most honoured
lord the Duke of Berry, and our most dear and well-beloved
cousins the Dukes of Calabria and Bourbon; and in regard to the
engagements we have already entered into, and may do hereafter,
we do comprehend therein our said cousin of Charolois, his
countries, subjects, and signiories, with his friends and
allies, present and to come, and their countries and subjects,
as much as we do ourselves and our own dominions, so far
forth as they are willing to be received and comprehended
therein; and we shall not enter into any other alliances or
confederacies, that are prejudicial to this treaty; and we do
by these presents promise and swear by our faith, and upon
corporal oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour,
firmly to observe these alliances and confederacies, without
doing anything to the contrary whatsoever; upon condition and
so far forth as our said cousin of Charolois gives us the same
assurance and promises, and observes the same. In witness
whereof, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and
sealed them with our seal.”

Done at Nantes, March the 22nd, in the year of our Lord 1464.
Signed FRANCIS, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “By
the Duke’s Command,” and signed MILET, with a flourish.

CH. II.—How the Count of Charolois and several great Lords of France raised an Army against King Louis XI., under pretence of the Public Good.—1464.

A very few days after the departure of the king’s ambassadors, John, late Duke of Bourbon[27], came to Lisle, pretending a visit to his uncle Philip, Duke of Burgundy, who loved the family of Bourbon most of all the families in the world. This Duke of Bourbon was the son of Duke Philip’s sister[28]: she was a widow, and was at that time with him, with several of her children—three daughters and one son.[29] However, this was not the true cause of the Duke of Bourbon’s visit; but his coming thither was to persuade the Duke of Burgundy to consent to the raising of an army in his dominions, as the rest of the princes of France had agreed to do; in order to demonstrate to the king the injustice and ill-management of his kingdom, and to put themselves into a condition to compel him to reform the State, if fair application could not prevail. This war was afterwards called the Public Good, it being undertaken upon that pretence. Duke Philip, who since his death has been called the Good, consented to the raising of men; but the real object of the business was never made known to him, nor did he ever think they would ever have proceeded to blows. Immediately they began to enlist forces in his countries; and the Count of St. Paul[30] (afterwards Constable of France), being come with the Marshal of Burgundy[31] (who was of the house of Neufchâtel) to wait upon the Count of Charolois at Cambray, where Duke Philip then was, the count assembled the council, and others of his father’s chief subjects, in the palace of the Bishop of Cambray[32], and there declared all the members of the house of Croy mortal enemies both to his father and himself[33], though the Count of St. Paul had long before married one of his daughters to a son[34] of the Lord of Croy, and alleged it would be much to his prejudice. In short, the whole family were forced to fly out of the Duke of Burgundy’s territories, and lost great part of their estates. These proceedings were highly displeasing to the Duke of Burgundy, whose chief chamberlain was one of them, called afterwards Lord of Chimay[35]; a young gentleman of good parts, and nephew to the said Lord of Croy. This gentleman, for the security of his person, went away without taking leave of his master, otherwise (as he was informed) he would have been made prisoner, or killed.[36] The old age of Duke Philip forced him to endure this patiently; but the true reason of this declaration against his favourites, was the restitution of the towns upon the River Somme, which the duke had restored to King Louis for 400,000 crowns, and the Count of Charolois charged the house of Croy with having persuaded him to do it.

