Chapter I: How the King of France cajoled the English after the Duke (2)

Upon my return from Italy I found the king our master somewhat aged, and inclined to be sickly; yet not so much as to neglect his affairs, which he managed himself, with great prudence. He was still engaged in his wars in Picardy, upon which his heart was mightily set, and the enemy would have been no less fond of that country, if they could have got it into their possession. The Duke of Austria (at present King of the Romans) having that year the Flemings at his command, invested Therouenne[68]; upon which the Lord des Cordes, the king’s lieutenant in Picardy, assembled all the forces that were in that province, and in the frontier towns, together with eight thousand Frank archers, and marched to relieve it. Upon news of his approach, the Duke of Austria raised the siege, and, advancing to meet him, they came to an engagement at a place called Guinegaste.[69] The duke had twenty thousand men or more out of the country of Flanders, besides some few Germans and about three hundred English, under the command of Sir Thomas Abrigan[70], an English knight, who had been in the service of Charles Duke of Burgundy. The king’s cavalry, who were much more numerous than the duke’s, broke them immediately, and drove them and their commander, the lord Philip of Ravestain, as far as Aire.[71] The duke took part in the battle with his infantry.[72] In the king’s army there were about eleven hundred men-at-arms of his standing forces. They did not all follow the chase, but the Lord des Cordes, who commanded in chief, pursued, and Monsieur de Torcy with him; but though they behaved themselves very bravely, yet it is not the duty of any commanding officer to follow the pursuit. Some of the van-guard and rear-guard retreated, under pretence of defending their own towns; others fled downright. The duke’s infantry kept their ground, though they were vigorously attacked; but they had with them on foot fully two hundred gentlemen, all good officers and brave men, to lead them; and among these were the Count de Romont, a son of the house of Savoy, the Count of Nassau[73], and several others, who are still living. The bravery and conduct of these gentlemen kept the whole body together, which was very marvellous, after they had witnessed the defeat of their cavalry. The king’s Frank archers fell to plundering the duke’s waggons, and all that attended them, such as sutlers and others; which being observed, some of the duke’s forces attacked them, and cut off a great number of them. On the duke’s side the slaughter was greater, and more prisoners were taken than on the king’s side, but he remained master of the field of battle; and I am of opinion, that if he had marched back immediately to Therouenne, he would not have met with the least opposition either there or at Arras: yet he durst not venture to make the attempt, which proved highly to his disadvantage; but in such cases no one knows always what measures are best to be taken; and indeed the duke had some reason to fear. I speak of this battle only by hearsay, for I was not present at it; but to continue my discourse, I found it necessary to mention it.

I was with the king when he received the news of this defeat; he was extremely concerned at it, for he had not been used to lose, but had been so successful in all his enterprises, that it seemed as if everything turned out according to his pleasure. Indeed, to speak truth, his judgment and penetration in state affairs contributed very much to his success: for he would never risk anything, and always endeavoured to avoid a battle; nor was this fought by any positive orders from him. His armies were always so numerous, that few princes were able to cope with him, and he had a larger train of artillery than any of his predecessors. His method was to assemble his troops on a sudden, and attack those places that were ill provided and slenderly fortified; and when he had taken them, he immediately put into them such a strong garrison, with so much artillery, that it was almost impossible to retake them; and if there were any officer in the town able and willing to betray it for money, he was sure to have the king for a customer, and needed not to be afraid to demand an extravagant sum; for, however exorbitant, his majesty would certainly have paid it rather than venture a battle, or undertake a siege. He was mightily alarmed at the first news of this battle, supposing he had lost all, and that they durst not tell him the whole truth; for he was aware that, had it been an absolute defeat, all that he had got from the house of Burgundy in those marches and elsewhere, would certainly have been lost, or at least placed in very great danger. However, as soon as he was informed of the whole truth, he was better satisfied, but gave orders that, for the future, no battle should be fought without his knowledge and consent; and so he was reconciled to the Lord des Cordes.

