Chapter XIX: Book THE FOURTH (1)

CH. I.—How the Duke of Burgundy, having seized upon the Duchy of Guelders, attempted farther Inroads upon the Germans, and besieged Nuz.—1474.

The interview between the king and the constable occurred in 1474, and at that time, the Duke of Burgundy seized upon the province of Guelders[384], upon a quarrel well worthy to be related, to demonstrate the justice and power of God. There was a young Duke of Guelders called Adolphus[385], who had married a daughter[386] of the house of Bourbon, sister to the present duke, Pierre. The marriage having been consummated in the Duke of Burgundy’s court, he still retained some affection for him, and continued his friend. This young duke had committed a most execrable act, in seizing upon his father[387] one night as he was going to bed, carrying him five German leagues on foot, bare-legged, in very cold weather, and confining him a close prisoner in a dungeon at the bottom of a tower[388], where there was no light but what came through a cleft in the wall; and he kept him in that miserable condition for the space of six months. This barbarous action occasioned a desperate war between the Duke of Cleves (whose sister the imprisoned duke had married) and the young Duke Adolphus. The Duke of Burgundy often interposed his good offices, and would fain have accommodated their difference, but could not. At length the pope and the emperor[389] began to stir in the affair, and the Duke of Burgundy was commanded upon great penalty to release Duke Arnold from prison, and it was done; for the young duke, seeing so many princes concerned in the business, and fearing lest the Duke of Burgundy would otherwise have done it by force, did not dare to refuse. I saw them both several times in the Duke of Burgundy’s chamber, pleading their causes before the council, and the good old man in a passion threw his son his glove, and demanded a combat. The Duke of Burgundy would fain have reconciled them, and offered to the young duke, who was his favourite, the title of governor of the province, with the whole revenue thereof, and that only a small town near Brabant, called Grave[390], with a revenue of 6000 florins (one half to be received out of the profits of the said town, and the other as a pension), should be continued to his father, with the title of duke, as was but reasonable. I was deputed (with others wiser than myself) to make this proposal to the young duke, whose answer was, “That he had rather fling his father headforemost into a well, and himself after him, than consent to such an accommodation; for his father had been duke four and forty years already, and it was time now that he should have his turn; but he would willingly allow him a pension of 3000 florins, upon condition he would leave the duchy, and never come into it again;” besides several other extravagant and detestable expressions to that effect.

This happened just at the time when the king took Amiens from the Duke of Burgundy, who was then with these two dukes at Dourlens[391] very busy in adjusting their differences. Upon the news of the taking of Amiens, he removed suddenly to Hesdin, and forgot their controversy which was before him. The young duke disguised himself like a Frenchman, and endeavoured (with only one servant) to make his escape into his own country.[392] Passing a ferry not far from Namur, he paid a florin for his passage, which being observed by a priest that stood by, he presently suspected him, and asked the ferry-man what it was he had given him; then, looking earnestly upon him, he recognised him, and caused him to be apprehended and carried to Namur[393]; where he was kept a prisoner till, upon the Duke of Burgundy’s death, the citizens of Ghent released him, and would have forced the duke’s daughter[394] (since Duchess of Austria) to have married him. After which, taking him along with them in their expedition against Tournay, he was miserably slain, and sordidly buried, as if the vengeance of God Almighty, for his barbarity to his father, could not have been otherwise satisfied. The old duke dying before the Duke of Burgundy, and during his son’s imprisonment (upon the account of his inhuman and vile treatment), disinherited him, and left the succession of Guelders to the Duke of Burgundy; by virtue of which title (though he found some little resistance) the Duke of Burgundy conquered it, and enjoyed it till his death, for he was then powerful, and at peace with the king; and his successors enjoy it to this day, and shall do as long as God shall think good.[395] This I have related for no other reason (as I said in the beginning) but to show that such unnatural impiety never goes unpunished.

The Duke of Burgundy returned into his own country, mightily puffed up by the acquisition of this duchy. He took great pleasure in concerning himself with the affairs of the empire; for the emperor was a mean-spirited prince, and to avoid the expense of war, would tamely suffer anything. Besides, of himself, without the concurrence of the princes of the empire, he could do but little. For this reason the duke prolonged his truce with the king[396], though some of the king’s courtiers were utterly against it, alleging the danger of the duke’s growing too powerful: and what they urged was not altogether unreasonable; but they wanted experience and foresight, and therefore did not understand the matter. Others[397] (of greater judgment and knowledge, in respect that they had been in those countries) advised by all means that the cessation of arms might be prolonged, and the duke permitted to tire and exhaust himself against the Germans (whose grandeur and strength, when united, are almost inconceivable); for he was of such an ambitious temper, that the taking of one town, or the accomplishing of one design, did but excite and hurry him on to attempt another; so that one war drawing a second upon him (contrary to the king’s humour), his restless desires were not to be satisfied with any single success. Wherefore they advised the king, as the best and easiest way to revenge himself upon him, rather to give him some little assistance, than the least suspicion of breaking the truce; for the greatness and puissance of the princes of Germany would quickly confound and exhaust him, and (the emperor himself not being a warlike prince) they would certainly unite and oppose him; and so it happened in the conclusion.