The Count of Charolois having made up this business, and reconciled himself to his father as well as he could, immediately took the field with his army, being attended by the Count of St. Paul, as chief manager of his affairs, and general of his forces under him. His troops consisted of about 300 men-at-arms, and 4000 archers, besides a large number of good knights and squires from Artois, Hainault, and Flanders, all under his command, by the appointment of the Count of Charolois. There were other brigades as great and considerable, under the command of the Lord of Ravestain[37], brother to the Duke of Cleves[38], and Lord Anthony[39], the Bastard of Burgundy; besides several other eminent officers, whose names, for brevity sake, I shall omit. But above all the rest, there were two officers in more than ordinary reputation with the Count of Charolois. One of them was called the Lord of Haultbourdin[40], an old soldier, bastard brother to the Count of St. Paul, and trained up in the wars between France and England, when Henry V.[41] King of England, reigned in France, and Duke Philip was joined with him as his confederate and ally. The other was the Lord of Contay[42], much about the age of the first: both of them were wise and valiant commanders, and of high rank in the army. There were also abundance of young gentlemen, and among them one more particularly famous, who was called Philip de Lallain[43], of a family very remarkable for their courage and loyalty, most of them having lost their lives in the service of their princes. The whole army consisted of about 1400 men-at-arms, neither well armed nor well exercised, by reason of the long peace which these princes had enjoyed; for since the treaty of Arras they had had little or no wars; only some small differences with the citizens of Ghent, which lasted not long; so that (if I am not mistaken) they had been at peace for more than thirty-six years.[44] However, the men-at-arms were well mounted, and well attended; for few or none were to be seen without five or six lusty horses in his equipage. The archers might be about 8000 or 9000; out of whom, at the general muster, they selected the best; but more of them were disbanded than retained.

The subjects of the house of Burgundy were at that time very wealthy, by reason of the long peace they had enjoyed, and the goodness of their prince, who laid but few taxes upon them; so that in my judgment, if any country might then be called the land of promise, it was his country, which enjoyed great wealth and repose; more than ever it has since; and it is now probably three and twenty years since their miseries began. The expenses and dresses both of women and men were great and extravagant: and their entertainments and banquets more profuse and splendid than in any other place that I ever saw. Their baths and other amusements with women, lavish and disorderly, and many times immodest: I speak of women of inferior degree. In short, the subjects of that house were then of opinion that no prince was able to cope with them, at least to impoverish them: and now in the whole world I do not know any people so desolate and miserable as they are: and I question not but the sins they committed in their prosperity are, in some measure, the occasion of their present adversity, and have brought down this heavy judgment upon them; especially since they did not own and acknowledge that all good things proceed from God, who distributes and disposes of them according to his pleasure.

The Count of Charolois having got his army in readiness as it were in an instant, and being furnished with all things necessary for a campaign, marched forward with all his troops, which were all on horseback, except those who were attached to the train of artillery, which was large and fine for those times, and accompanied by such a vast number of waggons, that, with his own only, he could enclose the greatest part of his army. At first he marched towards Noyon, and besieged a small castle called Nesle (in which there was a garrison), and took it in a few days.[45] Joachim, a Marshal of France[46], having drawn what forces he could out of the garrison of Peronne, observed his motions, but was too weak to attempt anything against him; and, therefore, when the Count of Charolois drew near Paris, he threw himself into that town. The Count of Charolois, during the whole of the march, would not suffer the least act of hostility to be committed, but made his soldiers pay wherever they came; so that the towns upon the Somme, and all the others by which he marched, received his troops, in small bodies, within their walls, and furnished them with what they wanted for their money; being desirous (as it seemed) to watch whether the king or the princes would be master of the field. The count advanced so far, that he came to St. Denis[47], about a league from Paris, where all the lords of that kingdom had promised to meet him, but none of them came. The Duke of Bretagne, however, sent, as his ambassador to the count, the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne[48], who had blanks with him signed by his master, of which he made use to send news and letters, as occasion required. He was by birth a Norman, a wise and clever man; and so it behoved him to be, for many murmured against him. The Count of Charolois presented himself before Paris[49], and had a smart skirmish with the Parisians at their very gates, which was much to their disadvantage. In the town there were no men-at-arms, but those under the command of Marshal Joachim, and the squadron of the Lord of Nantouillet[50], who was afterwards grand-master of the household, and who did the king as much service in this war as any subject who ever served King of France in his hour of need. Yet after all he was ill-requited; but it was more the malice of his enemies, than the king’s fault; though, to speak impartially, neither of them was altogether excusable. The common people in the city (as I have since been informed) were in so great a consternation that day that they cried out, “The enemy have entered;” but without any grounds. However, the Lord Haultbourdin (whom I mentioned before, and who had formerly lived in that town, when it was nothing near so strongly fortified as it is now) was entirely for storming it; and the soldiers, despising the citizens, whom they had beaten up to their very gates, were also eager for it. Yet, probably, after all, it was found impracticable, and so the Count of Charolois marched back to St. Denis.