From this very hour the king resolved to make a treaty of peace with the Duke of Austria, but to manage the whole negotiation purely to his own advantage; and so to curb the duke by means of his own subjects (who, he knew, were desirous to clip the wings of his authority), that it should never again be in his power to disturb or injure him. He was likewise very desirous to make some new regulations in the affairs of his own kingdom, particularly in regard to delays in processes of law, in order thereby to control the court of parliament; not to diminish their number or authority; but there were many things which occasioned his hatred against them. He was also desirous to establish in his kingdom one general custom as to weights and measures; and that all the laws should be written in French, in one book, so as to prevent the frauds and prevarications of the lawyers, which are greater in France than in any other nation in Europe, as the nobility have often experienced to their cost. And, doubtless, had God graciously permitted him to live five or six years longer, without being too much affected by disease, he would have done much good to his kingdom; and it was but reasonable he should do so, for he had oppressed and tyrannised over his subjects more than all his predecessors. But no man’s authority or remonstrance could persuade him; it must have come of his own accord, as certainly it would, if God had not afflicted him with sickness: wherefore it is best to do good while we have time and God gives us health.

The treaty which the king designed to make with the Duke of Austria, his duchess, and their dominions, was, by the mediation of the Gantois, to make a match between his son the Dauphin (who is now our king) and the daughter of the duke and duchess, in consideration of which they should give him the counties of Burgundy, Auxerrois, Maconnois, and Charolois; and in exchange he would restore to them the province of Artois, retaining only the city of Arras[74], in the same posture of defence as he had put it in; for the town was of no importance since the new fortifications had been added to the city. Before Arras fell into the king’s hands, the town was much stronger than the city, with a large ditch and thick walls between them; but now the city was in a much better posture of defence, and was held of the king by the bishop of the place; contrary to the practice of the Dukes of Burgundy (at least for above a hundred years), who had always made whom they pleased bishop, and put in a governor of the city besides: but the king, to increase his authority, proceeded in a quite different manner, caused the town walls to be demolished, and new ones to be raised about the city, which before (as I said) was weaker than the town, with great ditches betwixt them; so that in effect the king gave nothing by the treaty; for he that was master of the city could command the town when he pleased. There was not the least mention made of the duchy of Burgundy, the county of Boulogne, the towns upon the Somme, or the chastellanies of Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier. The Gantois were extremely pleased with these proposals, and behaved themselves very disrespectfully to the Duke and Duchess of Austria; and some of the other great towns in Flanders and Brabant were equally importunate, particularly Brussels; which was very remarkable, for Dukes Philip and Charles of Burgundy had always resided there, and the Duke and Duchess of Austria had their residence there at that very time. But the long ease and pleasures that they had enjoyed under the above-mentioned princes, made them so far forget both God and their sovereign, that at last they brought down misfortunes upon their heads, and occasioned their own ruin, as you shall see.

CH. VI.—How King Louis was surprised with a Malady that for some time took away the Use of both his Senses and Tongue; how he recovered and relapsed several Times, and how he kept himself in his Castle at Plessis les Tours.—1479.

In the year 1479, in the month of March, a truce was concluded between the two princes; and the king was very solicitous for a peace, especially in the quarter I have mentioned, provided that it proved very advantageous for his affairs. He began now to decline in age, and to be subject to infirmity; and as he was sitting at dinner one day at Forges, near Chinon, he was seized on a sudden with a fit that took away his speech. Those who were about him took him from the table, placed him near the fire, and shut up the windows; and though he endeavoured to get to them for the benefit of the air, yet some of them, imagining it for the best, kept him away. It was in March, 1480, when this fit seized upon him after this manner, which deprived him of his speech, understanding, and memory. As soon as you arrived, my Lord of Vienne, who were then his physician, you ordered him a clyster, and caused the windows to be opened to give him fresh air, and he came to himself immediately, recovered his speech and his senses in some measure, and mounting on horseback, he returned to Forges, for he was taken with this fit in a small village about a quarter of a league off, whither he had gone to hear mass. He was diligently attended, and made signs for everything he wanted; among other things, he desired the official of Tours to come and take his confession, and made signs that I should be sent for, for I was gone to Argenton, which is about ten leagues off.

Upon my return I found him at table, and with him Master Adam Fumée[75] (physician to the late King Charles, and at present Master of the Requests), and Master Claude[76], another physician. He made signs that I should lie in his chamber; he understood little that was said to him, and could form no words; but he felt no manner of pain. I waited on him fifteen days[77] at table, and attended on his person like a valet-de-chambre, which I took for a great honour, and it gave me great reputation. At the end of two or three days he began to recover his speech and his senses; and he fancied no one understood him so clearly as myself, and therefore would have me always to attend him. He confessed himself to the official in my presence, for otherwise they could not have understood each other. There was no great matter in his confession, for he had confessed a few days before; because whenever the kings of France touch for the king’s evil, they confess themselves beforehand, and he never missed touching once every week, and if other princes do not the same, I think they are highly to blame, for there are always great numbers of sick people to be touched. As soon as he was a little recovered, he began to inquire who they were who held him by force from going to the window; and being told their names, he banished them from court, took away their employments from some of them, and never would see them again. From some, as the Lord de Segre[78], and Gilbert de Grassay, Lord of Champeroux[79], he took away nothing, but banished them from his presence.