There were at that time two persons that pretended a right to the bishopric of Cologne: one of them was brother to the Landgrave of Hesse[398]; and the other was the Count Palatine of the Rhine.[399] The Duke of Burgundy sided with the Palatine, and undertook to establish him by force in that dignity; and (in hopes of gaining some of the towns thereabout for himself) he besieged Nuz[400] (which is a town not far from Cologne) in the year 1474. And the Landgrave of Hesse[401] was there with a good number of men. The duke, however, had so many things upon the anvil at once, and so many enterprises and designs in his head, that he sank beneath the burden of them. He would fain have persuaded Edward, King of England, to have brought over a great army, which (upon his solicitation) he had raised at that time, to favour his designs in Germany, which were as follows:—If he took Nuz, he designed to have put a strong garrison into it, and two or three towns more in that neighbourhood (by which means Cologne would have been blocked up), and then to have marched up the Rhine as far as the county of Ferrette, which was then under his jurisdiction[402]; by which means all the Rhine, as far as Holland, would have been under his dominion; which space of ground contains more fortified towns and castles than any kingdom in Christendom, except France. The truce which the Duke of Burgundy had made with the king, had been prolonged for six months[403]; and the greatest part of it being expired, the king desired it might be renewed, that the duke might have enough of the war in Germany; but the duke, because of his promise to the English[404], would not consent to it.

I would willingly have omitted this siege of Nuz, as an affair not absolutely necessary to my history; and, besides, I was not at it; but I am obliged to mention it on account of some matters which depend on it. The town of Nuz was strongly fortified, and in it there were the Landgrave of Hesse, and many of his relations and friends, with a body of 1800 horse, as I was informed, all choice troops (as they proved afterwards), and as many foot as they thought needful for the defence of the place. This landgrave, as I said before, was brother to the bishop, who was chosen in opposition to that person whom the Duke of Burgundy would have advanced. Upon which, being highly disgusted, he laid siege to Nuz in the year 1474.

His army was at that time more numerous and in better order than it ever had been formerly; especially his cavalry; for, upon pretence of some designs upon Italy, he had got together about 1000 Italian men-at-arms, under the command of the Count of Campobasso, a Neapolitan, a partisan of the house of Anjou, a most perfidious and dangerous man. There was likewise James Galeot, a Neapolitan gentleman (a very brave officer), and several others, whose names, for brevity sake, I omit. Besides, he had with him 3000 English, all stout soldiers, and a vast number of his own subjects well armed, mounted, and disciplined in his wars; and a fine train of artillery. All these were prepared and in readiness to join the English (that were raising in England with all expedition) upon their first landing. But things of such importance are managed very tediously there; for the king not being able to undertake such an affair without calling together his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, as it consists for the most part of sober and pious men, is very serviceable and strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects (for no money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or Scotland, or some such extraordinary occasion); and then they supply him very liberally, especially against France; yet the Kings of England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to have any supplies granted, to raise men, and pretend quarrels with Scotland or France; and having encamped with their army for about three months, disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for their own private use; and this trick King Edward understood very well, and often practised it.

It was a whole year before this English army could be raised and set in order. When it was ready, towards the beginning of the summer, notice was given to the Duke of Burgundy, who lay then before Nuz, and was of opinion that in a few days he should put his bishop into possession, and have Nuz and other towns assigned him for the purposes above mentioned.