The next day, in the morning, a council of war was held, in which it was debated whether or no they should march forward to meet the Dukes of Berry[51] and Bretagne, who were not far off, as the Chancellor of Bretagne affirmed, and produced letters to that effect; but the truth is, he had written them upon his master’s blanks, and knew nothing of them besides. The decision was, that they should pass the River Seine with their army. The greatest part of the officers opposed this; and were of opinion, it was best to return home, since the rest of the princes had not been punctual to their day; saying, it was enough for them to have passed the Somme and the Marne, without endeavouring to pass the Seine too. Some even began to start great difficulties in this undertaking, upon the account of not having any places behind us to retreat to in case of necessity; yet, notwithstanding all this, the Count of Charolois passed the river with his whole army, and posted himself at Pont Saint Cloud, which made the whole army murmur extremely against the Count of St. Paul and the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne.

The next day after his arrival, news was brought (from a certain lady of that kingdom, written with her own hand) that the king was come out of the county of Bourbon, and advancing against him with forced marches. But, before I proceed, it will be necessary to say something of the occasion of the king’s march into Bourbonnois.

The king, understanding that all the great lords of his kingdom had declared against him, or at least against his government, resolved first of all to invade the Duke of Bourbon’s dominions, who seemed to have most openly declared himself against him; and because his country was in an ill posture of defence, he believed he might easily conquer it. Accordingly he made himself master of several places, and would have entirely subdued the whole province, had he not been prevented by succours from Burgundy under the command of the Lord of Coulches[52], the Marquis of Rottelin[53], the Lord of Montagu[54], and others; with whom there was also in arms William de Rochefort[55], Chancellor of France, a person at this day in very good esteem. These forces were raised in Burgundy by the Count of Beaujeu[56] and the Cardinal of Bourbon[57] (who was brother to John, Duke of Bourbon), and by them thrown into Moulins. On the other side also, reinforcements were sent to the Duke of Bourbon, by the Duke of Nemours[58], the Count of Armagnac[59], and the Lord of Albret[60], with a strong party of men, some of whom were very good soldiers, who had deserted the king’s side, and had retired to them; yet the greatest number of them were very ill provided, and having no pay, they were forced to live upon free quarters. But the king, for all their great numbers, found them employment enough; so that by degrees they came to a treaty; especially the Duke of Nemours, who swore fealty to the king[61], and engaged to continue firm and loyal to his cause: however, he afterwards revolted, which was the occasion (as the king often told me) of the displeasure he retained against him so long. But when the king found he could not finish the war in the Bourbonnois so soon as he expected, and that the Count of Charolois was advancing on Paris, apprehending lest the Parisians should give admission to him, and to the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne (who were marching from Bretagne, and all of them pretending the good of the kingdom), and fearing likewise that if the Parisians should receive them, all the other towns would do the like—he resolved by great marches to throw himself and what forces he had with him into Paris, and (if possible) hinder the conjunction of those two mighty armies; but he had no intention of fighting, as he has since told me many times in our discourse about these affairs.

CH. III.—How the Count of Charolois encamped with his Army near Montlhery, and of the Battle fought in that place between him and the King of France.—1465.

As I said before, as soon as the Count of Charolois was informed of the king’s departure, that he had left Bourbonnois, and (as he at least supposed) was marching directly to fight him, he resolved also to advance forward and meet the king. Then, communicating the contents of the letter he had received from the above-mentioned lady (still concealing her name), he declared his resolution of venturing a battle, and encouraged his soldiers to behave themselves like men. Upon this, he immediately advanced with his army, and took up his quarters at Longjumeau, a village not far from Paris; but the Count of St. Paul, with the whole vanguard, marched forward to Montlhery, which is about two leagues beyond; from whence several scouts and spies were immediately sent out, to discover which way the king took, and to give notice of his approach. After some deliberation, Longjumeau was chosen for the place of battle, in the presence of the Count of St. Paul, the Lord Haultbourdin, and the Lord of Contay; and thither, by agreement amongst themselves, the Count of St. Paul was to retire, upon the first notice of the king’s arrival.