Many wondered at this caprice, condemned his conduct, and affirmed they had done what, in their opinion, they thought for the best; and they spoke the truth; but the imaginations of princes are different, and all those who undertake to account for them are not able to understand them. He was afraid of nothing so much as of the loss of his regal authority, which was then very great indeed; and he would not suffer his commands to be disobeyed in the most trivial point. On the other hand, he remembered that his father, King Charles, in the illness of which he died, believed that his courtiers intended to poison him, at the request of his son; and this made so deep an impression upon him, that he refused to eat, and by the advice of his physicians, and of his chief favourites, it was concluded he should be forced to eat; and so, after great deliberation, they forced soup down his throat, upon which violence he died. King Louis, who had always condemned that proceeding, took it very angrily that they should use any violence with him; and yet he pretended to be more angry than he was, for the great matter that moved him was an apprehension that they would attempt to govern him in everything else, and pretend he was unfit for the administration of public affairs, by reason of the imbecility and unsoundness of his senses.

After he had thus severely handled the persons above-mentioned, he made inquiry into what had been done in council, and what orders had been made during the ten or twelve days he had been sick; of which matters the Bishop of Alby[80], his brother the Governor of Burgundy[81], the Marshal de Gié[82], and the Lord du Lude, had the principal charge, as they were with him when he fell ill, and all lodged under his room, in two little chambers. He also insisted on seeing all letters and despatches which had arrived, and those also which arrived every hour; they showed him the most important, and I read them to him. He would pretend to understand them, take them into his own hand, and make as if he were reading them to himself, when in truth he did not understand one syllable of them. Yet he would offer now and then a word, and make signs what answers should be given; but little business was despatched during his illness, till we could see what would be the event; for he was a master with whom it was necessary to deal straightforwardly. This indisposition continued about a fortnight; at the end of which he recovered his speech and senses pretty well; but he remained very weak, and in great fear of a relapse, for naturally he was not inclined to put confidence in his physicians.

As soon as he was a little recovered, he released Cardinal Balue[83], whom he had kept a prisoner for fourteen[84] years, though the Pope and other princes had many times interceded for his liberation; of which crime he was absolved afterwards by an express bull from his Holiness, which the king had earnestly requested. When he was first seized with his illness, those who were about him took him for dead, and orders were issued for remitting an excessive and cruel tax, which, at the instigation of the Lord des Cordes (his lieutenant in Picardy), he had lately laid upon his subjects, for raising ten thousand foot as a standing force, and two thousand five hundred pioneers, who were to be called the “Gens du Champ;” to which force he added one thousand five hundred men at arms, of his old standing forces, who were to fight on foot upon occasion, among the rest; besides which he caused a vast number of tents and pavilions to be made, and wagons to inclose all, in imitation of the army of the Duke of Burgundy; and this camp cost him fifteen hundred thousand francs a year.[85] When it was ready he went to review it, in a large plain near Pont de l’Arche in Normandy. In this camp there were the six thousand Swiss I mentioned before, and this number he never saw but this once. From thence he returned to Tours, where he was taken with a new fit, and lost his speech again, and for two hours everybody thought him dead; he lay upon a straw-bed in a gallery, with several people about him: the Lord du Bouchage and I devoutly recommended him to St. Claude, and all that were present concurred with our prayers; and immediately he recovered his speech, and walked up and down the house, but he was very weak and feeble; and this second fit took him in 1481. He still went into the country as formerly, and particularly with me to Argenton[86], where he continued a month, and was very ill; from thence he went to Thouars, where he was also very sick; and he then undertook a journey to St. Claude, to whom we had recommended him, as you have already heard. At his departure from Thouars he sent me into Savoy, to oppose the Lords de la Chambre[87], Miolans[88], and Bresse (though he was privately their friend), for having seized upon the person of the Lord de Luy[89] in Dauphiny, whom he had recommended to be governor to his nephew, Duke Philibert. He sent a considerable body of troops[90] after me, whom I led to Maçon against Monsieur de Bresse; however, he and I were agreed underhand. Having taken the Lord de la Chambre[91] in bed with the Duke of Savoy at Turin, in Piedmont, he gave me notice of it, and I caused our soldiers to retire; for he brought the Duke of Savoy to Grenoble, where the Marshal of Burgundy, the Marquis de Rothelin, and myself, went to receive and compliment his highness. The king sent for me to meet him at Beaujeu, in Beaujolois. I was amazed to find him so thin and weak, and wondered how he had strength enough to bear the fatigue of travelling, as he did; but his great spirit carried him through all difficulties.