I am of opinion this was God’s own doing, in mercy to the kingdom of France, or else the Duke of Burgundy might have done great mischief to that nation with an army of old troops accustomed for several years together to invade it, without any resistance but what was made by the fortified towns; and yet something may be attributed to the king’s wisdom and management, who would not put anything to a venture; not so much for fear of the Duke of Burgundy, as of tumults at home upon the loss of a battle; for he did not believe himself safe with his servants or subjects, especially the great lords; and, if I may speak freely, he often told me that he knew the inclination of his subjects very well, and should find them inclinable to rebellion upon the loss of a battle, or any such misfortune. Wherefore, whenever the Duke of Burgundy invaded any part of his dominions, his majesty’s way was to put strong garrisons into all the towns by which he was likely to march; so that (without the expense and hazard of an army in the field) the duke’s forces in a little time wasted and baffled themselves without endangering the nation; which (in my judgment) was very good policy. However, the duke being so strong as I have represented him, if the English army had appeared at the beginning of the summer (which it doubtless would have done, if the duke had not committed the error of besieging Nuz), certainly the kingdom of France would have been in imminent danger; for the King of England had never invaded France with so numerous and well-disciplined an army; all the great lords of England attended him without any exception; and they amounted to about 1500 men-at-arms (a great number for the English), all well accoutred and with a great retinue; besides 14,000 archers on horseback, with their bows and arrows, and a numerous body of camp-servants on foot, but not one page in the whole army. Besides, the King of England was to have landed 3000 men in Bretagne[405] to join the Duke of Bretagne’s army. I saw likewise two letters under the hand of the Lord of Urfé, Master of the Horse of France, but who was then in the Duke of Bretagne’s service; one directed to the King of England, and the other to the Lord Hastings, High Chamberlain of England, which had this among other expressions: That the Duke of Bretagne would do more by his intrigues in a month, than the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy both could do in six, with all the force they could bring. Nor do I question the truth of what he said, if things had been managed as they might have been. But God, who is ever careful of the preservation of this kingdom, disposed of them otherwise, as you shall understand hereafter. These letters above mentioned were purchased of one of the English secretaries for threescore marks of silver by our king, whom God pardon!

CH. II.—How the Town of Nuz was relieved by the Germans and the Emperor; and of other Enemies whom the King of France stirred up against the Duke of Burgundy.—1474.

As I said before, the Duke of Burgundy had invested Nuz, and met with greater difficulties in that siege than he expected. The city of Cologne (which lies four leagues higher upon the Rhine) was forced to be at the expense of 100,000 florins of gold a month, to secure themselves against the Duke of Burgundy, and had, in conjunction with some of the neighbouring towns above it, upon the Rhine, put into the field a body of 15,000 or 16,000 foot, and posted them with a large train of artillery upon the bank of the river opposite to the duke’s camp, with a design to intercept all his convoys of provision, which came by water out of the country of Guelders up the river, and to sink his boats with their cannon. The emperor and the electoral princes of the empire had a meeting about this affair; and it was unanimously resolved to raise an army. The king having sent several ambassadors to them, to solicit them to that purpose, they sent to him a Canon of Cologne (of the house of Bavaria), and another ambassador with him, with a roll or list of the army which the emperor designed to raise, provided the king would make a diversion on his side. They were sure of a favourable answer from his majesty, and whatever they demanded was granted. Besides, the king promised in writing, both to the emperor and to several princes and cities, that as soon as the emperor should take the field, and advance to Cologne, he would send 20,000 men to join them under the command of the Lords of Craon and Sallezard.

Hereupon the German army was raised, and got ready, amounting to an almost incredible number of men; for all the princes of Germany, both spiritual and temporal, and all the bishops and free-towns, sent in their respective forces in great numbers. I was informed that the Bishop of Munster[406] (who is none of the greatest) led into that army 6000 foot and 1400 horse, all clothed in green uniforms, besides 1200 waggons; but his bishopric was hard by. It was seven months’ time before this army was raised and fit to march; and it then posted itself within half a league of the Duke of Burgundy’s camp[407]; and (as I have been informed by several of the duke’s people) it was three times the number of the Duke of Burgundy’s army and the English army together, both in men, tents, and pavilions; and besides this army of the emperor’s, there was the army on the other side of the river, which continually annoyed the enemy, both by cannonading their camp, and intercepting their convoys.

As soon as the emperor and the princes of the empire were arrived before Nuz, they despatched a certain doctor (of great reputation among them), called Hesevare[408] (who was afterwards made a cardinal), to the king. His business was to solicit his majesty to perform his promise, and to send his 20,000 men; otherwise the Germans would accommodate matters with the Duke of Burgundy. The king promised him fair, made him a present of 400 crowns, despatched him immediately, and sent along with him to the emperor one John Tiercelin[409], Lord of Brosse; but this did not satisfy the doctor, so that there were great intrigues carried on by all sides during this siege. The king endeavoured to make peace with the Duke of Burgundy, or at least to prolong the truce, to prevent the English from landing: the King of England, on the other hand, tried to persuade the duke to raise the siege before Nuz, and (according to his engagement) to make war upon France, for the winter began to approach; on which errand the Lord Scales (nephew to the constable, and a very good knight) was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke; but the duke was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all things prepared to receive them, both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him to succeed.