Now you must know, that the Count of Maine[62], with 700 or 800 men-at-arms, was marching against the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne, who had in their army several wise and experienced officers, who had been cashiered by king Louis at his first accession to the crown, though they had done his father eminent service in the recovery and pacification of his kingdom; which treatment the king afterwards acknowledged to be an error, and frequently repented. Among others, there was the Count of Dunois[63], a person considerable in all things; the Marshal de Loheac[64], the Count of Dammartin[65], the Lord of Bueil[66], and many others, besides fully five hundred men-at-arms, who, having deserted his majesty’s service, had retired to the Duke of Bretagne, as they were all his subjects, born in his country, and at that time in his army. The Count of Maine, who, as I said before, was marching against them, finding himself too weak to engage them, retired before them as they advanced, and retreated towards the king; whilst the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were endeavouring to join with the Burgundians. Some would have it, that the Count of Maine held intelligence with them; but I could never discover this, and therefore do not believe it.[67]

The Count of Charolois being posted, as I said before, at Longjumeau, and his van at Montlhery, was informed by a prisoner that was brought to him, that the Count of Maine had joined with the king[68], who had then in his army all the standing forces in the kingdom, amounting to about 2200 men-at-arms, besides the arriere-ban of Dauphiny, and about forty or fifty gentlemen of Savoy, all very good soldiers.

In the meantime the king had called a council of war, at which the Count of Maine, Monsieur de Brezey[69], the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, the Admiral of France[70], who was of the house of Montauban, and several other officers, assisted: and in conclusion, whatever had been said either for or against it, his majesty resolved not to fight, but only to throw himself into Paris, without coming near the place where the Burgundians were encamped; and in my judgment, his resolution was good. He had no great confidence in the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, and therefore asked him one day very seriously, whether or no he had given anything in writing under his hand and seal to the princes who were confederate against him: to which the grand seneschal replied that he had, and they might keep it, but his body should be the king’s: and he said this jocularly, as his custom was to speak. The king was satisfied, and gave him the command of his vanguard, and the charge of his guides, because, as is said before, he wished to avoid a battle. But the seneschal being resolved to have his own way, privately told some of his confidants: “I will bring the armies so close together this day, that he must be a very experienced general who will part them without fighting:” and, indeed, he was as good as his word, and the first men killed were himself and his troops. This expression of his the king afterwards told me himself; for at that time I was in the service of the Count of Charolois.

In short, on the 27th of July, 1465[71], the king’s vanguard was advanced near Montlhery, where the Count of St. Paul was posted, who immediately informed the Count of Charolois (who was encamped at Longjumeau, about two leagues off, at the place marked out for the field of battle) of their arrival; desiring him to send him a reinforcement with all speed, for all his men-at-arms and archers were dismounted and on foot, and so encumbered with their waggons, that they could not possibly retreat to Longjumeau, according to the orders he had received, without seeming to run away, which would involve the whole army in great danger. Upon receiving this message, the Count of Charolois immediately sent a large detachment of troops under the command of the Lord Anthony, Bastard of Burgundy, to reinforce the Count of St. Paul with all diligence; and was himself in suspense whether he should follow him or no; but at length he marched after the rest of the army, and arrived about seven in the morning. Five or six of the king’s standards were, however, already planted along the side of a great ditch, which separated the two armies.