At Beaujeu he received advice that the Duchess of Austria was dead of a fall from her horse. She had been set upon a hot-headed young nag, that threw her down against a piece of timber, which was the occasion of her death. Others said she died of a fever, not of her fall; but be it as it may, she died not many days after, to the great detriment of her friends and subjects; for after her death they never had peace or prosperity. The people of Ghent and other towns had a greater love and respect for her than her husband, as she was their natural sovereign. This misfortune happened in the year 1482.[92] The king told me the news with a great deal of joy and satisfaction; being extremely pleased that the two children[93] were under the tutelage of the Gantois, who (he knew) were inclined to any mischief that might weaken the power of the house of Burgundy; and now he thought this was the time to attempt something, because the Duke of Austria was young, with his father still living, involved in war on every side, a stranger, and his forces very weak, because of the covetous temper of his father the emperor.

From that time the king began to deal with the Gantois by means of his agent the Lord des Cordes, about the marriage of his son the dauphin with the Lady Margaret, the duke’s daughter, who is at present our queen. The Lord des Cordes applied himself in this affair to one William Ryn[94], pensionary of the town (a cunning, subtle man), and to Coppenol[95], the town-clerk, who was a hosier, and a person of great reputation among the people, who, in times of trouble, are soonest wrought upon by such folk.

The king returned to Tours, and kept himself so close, that very few were admitted to see him; for he was grown marvellously jealous of all his courtiers, and afraid they would either depose him, or deprive him of some part of his authority.[96] He removed from about him all his old servants, especially if they had any extraordinary familiarity with him; but he took nothing from them, and only commanded them to retire to their posts or country seats: but this lasted not long, for he died soon after. He did many odd things, which made some believe his senses were impaired; but they knew not his character. As to his suspicion, all princes are prone to it; especially those who are wise, and who have many enemies, and have offended many people, as our master had done. Besides, he knew he was not beloved by the nobility of the kingdom, nor by many of the commons; for he had taxed them more than any of his predecessors, though he now had some thoughts of easing their burdens, as I said before; but he should have begun sooner. King Charles VII. was the first prince who (by the assistance of several wise and good knights, who had served him in the expulsion of the English out of Normandy and Guienne) gained that point of laying taxes upon the country at his pleasure, without the consent of the three Estates of the kingdom; but then his occasions were great, as it was indispensable to secure his new conquests, and to disperse the free companies who were pillaging the kingdom. Upon which the great lords of France consented to what the king proposed, upon promise of certain pensions in lieu of the taxes which were to be levied upon them.

Had this king lived long, and kept with him those who were then of his council, without dispute he would by this time have enlarged his dominions very considerably; but, considering what has already occurred, and what is likely to follow upon it, he has laid a great load both upon his own soul, and the souls of his successors, and has given his kingdom a cruel wound, which will bleed a long time; namely, by establishing a terrible band of paid soldiers, in imitation of the princes of Italy. King Charles at his death had laid taxes upon all things in his kingdom, amounting to one million eight hundred thousand francs, and maintained about one thousand seven hundred men at arms, constantly in pay, and in the nature of guards, to preserve the peace, and secure the provinces of the kingdom; by which means, for a long while before his death, there was no free quarter, nor riding up and down the country, which was a great ease to the people. At the death of our master, he raised annually four million seven hundred thousand francs; and had about four or five thousand men at arms, and above twenty-five thousand foot soldiers; so that it is no wonder if he entertained such jealousies and fears of his subjects, and fancied he was not beloved by them. Yet he made one very great mistake: he had no confidence in those who had been brought up and received their preferments under him; of whom he might have found many that would have died before they would have forsaken him in anything.