There was at that time with the emperor an apostolic legate[410], who passed daily from one camp to the other, to negotiate a peace. The King of Denmark also, being quartered in a small town[411] not far from the two armies, endeavoured the same; so that the Duke of Burgundy might have had honourable terms, and marched off to the King of England, but he would not accept of them. He excused himself as handsomely as he could to the English, telling them that his honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise the siege; and such like excuses. These were not the English who had reigned in his father’s days, and had behaved themselves with so much valour and conduct in the old wars with France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French affairs; so that the duke did very unwisely, if he had any design to make use of them for the future, for he would have had to lead them on, as it were, step by step, at least during the first campaign.

The Duke of Burgundy’s perverse resolution to continue the siege of Nuz occasioned two or three other wars to break out upon him. The Lord of Craon, for the advantage of the king’s affairs, persuaded the Duke of Lorraine[412] that it would turn highly to his advantage to quarrel with the Duke of Burgundy in this present juncture; though he was in perfect amity with him, and had been in treaty with him since the death of Duke Nicholas of Calabria, yet he sent him a defiance (by means of the Lord of Craon) as he lay in his camp before Nuz; and immediately he took the field, invaded the duchy of Luxembourg, committed great ravages in the country, and razed a town called Pierre-fort[413], in the said province, not above two leagues from Nancy. Moreover, by the conduct and management of the king and his ambassadors, a ten years’ alliance was concluded between the Swiss and the towns upon the Rhine (as Basle, Strasburg, and others) who had been at enmity before.

A peace was likewise made between Sigismund, Duke of Austria, and the Swiss, in order to facilitate his recovery of the county of Ferrette, which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundy for 100,000 florins of the Rhine; but one thing remained in dispute between them still, for the Swiss pressed hard to have passage when they pleased (either with their arms or without) through four towns in the county of Ferrette; and it being referred to the king[414], he decided in favour of the Swiss.

All things being resolved on, they were executed accordingly; for, in a fair night, Peter Archambault[415], the governor of the county of Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundy, was surprised, and 800 men with him; the men were all immediately discharged, but the governor was detained and carried prisoner to Basle, where process being made against him for certain excesses and violences which he had committed in the said county of Ferrette[416], his head was struck off, and the county restored to Sigismund, Duke of Austria. Then the Swiss began to make war upon the Duke of Burgundy, and took Blasmond[417], belonging to the Marshal of Burgundy, who was of the house of Neufchastel. They also besieged the castle of Herycourt[418], belonging also to the house of Neufchastel; the Burgundians attempted to relieve it, but were beaten, and a great number of them killed; after which the Swiss did much mischief, ravaged the whole country, and then retired for that time.

CH. III.—How the King took from the Duke of Burgundy the Castle of Tronquoy, with the Towns of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and the Endeavours he used to persuade the Emperor Frederick to seize upon such Towns as belonged to the Duke in the Empire.—1475.

The truce between the king and the Duke of Burgundy now expired[419], to the king’s no small regret, for he had much rather have renewed it; but finding it was impossible to be done, he besieged a little castle called Tronquoy, in the beginning of the summer of 1475, and took it by assault in a few hours’ time. The next day[420] the king sent me to parley with the garrison of Montdidier, who marched away with their baggage, and abandoned the town. The day after I was sent with the Admiral of France, Bastard of Bourbon, to capitulate with Roye, which, despairing of relief, surrendered to the king.[421] They would neither of them have submitted, had the Duke of Burgundy been in the country, for which reason, though contrary to our promise, both of them were burnt; from thence the king marched with his army to Corbie, where he was expected. We carried on our approaches very well, and fired from our batteries for three days successively. In the town there were the Lord of Contay[422], and several other officers, who surrendered at last[423], and marched out with their baggage; two days after, the poor town was plundered, and then burnt, as the other two had been.

The king at this time had some thoughts of retiring with his army, supposing the necessity of the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs would have put him upon a new truce; but a certain lady (whom I know, but will not name, because she is still living) wrote to the king to desire his majesty to march with his army to Arras, and the country thereabouts. The king believed her, for she was a person of honour; yet I cannot commend her for it, because she was under no obligation to do it; but the king, however, sent thither the Admiral Bastard of Bourbon with a strong detachment[424], who burnt a great many of their towns between Abbeville and Arras. The citizens of Arras, having enjoyed a long series of peace and prosperity, and being grown haughty and arrogant, compelled their garrison to make a sally; but being too weak for the king’s party, when they came to charge, they were most of them taken or killed, especially their officers, and among the rest Monsieur Jacques de St. Paul, brother to the constable, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Carency[425], and some of the nearest relations to the lady who was the occasion of that undertaking; and indeed she herself was a great sufferer by it, but the king made her handsome reparation for the loss she had sustained.