There was still in the host of the Count of Charolois the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne, called Rouville, and with him an old soldier, called Maderey[72], who had surrendered Pont Saint Maxence to the Burgundians. These two were in no little fear, in respect that the whole army murmured against them, seeing the battle was ready to begin, and the forces they had so much boasted of were not yet arrived to join the army. Whereupon, before the fight began, they both betook themselves to their heels, and fled that way by which they presumed they would find the Bretons. The Count of Charolois found the Count of St. Paul on foot, and his troops ranged themselves in order of battle as they marched up; and we found all the archers dismounted, and every man with a stake planted before him; several pipes of wine had been broached, and were set for them to drink; and from the little I saw, never men had more desire to fight, which I took to be a good omen, and which comforted me extremely. Our first orders were, that every man should alight, without any exception: but that was countermanded afterwards, and nearly all the men-at-arms mounted again. However, several good knights and squires were ordered to remain on foot; and among the rest, the Lord des Cordes[73] and his brother.[74] The Lord Philip de Lalain was likewise on foot (for at that time, among the Burgundians, it was most honourable to fight in that manner among the archers), and there was always a large number of these volunteers among them, to encourage the infantry, and make them fight the better; which custom they had learnt from the English, when Duke Philip made war upon France, during his youth, for two-and-thirty years together without any truce. But the greatest part of the burden of the war lay upon the English, who were powerful and rich, and governed at that time by that wise, graceful, and valiant prince, King Henry V., who had many wise and brave men under him, and very great commanders, such as the Earl of Salisbury[75], Talbot[76], and others whom I pass by, as being before my time, though I have seen some few of them who survived; for when God was, as it were, weary of doing them good, that wise king died at the Bois de Vincennes, and his son[77], a weak prince, was crowned King of France and England at Paris: after which factions began to stir, and civil wars arose in England, which have almost lasted till this present time, by reason of the usurpation of the crown by the house of York.[78] But whether their title was good or not, I cannot determine, for the disposal of those things is from heaven.

But to return to my subject. The dismounting and mounting again of the Burgundians took up a great deal of time, and occasioned the loss of abundance of men; and by this means, that valiant gentleman, Philip de Lalain, was slain, being but slightly armed. The king’s troops defiled through the forest of Torfou, and were not, at their first appearance, above four hundred men-at-arms; so that, if they had been charged at once, in all probability there had been but little or no resistance; because, as I have said, they were forced to march one abreast; but their numbers still increasing, the Lord of Contay, who was an experienced officer, rode up to the Count of Charolois, and told him, that if he had a mind to win the battle, it was high time to charge the enemy; giving his reasons for it, and telling him, that if he had attacked them sooner, he would have routed them already, for then they were but few, but now they increased visibly; and indeed, this was true. Upon which the whole order and disposition of the battle was altered, every man throwing in his advice; whilst, in the meantime, a great and smart skirmish was begun at the end of the village of Montlhery, between the archers on both sides.

The king’s troops, consisting of all the archers of his guard glittering in their liveries, and very well disciplined, were commanded by Poncet de Rivière[79]; those of the count’s party, being volunteers, were in no regular order, and under no command. However, in this manner they began the engagement, in which the Lord Philip de Lalain, and James du Mas[80] (an excellent officer, afterwards master of the horse to Charles, Duke of Burgundy), fought on foot among the archers. The Burgundians, who were superior in numbers, possessed themselves of a house, and unhinging two or three of the doors, made use of them, instead of shields; after which they advanced into the street, and set fire to one of the houses. The wind did them service, driving the fire upon the king’s forces, who began to give ground, retire to their horses, and fly. Upon which the noise and shouting was so great, that the Count of Charolois marched forward, and abandoned the whole order which he had first adopted.

By the count’s first orders, his troops were to halt twice by the way, because of the great distance between the vanguard and the main battle. The king’s forces were drawn up towards the castle of Montlhery, with a large hedge and ditch in their front; and besides, the fields that lay behind them were full of corn and beans, and such kind of grain, the soil being very rich and good. All the count’s archers marched on foot before him in very ill order; though I am of opinion, that the chiefest strength of an army in the day of battle consists in the archers; but they must be strong and very numerous, for few are of no avail. I would have them also but indifferently mounted, that they may not be afraid of losing their horses, or rather that they had none at all; and for one day it is better to have raw soldiers that have never been in any action, than those that have been trained up in the wars; and in this I am of the same opinion with the English, who, without dispute, are the best archers in the world. It was said, that orders had been given that the army should halt twice by the way, to give the infantry time to breathe, because it was a great distance which they had to march, and the stiffness and stubbornness of the corn hindered their progress extremely. However, all things were done as perfectly contrary, as if they designed to lose the battle on purpose; whereby God did plainly manifest to all the world, that all battles are in his hands, and that he disposes of victory as he pleases. And indeed I cannot be persuaded, that the abilities of any one man are sufficient to manage and command so great a number, nor that things can be executed in the field in the same manner as they have been concerted in the council; and I am of opinion, that any man possessed of natural reason, who is so arrogant as to think himself able to effect this, assumes much of the honour that is due only to God. For though every man is obliged to perform his duty, and to endeavour to do what lies in his power, yet at the same time he ought to acknowledge, that war is one of God’s means of accomplishing his will which he often begins upon small and trivial occasions, and gives the victory sometimes to one and sometimes to another; and this is a mystery so great, that from it all the kingdoms and governments of the world do take their rise and increase as well as their end and dissolution.