In the first place, nobody was admitted into the Plessis du Parc (which was the place where he resided) but his domestic servants and his archers, who were in number four hundred, some of whom kept constant guard at the gate, while others patrolled continually about to prevent its being surprised. No lord nor person of quality was permitted to lodge in the castle, nor to enter with any of his retinue; nor, indeed, were any of them admitted but the Lord de Beaujeu, the present Duke of Bourbon, who was his son-in-law. Round about the castle of Plessis he caused a lattice of iron bars to be set up, and spikes of iron to be planted in the wall, with several points projecting along the ditch, wherever there was a possibility for any person to enter. Besides which, he caused four watch-houses to be made of thick iron and pierced with holes, out of which his archers might shoot at their pleasure; and these were a very clever invention and cost above twenty thousand francs; in them he placed twenty of his crossbow men, who were upon guard night and day, with orders to fire upon any man that ventured to come near, before the opening of the gate in the morning. He also persuaded himself that his subjects would be apt to divest him of his power, and take the administration of affairs upon themselves, when they saw their opportunity; and, indeed, there were some persons about the court that consulted together how they might get into the Plessis, and despatch affairs according to their own wishes; but they durst not attempt it, and they acted wisely, for the king had provided against every attack. He often changed his bed-chamber attendants, and all the rest of his servants, alleging that nothing was more agreeable to nature than novelty. For conversation he kept only one or two with him, and those of inferior condition, and of no great reputation; who, if they had been wise, would have clearly seen that as soon as he was dead, the best they could expect would be to be turned out of all their employments; and so it happened. Those persons never acquainted him with anything that was sent or written to him, unless it concerned the preservation of the State, or the defence of the kingdom; for he concerned not himself for anything, but to live quietly and peaceably with all men. He gave his physician[97] ten thousand crowns a month, and within the space of five months he received of his majesty above fifty-four thousand. He also gave large estates to the church; but this gift was never ratified, for the church was thought to have too much already.

_A Treaty between Louis XI. of France, and Maximilian Duke of
Austria, as well for himself as his Children, made at Arras,
December 23. 1482._

1. There shall be a perpetual peace, union, and alliance
between the king, dauphin, and kingdom, their countries,
territories, and subjects on the one part; and Duke Maximilian
of Austria, Duke Philip, and the Lady Margaret of Austria, his
children, their countries, territories, and subjects, on the
other; laying aside all rancour and enmity towards one another,
and any or all manner of injuries, either in word or deed.

2. For the more firm establishing of the peace, a treaty of
marriage is agreed to between the dauphin, the king’s son
and heir-apparent to the crown, and the Lady Margaret of
Austria, only daughter of the said duke, and of the late Mary
of Burgundy, only daughter of Duke Charles of Burgundy, to be
solemnised when the said lady shall be of fit age.

3. As soon as the peace is proclaimed, the said lady shall
forthwith be conducted to Arras, and be put into the hands of
Monsieur de Beaujeu, or another prince of the blood authorised
by the king for that purpose; and the king shall take care
to bring her up as his eldest daughter, the wife of the said
dauphin.

4. Upon the delivery of the said lady, Monsieur de Beaujeu
shall swear solemnly, in the presence of the princes and lords
who shall conduct her, in the king’s name, that the dauphin,
when she comes of age, shall take her in marriage, and proceed
to the consummation of the same.

5. The like oath Monsieur de Beaujeu shall take in the name of
the dauphin, being authorised thereunto by the king, upon the
account of his youth.

6. In consideration of this marriage, the Duke of Austria and
the states of his country, agree in their own names, and in
that of Duke Philip, that the countries of Artois, Burgundy,
the lands and signories of Maconnois, Auxerrois, Salins,
Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers, shall be given in dower with her
to the dauphin, to be enjoyed by them, their heirs by that
marriage, whether male or female, for ever; but in failure
thereof, to return to Duke Philip and his heirs. And seeing
these countries, and the greatest part of the province of
Artois, are at present in the king’s possession, it is agreed
they shall be the dowry and inheritance of the said lady, to
be enjoyed by the dauphin her intended husband, and her heirs.
But in case those countries should come into any other hands
than those of the dauphin and the issue of this marriage, the
king, dauphin, and their successors, kings of France, may in
that case retain the said counties of Artois and Burgundy, with
the other signories, till the king’s pretensions to Lisle,
Douay, and Orchies are determined. And in case they are not
adjudged to return to him, he and his successors shall pretend
no right to them; but the earls and countesses of Flanders
shall enjoy them as formerly. Moreover, as soon as the said
lady shall arrive at Arras, she shall be there received and
declared Countess of Artois and Burgundy, and lady of the other
territories.

7. From thenceforward the said county of Artois, except the
castle and bailiwick of St. Omer, shall be governed according
to its ancient rights and privileges, as well the cities as the
open country, by and in the name of the dauphin her future
husband; and the domain and revenue, with the administration of
justice, and other privileges, shall appertain to him.