About this time the king had sent John Tiercelin, Lord of Brosse, on an embassy to the emperor, to prevent any accommodation between him and the Duke of Burgundy, and to excuse him to the emperor for not having sent his forces according to his promise. His ambassador was to assure his imperial majesty that, for the future, he would be more punctual, and to magnify his incursions and exploits, as well against the Duke of Burgundy’s own country, as against the country of Picardy. Besides which, he was to make a new proposal, that they should mutually engage and swear, one to the other, to make no peace nor truce without the knowledge and consent of both; that the emperor should seize and take all such lordships as belonged, or ought to belong, to the said Duke of Burgundy, in the empire, and declare them forfeited; upon which terms the king would possess himself of all that the duke held of the crown of France, as Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, and the rest. The emperor was never accounted valiant in his life, but being old he had seen much, and had a great deal of experience; and these treaties and contrivances between him and the king having taken up much time, the emperor by degrees grew weary of the war, though it had cost him nothing, for the German princes were all at their own charges, as their custom is, whenever the common interest of the empire is concerned.

By way of answer to the king’s ambassadors, the emperor told them the following story: Not far from a certain town in Germany there was a great bear, that did a great deal of mischief; two or three boon companions who used often to drink together, came to a tavern, where they had run up a large reckoning before, and desired the landlord that he would give them credit but for that one reckoning, and before two days were at an end they would wipe off all scores, for they were resolved to kill that bear which had done so much mischief, and whose skin would yield them a great deal of money, besides all the presents that would come in to them for the service they had done the country in destroying that ravenous beast. Their landlord trusted them once more, and when they had dined, away they marched in search of the bear. Her den happening to be nearer than they supposed it was, they stumbled upon the bear before they expected, and, being all three in great consternation, they took to their heels; one ran towards the town, the other climbed up a tree, but the third was overtaken, and, having fallen down, the bear trampled upon him with her feet, and ran her snout into his ear. The poor man had thrown himself flat on the ground, and lay in a posture as if he were dead. Now, it is the nature of that beast to suppose that whatever prey it seizes upon, whether man or beast, is dead when it perceives no further motion, and it then lets it alone. Accordingly, this bear went away to her den, without doing him any hurt. By degrees the poor man began to look up, and finding the enemy retired, he got upon his legs, and ran as fast as he could to the town. His companion that had taken refuge in the tree, having seen the whole mystery, came down with all speed, ran and hallooed after him, desiring him to stop; so he turned back very civilly, and stayed till he came up. When he who had been on the tree had overtaken him, he asked his companion, upon oath, what counsel it was which the bear was so long in whispering into his ear. His comrade replied, “she charged me never for the future to sell the bear’s skin till the beast was dead.” And with this story the king’s ambassador was despatched, for the emperor gave him no other answer in public; the meaning of which was, “That if the king came according to his promise, they would take the duke if they could; and when he was taken, they would talk of dividing his dominions.”

CH. IV.—How the Constable fell again under the Suspicion both of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.

You have already heard that Monsieur James de St. Paul and other officers were taken prisoners in the action before Arras, which was an accident very unpleasing to the constable, for James was his favourite brother. But this misfortune came not alone; for almost at the same time[426] his son, the Count of Roussy (Governor of Burgundy for the duke) was taken prisoner likewise; and not long after died the constable’s wife[427], an excellent lady, and sister to the Queen of France, upon which account he found much favour and support; for the combination (which, as you have heard, was for some time interrupted at Bouvines) was still carried on against him; and the constable never thought himself safe afterwards, but was held in perpetual suspicion by both sides, but more especially by the king, for he was sensible his majesty repented of having withdrawn his articles at Bouvines.

The Count of Dammartin, with others, was quartered with his men-at-arms in the neighbourhood of St. Quentin; and the constable was afraid of them, as if they had been enemies, and threw 300 of his own troops into that town, and stayed amongst them himself, for he had no confidence in the king’s forces, but lived in continual anxiety and disquiet of mind. The king sent several messages with orders to him to take the field and march into Hainault, and besiege Avesnes at the same time that the admiral with his detachment made an incursion into Artois, which he did, but with incredible fear. He had not lain many days before the town, with a strong guard about his person, before he retired to St. Quentin again, and sent the king word (which message, by the king’s order, was delivered to me) that he had raised the siege upon certain information that there were two persons in the army employed by the king to assassinate him; and he told so many circumstances to confirm it, that most people began to believe it, and one of the persons was suspected of having revealed something to him, that he ought to have kept secret. I will not name the persons, nor make any further mention of this matter.