But to return from this digression; the Count of Charolois advanced, without giving any breath either to his archers or foot soldiers. The king’s troops (being all men-at-arms) marched out at both ends of the hedge, and when they came near enough to make use of their lances, the Burgundian men-at-arms broke through the ranks of their own archers (who were the flower and hope of their army), without giving them leisure to discharge one arrow. The whole number of our horse was, I believe, not above 1200, and of them scarce fifty understood how to lay a lance in rest; there were not 400 of them armed with cuirasses, and very few of their servants had any arms at all; and the reason of it was, because of the long peace, and because, for the ease of their subjects, the house of Burgundy had not been used to keep any standing forces in pay: but since that time that country has not enjoyed any repose, but is rather grown worse than better at this very day. However, though the strength and flower of their army was thus broken and thrown into disorder by themselves, God (who disposes of these mysteries as he pleases) order things so, that on the right wing towards the castle, where the Count of Charolois commanded, victory declared on his side without any considerable opposition. It was my fortune to be with him all that day, during the whole action, in less fear than in any engagement I have ever been in since, which I impute to my youth, as not having a just sense and apprehension of the danger, but I rather wondered at the presumption of any man that durst venture to oppose the prince I served, whom I believed to be, without comparison, the greatest monarch in the world. Such vain notions inexperienced people frame to themselves; whence it arises that they often maintain strange and irrational arguments, without any ground or foundation at all; for which reason it is good to make use of the advice of him who says, that “A man never repents of speaking little, but often of speaking too much.”

The left wing was commanded by the Lord Ravestain, the Lord Jacques de St. Paul[81], and several other men of quality, who plainly perceived that their body of men-at-arms was too weak to encounter the enemy; but they were too near to alter the order of battle. To be short, this wing was entirely broken, and driven, some of them to their waggons; but the greatest part of them made towards a forest, which was nearly half a league from the field of battle. At their waggons some of the Burgundian infantry rallied and stood to their arms. The chief of those who pursued us, were the nobles of Dauphiny and Savoy, with a great party of men-at-arms, who verily believed they had won the victory; and not without reason, for the Burgundians on that wing, among whom were several persons of note and distinction[82], fled in great numbers; and most of them fled upon the spur towards Pont St. Maxence, which they supposed still held out for the Count of Charolois. However, a good number still maintained their ground in the forest, amongst whom was the Count of St. Paul, who had retreated thither with a good body of forces; for he was pretty near to the forest, and he plainly showed afterwards that he did not think the battle utterly lost.

CH. IV.—Of the imminent Danger to which the Count of Charolois was exposed, and the manner of his being rescued.—1465.