8. The same thing shall be done in respect to the county of
Burgundy and the other signories.

9. The king, at the request of the said duke and states,
shall restore Arras to its ancient government, under the
administration of the dauphin, by appointing officers for that
purpose; the king is content that the dauphin shall do so.

10. As to the town, castle, and bailiwick of St. Omer (which
is in the province of Artois), it is comprehended with the
said county of Artois in the dower of the said Lady Margaret,
and so shall be forthwith delivered into the possession of the
dauphin, upon the completing and consummation of the marriage
with her.

11. The guarding and government of the said town, castle, and
bailiwick from henceforward is to be put into the hands of the
inhabitants, in order to be given up to the dauphin upon the
consummation of his marriage; and they shall make solemn oath
before the king or his commissioners, that during the minority
of the lady they will not deliver them up to the Duke of
Austria, Duke Philip, or their agents.

12. The like oath shall be taken by them to the Duke of
Austria, that they shall not deliver them up to the king,
dauphin, or their agents, during the minority, and till the
consummation of the marriage.

13. For the better support of the town, the domain thereof,
&c., shall be applied towards it during the minority; neither
shall the town and bailiwick pay the tax called the Ordinary
Aid of Artois.

14. As to the appointing of officers, such as bailiff, &c., the
duke, as father of the lady, shall have the nomination during
the said time, and the dauphin, as her intended husband, the
institution: but if the said lady should happen to die before
the consummation of the marriage, the inhabitants shall restore
the town, with its appendages, to the Duke of Austria, and Duke
Philip, his son, or successors.

15. The privileges of the town shall be maintained, and justice
administered in the same manner as formerly; and the estates of
the place shall take care to provide for the guard of it.

16. As to the neighbouring forts and castles, the lords of them
shall bind themselves not to injure, but to assist them in
defence of the same.

17. If a war should break out between the king and the duke,
they shall not intermeddle, or receive a garrison from either.

18. It shall be free for the inhabitants of all conditions to
go and traffic, or otherwise, into France, or the dominions
of the Duke of Austria, and other neighbouring kingdoms and
countries.

19. Upon the surrendering of the town to the dauphin and the
Lady Margaret, upon their marriage, those princes shall make
oath to maintain it, as a member of the county of Artois,
and the county of Artois, in all its privileges, as their
predecessors the counts and countesses of Artois have done,
without innovation in the government there.

20. The king resigns the provision made for the town by the
late Duchess of Austria, and the duke her husband, for the
discharge of the debts and rents due from it.

21. The king and the dauphin oblige themselves to pay the debts
contracted by the duchess, the Duke of Burgundy her father, and
their other predecessors, by mortgaging the revenues of the
said county.

22. The yearly pensions assigned by the duchess, Duke Charles,
&c., upon the domain of the said counties and signories of
Burgundy and Artois, shall be continued.

23. In consideration of this lady’s dowry, the king and dauphin
renounce all claims and pretensions upon the duchies, counties,
goods, moveables and immoveables whatsoever, remaining after
the death of the duchess, the lady’s mother.

24. In case, upon the account of death, or otherwise, the
said marriage should not be consummated, the dowers, and the
said counties and signories shall be restored to the Duke
of Austria; but at the same time with a salvo to the king’s
pretensions to the towns and chastellanies of Lisle, Douay, and
Orchies.

25. If, after the consummation of the marriage, the dauphin
should die (whether he leaves children or not by the said
lady), she shall enjoy the counties of Artois and Burgundy
as her portion, and withal fifty thousand livres of Tournay
yearly as dower, assigned to her in Champagne, Berry, and
Touraine.

26. If she should happen to die before the Dauphin, the
children shall succeed in those territories that are her
portion; and in case there are no children, they shall revert
to the next heirs.

27. Neither the King nor Dauphin shall, during the minority
of Duke Philip, claim to have the government of the said
countries of Brabant, Flanders, &c., but shall leave them in
the condition they are now in.

28. If Duke Philip should die under age, and the said lady
becomes his heir, the King and Dauphin shall agree that the
government of the said countries shall continue upon the same
footing.

29. In case Duke Philip die without issue of his body, and that
his dominions fall to his sister and her heirs, who shall also
be heirs to the crown of France, the King and the Dauphin shall
engage that the said countries shall be maintained in all their
ancient rights and privileges.