The constable sent frequently into the Duke of Burgundy’s quarters (and I think his object was to divert him from this foolish expedition); and upon the return of his agents, he always sent some news or other to the king, which he imagined would greatly please his majesty, and withal acquainted him with his design in sending so often to the duke, by which artifice he thought to amuse and cajole the king. Sometimes, also, he sent to let the king know that the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were in a very prosperous condition; but it was only to frighten him; and so fearful was he of being surprised, that he begged the Duke of Burgundy to send to him his brother James de St. Paul (before his capture), the Lord of Fiennes[428], and other of his relations (who were then with the duke at the siege of Nuz), and that he would allow him to put them and their troops into St. Quentin (but without the cross of St. Andrew, which is the badge and cognisance of the house of Burgundy); and he promised to keep St. Quentin for the duke, and in a little time to deliver up the town entirely to him; and for better security offered to promise this under his hand. The Duke of Burgundy granted his request; but when his brother James, the Lord of Fiennes, and the rest of his relations, came twice within a league or two of St. Quentin, and were ready to enter, his fear vanished, he repented, and sent them back from whence they came; and on a third occasion he did so again; such was his desire to carry his affairs swimmingly between both parties, and preserve himself in the position he was in, for he exceedingly feared them both.

These passages I learned from several persons, and particularly from the mouth of Monsieur James de St. Paul, who, when he was prisoner, told them to the king, when nobody was present but myself, and the sincerity of his answers was very serviceable to him. The king demanded of him what number of troops he designed to have put into the town. He told his majesty that, on the third occasion, he had 3000. Then the king asked him if he had succeeded, and entered the town, for whom he would have kept it? whether for him or for the constable? Monsieur James de St. Paul replied, that on the first two occasions he came only to encourage his brother; but the third time, having observed that his brother had twice before deceived both his master and his majesty, if he had found his party the strongest, he would have kept it for his master, but without any violence or detriment to his brother; only if he had commanded him to evacuate the town, he would have disobeyed his orders. Not long after this private conference, the king released Monsieur James, gave him men-at-arms and a large estate, and employed him afterwards in several affairs as long as he lived; and all because of the freedom and sincerity of his answers.

Since I began to speak of Nuz, I have intermingled several occurrences, which, however, were coincident; for the siege continued a year[429], and they happened during that time. There were two things which mightily tempted the Duke of Burgundy to raise the siege: one was the war which the King of France had begun against him in Picardy, in which he had burnt three pretty little towns[430], and wasted a good part of the flat country in Artois and Ponthieu; the other was the great army which, at his request and solicitation, the King of England had raised; for he had been importuning him all his life long to invade France, and could never effect it till now. The King of England and all his nobility were highly discontented at the Duke of Burgundy’s delays, and added threats to their entreaties; as they had reason, for they had been at a prodigious expense in raising an army, and the best part of the season was almost spent. The Duke of Burgundy thought it highly for his honour that so puissant an army as the emperor’s (consisting of the forces of so many princes, prelates, and states), which amounted to a greater number than had been assembled together since the memory of man, and for a long time previously, were not able to force him to raise the siege. But he paid dearly for his vanity; for the man who makes profit by a war, bears away all the honour of it. However, the legate I mentioned before continued his good offices on both sides so long, that at length a peace[431] was concluded between the Emperor and the Duke of Burgundy, and Nuz was delivered into the hands of the Pope’s legate, to be disposed of as his Holiness should direct. But to what extremity must the Duke of Burgundy have been reduced, to see himself pressed so hard by the French forces on one side, and the English menaces on the other; especially at a time when Nuz was reduced to such a miserable condition, that in fifteen days they must have surrendered unconditionally, or starved? Nay, I was told by a captain who was then in the town, and whom the king afterwards took into his service, that it could not have held out ten days longer; and yet for these urgent reasons the Duke of Burgundy was forced to raise the siege in 1475.

CH. V.—How the King of England passed the Sea with a powerful Army to assist his Ally, the Duke of Burgundy, against the King of France, to whom he sent a Defiance by one of his Heralds-at-arms.—1475.