The Count of Charolois pursued the enemy on the side where he commanded, about half a league beyond Montlhery, and with a very small body of forces; for though the enemy were numerous, yet they made no resistance, and therefore he concluded the victory was his own; but it was not long before one Monsieur Anthony le Breton, an ancient gentleman of Luxembourg, came up to him and told him the French had rallied their forces on the field of battle, and if he followed the pursuit any further he would certainly be lost; yet, though he repeated his opinion over and over, the count would not stop for him; but presently the Lord of Contay (whom I have mentioned before) came in also, brought him the same intelligence as the old gentleman had done, and delivered it with such eagerness, that he began to hearken to his counsel, and quickly faced about; and it was well he did; for had he advanced but two bow-shots further, in my judgment he had been taken prisoner, as several were that had got before him. In his return, near the village of Montlhery, he discovered a flying body of foot, whom he pursued (though he had scarce a hundred horse with him); and of that whole brigade, but one single footman made any opposition, who gave the count such a blow on the stomach with a spear, that the mark of it was to be seen at night. Most of the rest saved themselves in the gardens, but he who struck the count was killed upon the spot. As we marched by the castle, we discovered the archers of the king’s guard drawn up before the gate, who did not stir upon our coming up to them, at which the count was extremely surprised; as he imagined there was not a man left to oppose him. As he wheeled about to march into the field (part of his men had already become separated from him), he was so furiously attacked on a sudden by about fifteen or sixteen men-at-arms, that at the very first charge they slew Philip D’Oignies[83], his esquire-carver, who bore his guidon. The Count of Charolois himself was in imminent danger[84] in this encounter, and received several wounds, but especially one in the neck with a sword (the mark of which remained to his dying day), for want of his beaver, which, being slightly fastened on in the morning, dropped from his head in the battle, and I myself saw it fall. The enemy immediately laid hands on him, crying out, “My lord, surrender yourself; we know you well; do not obstinately throw away your life.” However, he still made a gallant defence, and at that very instant one John Cadet[85], a physician’s son of Paris, who was in his service (a tall, stout, lusty person), mounted on a horse as large as himself, broke in, and parted them by riding between them; upon which the French party wheeled, and marched off to the ditch, where they had been drawn up in the morning; for they were afraid of another party which they perceived advancing towards them. The count, covered with blood, marched out to them into the field. They were the colours of the Bastard of Burgundy, which were so torn when they came, there was scarce a foot of them left; and under the banner of the count’s archers, there were not above forty left in all, to whom we joined ourselves (being about thirty) in no little fear. The Count of Charolois changed his horse immediately, and had another given him which belonged to Simon de Quingy[86], who was at that time his page, but has since been very well known. The count, as I said before, drew out into the field to rally his men, but for the half hour we stayed there, we thought of nothing but running away, provided we had seen a hundred of the enemy advancing to attack us. There came to us about ten or twenty men, both horse and foot. Most of our infantry were either wounded or extremely fatigued with the battle and their long march in the morning; and for an hour together our whole body did not exceed a hundred, but by degrees it increased. The corn was very high and thick, and the dust was most terrible; the whole field was scattered with dead horses and men, yet none of the dead men could be recognised on account of the dust.

Immediately afterwards, we discovered the Count of St. Paul marching out of the forest, at the head of about forty men-at-arms, under his own colours, and advancing directly towards us, still increasing in numbers as he moved on; but they still seemed very far from us. We sent to him three or four times to pray him to hasten his march; but he kept his own pace, marching on very slowly and in good order, and causing his men to gather up the lances that lay scattered on the ground, which sight greatly rejoiced and animated our troops. With him a great number rallied again, and at last came and joined us, so that we found ourselves to be a complete body of about eight hundred men-at-arms; but we had few or no foot, which prevented the count from gaining a complete victory, for there was a ditch and a thick hedge between the two armies.

On the king’s side there fled the Count of Maine with several other persons of quality[87], and not fewer than eight hundred men-at-arms. Some will have it, that the Count of Maine held correspondence with the Burgundians; but to speak truth, I think there was no such thing. Never was there a greater rout on both sides; but (which is remarkable) the two princes themselves kept the field. On the king’s side there was a person of note who fled as far as Lusignan without stopping, and on the count’s there was another ran as far as Quesnoy-le-Comte; which two gentlemen certainly had no intention or desire to encounter one another.

While both armies stood thus drawn up in order of battle facing one another, the cannon began to play on both sides, which killed abundance of men, but neither party desired to venture a second engagement. Our army was more numerous than the king’s: yet so powerful was his royal presence, and so efficacious the obliging language he used to his soldiers, that I verily believe had it not been for him, they would certainly have all fled; as indeed I have since learned was the case. Some few there were on our side who were for fighting again, and particularly the Lord Haultbourdin, who affirmed he saw the enemy filing off, and preparing to run: and doubtless had we had but a hundred archers to have shot through the hedge, the victory had been entirely ours.