30. The King’s sovereignty over the country of Flanders is
acknowledged by the Duke and the States, and Duke Philip, when
he comes of age, shall do homage for the same in the usual form.

31. The King confirms all the ancient and modern privileges
of the three members of Flanders, and particularly the towns
and corporations of the country of Flanders, the towns and
chatellanies of Lisle, Douay, and St. Omer.

32. The inhabitants of Antwerp shall also have their privileges
maintained.

33. Customs and tolls shall be paid as usual.

34. Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, widow of the late Duke
Charles, is comprehended in this treaty, and she shall have the
full enjoyment of the lands of Chaussins and La Perrière, upon
the repaying of twenty thousand crowns in gold to the country
of Burgundy; and in case, by the death of the young duke, those
countries should come into the hands of France, she shall be
maintained fully in her dower, and find all kind assistance, as
a cousin and relation, from the King and Dauphin.

35. A general act of indemnity is agreed to on both sides, in
as ample manner as could be desired by offenders.

36. The subjects and adherents of both parties shall be
reinstated in their dignities, benefices, fiefs, lands,
signiories, and other inheritances, rents, &c., without being
called in question for any thing that happened during the
war, and notwithstanding any declarations, confiscations, and
arrests, to the contrary whatsoever.

37. If the inheritances of any persons who followed the fortune
of the adverse party have been sold in court for the payment of
their debts, they shall forthwith re-enter upon the peace, and
pay their debts within a year after; if not, the order of court
shall stand.

38. In case the debts were purely personal, for which the
inheritance of the followers of the opposite party have been
sold, the debtor shall return to his inheritance, without
making any compensation to the purchaser.

39. The subjects on both sides shall return to the possession
of their immoveable goods, as well before the troubles begun in
Duke Charles’s time, as after.

40. As to the profits and income of estates, which have been
levied by the commanders of the respective parties, those
that received them shall never be accountable for them, and
no prosecution in law, upon that account, shall take effect
against them.

41. All personal debts granted by the princes, or pursuant to
their order, shall be theirs who had the grant of them. As to
all other moveables in being upon the peace, they shall belong
to those that had them before the war, without any molestation
or any impediment whatsoever.

42. The town of St. Omer and its dependencies, are fully
discharged of all rewards, remissions, &c., which have been
granted them.

43. The Duke of Austria and his children are, by this treaty,
fully discharged of all debts they may owe to those who adhered
to the contrary party, and they and their descendants shall
never be molested for them.

44. Upon returning to their possessions, nobody shall take any
oath to the prince or lord under whom the said possessions are,
saving vassals and feoffees.

45. The widow of the late Peter of Luxemburg, and the ladies
Mary and Frances, her daughters, shall be restored to their
estates, as well those which they enjoyed in the lifetime of
Lewis de Luxemburg, Count of St. Paul, Madame Jane de Bar his
wife, and John de Luxemburg, Count of Marle, their eldest son.
In like manner, Monsieur de Croy, Count of Porcien, is restored
particularly to the County of Porcien, the granaries belonging
to the castle of Cambarsay, Montcornet, and other appanages, in
the signiory of Bar-sur-Aube, and other places in Picardy.

46. The King shall favour the Count de Romont, in his
pretensions to the county of Romont, and the county of Vaux;
and as for the Princes and Princesses of Orange, the Count of
Joigny, Liepart de Chalon, the Lord of Lorme, Messieurs William
de la Beaume, Du Lain, Claude de Toulongeon, and the Sieur de
la Bastie, they are comprehended in this peace, and shall be
re-instated.

47. In like manner, the monks of Anchin are restored to their
abbey; so are those of the church and abbey of St. Wast
d’Arras, and the inhabitants of Arras, whether they have
withdrawn into the one or the other prince’s country, shall
freely return home, and follow their respective occupations,
without any let or hindrance, as before the war.

48. The heirs of those who have been put to death for adhering
to the party opposite to him under whom they lived, shall
return to their estates and succeed. The widows also of such
shall have their rights and dowries.

49. As to persons enjoying their own, they shall not be obliged
to go and reside where their estates are, either in the one or
the other countries.

50. The King consents to free the county of Artois, the towns
of Arras, Aire, Lens, Bapaume, Bethune, their villages, and the
chastellany of Lilliers, from the tax called the ordinary aid
of Artois, and all other extraordinary aids, for the space of
six years, from the day of the date of the peace: and seeing
the late Duchess of Austria hath exempted the hospitals of
Douay, &c., from paying any taxes to the county of Artois for
their inheritances, the King and Dauphin confirm the same
privileges.