But to proceed. The King of England, in order to embark for Calais[432], had marched down to Dover with an army; the most numerous, the best disciplined, the best mounted, and the best armed, that ever any king of that nation invaded France withal. He was attended by the flower of the English nobility, consisting of 1500 men-at-arms, richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them barded, and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his retinue. His archers were 15,000, on horseback, with their bows and arrows, besides a great number of foot soldiers, and others to pitch his tents and pavilions, take care of the artillery, and enclose his camp; and there was not one page in the whole army; besides which, there was a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in Bretagne. I have already mentioned this before, but however, it is not impertinent to do it again, if it were for no other reason but to show, that, if the providence of God had not, by peculiar mercy to this kingdom (which He has preserved more graciously than any other in the world), infatuated the Duke of Burgundy’s understanding, no one could ever have believed that he would be so blind to his own interest as to invest, and obstinately to carry on the siege of, a town so strongly fortified and so bravely defended as Nuz was; and especially at that juncture, when he had at last prevailed upon the English, after many importunities, to pass the seas, and invade France in conjunction with him; a thing that he had been labouring at all his life-time, but could never effect till now. Besides, he knew that the troops of that nation were at present of little importance in his wars with France, and if he expected any real assistance from them afterwards, it was necessary he should have made one campaign with them at least, to have acquainted and instructed them in the method of our wars; for though no nation is more raw and undisciplined than the English at their first coming over, yet a little time makes them brave soldiers, excellent officers, and wise councillors. But the duke did just the contrary, and, among the rest of the disadvantages that followed, the summer was almost spent, and his own army so diminished and fatigued, that he was ashamed they should be seen; for he had lost before Nuz 4000 of his standing forces, the very flower of his army; by which one may see how God disposed him to act in this affair contrary to his reason and interest, which he understood better than any one else ten years before.

The King of England being at Dover, ready to embark, the Duke of Burgundy sent him 500 Dutch boats, which were flat and low, and very proper for the transportation of horses (which boats, in Holland and Zealand, are called scuts); yet, notwithstanding that vast number, and all that the king could provide of his own, the embarking and landing his forces at Calais occupied three weeks, though the distance between Dover and that place is but seven leagues. From whence one may observe with what prodigious difficulty the Kings of England transport their armies into France; and if the King of France had understood the sea as well as he did land affairs, King Edward could never have landed in France, at least that year; but his majesty had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he gave authority in war knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to Eu, took two or three of their transports.

Before the King of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his heralds, named Garter, a native of Normandy, to the King of France, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in such polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman[433] wrote it.

The contents were, that our king should surrender to the King of England the kingdom of France as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve them from the great oppression and burdens they groaned under; and if he refused, he declared all the ensuing miseries and calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such occasions. The King of France read the letter to himself, and then, wisely withdrawing into another room, commanded the herald to be called in; he then told him that he was very sensible his master had not made this descent upon any disposition of his own, but at the importunity of the Duke of Burgundy and of the Commons of England; that it was visible the summer was far spent, and the Duke of Burgundy returned from Nuz, but in such a weak and miserable condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist him; that, as to the constable, he was satisfied he held intelligence with the King of England (for he had married his niece), but there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive King Edward, as he had often deceived him; and having enumerated the favours which he had conferred upon him, he added, “His design is to live in eternal dissimulation, to treat with everybody, and to make his advantage of all.” Besides which the king used several other arguments to induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, gave him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promised him 1000 more upon the conclusion of the peace; and then, in public, his majesty ordered him to be presented with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in length.

The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would not be averse to it; but there was no making any proposals, till he was landed with his whole army in France, and then, if his majesty pleased, he might send a herald to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to him; but withal he desired his majesty to address letters to the Lords Howard[434] or Stanley[435], and also to himself, that he might introduce his herald.

There were abundance of people attending without, during the king’s private discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. When he had done, he called me, and charged me to entertain the herald, till he ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king addressed himself to the rest of the company, gave them an account of his letters of defiance, and calling seven or eight of them apart, he ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was much revived by what he had learned from the herald.

CH. VI.—Of the Trouble and Perplexity of the Constable, and of certain Letters he wrote to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which afterwards were partly the Cause of his Death.—1475.

I here must say a word or two concerning the constable, who was in great perplexity for the trick which he had played the Duke of Burgundy about St. Quentin; and he now looked upon himself as quite ruined in the king’s favour, who had already drawn away from him the Lords of Genly[436] and of Moüy (two of his principal servants), though the Lord of Moüy went to visit him sometimes. The king very earnestly desired the constable to come to him, and offered him certain recompenses which he demanded for the county of Guise, and which the king had formerly promised him; the constable was willing to come, but required that the king should swear upon the cross of St. Lou of Angers[437] neither to do, nor consent that any mischief should be done to his person; insisting, that his majesty might as well take this oath to him now, as he had formerly done to the Lord of Lescut.[438] The king replied, that he would never take that oath again for any man whatever; but let him propose any other, and he would take it. You must understand that both constable and king were in great uneasiness and perplexity of mind; so that for a good while together there was not a day passed, but somebody or other went between them to settle this oath. And to a thoughtful man it is a great instance of the misery and infelicity of human life, that we should speak and write so many things contrary to our minds, as if it were done on purpose to shorten it. But if these two I have mentioned were full of cares and anxieties, the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy had their share of trouble also.

The King of England’s landing at Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy’s raising the siege of Nuz, occurred much about the same time. The duke, with long journeys (but a small retinue), came directly to wait on the King of England[439] at Calais, having sent his army (shattered and fatigued, as you have heard) into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder, and refresh themselves: for you have already heard that the Duke of Lorraine had begun war upon him, and defied him before Nuz. This was a great oversight (among the rest) of which he was guilty in respect to the English, who expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least 2500 men-at-arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot (as the duke had promised)[440]; and that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before their descent, that they might have found the king either tired of the war, or in great distress: but, as you have heard before, God Almighty prevented it. The King of England, accompanied by the Duke of Burgundy, went from Calais to Boulogne, and from thence to Peronne, where the duke entertained the English but coldly; for he ordered the gates to be shut, and suffered very few to come into the town, and the rest had to encamp in the fields, which they were the better able to endure, because they had tents, and were well provided with all things necessary upon such an occasion.

They were no sooner arrived at Peronne, but the constable despatched one of his servants (called Louis de Creville) to make his excuse to the Duke of Burgundy for not having delivered St. Quentin, pretending that if he had done so, he would have been for ever disabled from serving him any further in the kingdom of France, for he would have thereby lost all his credit and influence in that nation. But now the King of England was come, he would act hereafter according to the Duke of Burgundy’s directions; and for greater assurance, the messenger delivered him a letter to the King of England, in which the constable seemed to refer the character of his integrity to the Duke of Burgundy’s testimony. Besides this, the Duke of Burgundy received another sealed up and addressed to himself, in which the constable made strong professions of friendship and service to the duke, and that he would assist him and his allies (and particularly the King of England) against all persons and princes whatever. The Duke of Burgundy gave the letter to the King of England, and acquainted him with the contents of his own, exaggerating a little, and assuring the king that the constable would receive him into St. Quentin, and all the rest of the towns; and the king really believed it, because he had married the constable’s niece, and he thought him so terribly afraid of the King of France, that he would not venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the Duke of Burgundy less credulous than King Edward. But neither the perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the King of France, had as yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them (according to his custom), and lay before them such plausible reasons as might prevail upon them not to force him to declare himself openly. The King of England and his nobility were not so well skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of this kingdom, but went more bluntly and ingenuously about their affairs; so that they were not so sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally passionate, as the people are generally in all cold countries. Our kingdom (as you see) is neither pierced with cold, nor scorched with the sun, being bounded on the east by Italy, Spain, and Catalonia; on the west, by Flanders and Holland; and by Germany on the south, all along the country of Champagne; so that part of our country being hot, and part of it cold, our people are of two complexions; but in my judgment, there is no country in the whole universe better situated than France.

The King of England (who perhaps had had some promises made him before, but not to so great an extent as now) being overjoyed at the news he received from the constable, set out with the Duke of Burgundy and his small retinue (for the main body of his army had marched into Barrois and Lorraine, as I have said) from Peronne towards St. Quentin. A party of English (not having patience to march with the army) had gone forward, expecting (as I was told some few days after) that the citizens would have ordered the bells to be rung for joy at their approach, and that they would have met them with the usual ceremony of the cross and holy water. But they were mightily mistaken; for they no sooner came in sight of the town, than the great guns were fired upon them, and a strong body of horse and foot sallied out to engage them; in which action two or three English were killed, and some few taken prisoners. It happened to be a terrible rainy day, yet they were forced to march through it, and retire to their army, much out of humour with the constable, and calling him a traitor. The Duke of Burgundy was resolved to take his leave the next morning of the King of England (which was a strange thing, considering it was upon his importunity that he had undertaken this expedition), and return to his forces in Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the English being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill opinion of their ally, and could not believe he had any army at all; besides, the Duke of Burgundy could not satisfy them as to the constable’s manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the Duke of Burgundy’s arguments could not pacify them, and being disheartened at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more inclinable to peace than war.