51. Those who shall return to their possessions shall not be
accountable for any rent due during the war; and the lands
which, by reason of the war, have been untilled, shall have no
rent paid for them till next Christmas.

52. Those who, at their entry upon fiefs and inheritances, are
obliged to pay fines and other duties to their lords, shall
have three months allowed them to do it, after the peace, and
so remain unmolested.

53. The nobility and feoffees of the territories of the Duke
of Austria, and his son Philip, shall not be obliged to serve
under any but them, or their lieutenants; and in case that
they, or one of them, should be in the King’s service, if they
are not there in person, the other shall not be obliged to
serve in person, but may send another.

54. The decrees and sentences made in the court of Malines, as
also of the grand council of the Dukes Philip and Charles, the
Duchess Mary and the present duke, shall stand good, and not be
brought into question before the Parliament of Paris, or any
other sovereign court. But those suits and clauses which are
not yet decided in the said courts, shall be brought before the
Parliament of Paris, and there be determined.

55. In like manner, mortmains, compositions, new acquests, and
ennoblings, made by the said dukes and duchess, shall remain
good; only the subjects of the county of Artois shall be
obliged to take new patents for their nobility, which shall be
granted without any charge to them.

56. The abolitions, remissions, and pardons, granted by Duke
Charles, his daughter, and the dukes of Austria, to the
counties of Flanders, Lille, Douay, Artois, and Burgundy, shall
be valid; only the subjects of Artois shall sue them out as
before.

57. The inhabitants on the frontiers of the duke, and others
subject to the French crown, cited to appear in person in the
court of Parliament, or before the royal judges, shall appear
only by their proctors, during the minority of the said lady;
and the same privilege is granted to St. Omer. Those preferred
to livings by Duke Charles, his daughter, &c., shall remain in
quiet possession of them, notwithstanding any pretence of a
pragmatic sanction, or the like, to the contrary.

58. Tournay, Tournesis, St. Amand, and Mortagne, are
comprehended in this treaty; and any places the King may have
in the duchy of Luxemburg, shall be restored to the Archduke,
and his son Philip; so shall also the houses of Flanders, and
of Conflans, and the house of Artois in the said country.

59. After the lady shall be delivered into the hands of those
appointed to receive her for the Dauphin, the troops, for the
benefit of trade, shall be withdrawn by the King from the
little places on the frontiers; and for the larger ones, the
garrisons shall be regulated to the satisfaction of the Duke of
Austria, and the States of the country.

60. As for the Duke’s desiring to have the King of England and
Duke of Bretagne comprehended in the treaty, it is answered,
“the English are in truce with France, and for the Duke of
Bretagne, the King is at peace with him.”

61. The King, after the peace, will assist the duke against
William of Aremberg, the Liegeois, and all others that shall
invade Brabant, &c.

62. The Duke’s subjects shall have all manner of protection and
encouragement, in respect to navigation and commerce, equally
with those of France.

63. Any prizes taken after the publication of the peace shall
be restored, for the prevention whereof, the peace shall on
both sides be proclaimed without delay.

64. Such as are malefactors and delinquents, after the peace,
shall be seized on both sides, and returned to be punished by
the parties to whom they belong.

65. The infractors and violators of this peace, be they who
they will, shall be punished unfeignedly for an example to
others, in the places where they are taken.

66. In case this peace should in any way be contravened, it
shall not be reputed an infraction or rupture; but the breach
shall forthwith be made up, and reparation made, without coming
to hostilities either by sea or land, before the King and the
Duke’s ambassadors have met together to adjust the difference
in an amicable way.

67. It is agreed, that as soon as the said lady is brought
to Lisle or Douay, and before she be conducted to Arras, the
promises and sureties which follow shall be given the Duke and
States. That in case the Dauphin do not accomplish the marriage
in due time, the said lady shall be returned, at the King’s
or Dauphin’s charge, to her father or brother, in one of the
good towns of Brabant, Flanders, or Hainault, in the Duke’s
possession; and the King and Dauphin, in that case, shall quit
all pretensions for keeping the territories and countries
of Artois, Burgundy, Charolois, Maconnois, Auxerrois, the
lordships of Salins, Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers, and surrender
them to the Duke in the name of his son Philip, while under
age, or to Philip when of age, reserving only the homage and
sovereignty to him.

68. The King shall also, upon the failure of the marriage,
renounce his right to Lisle, Douay, and Orchies, and consent
they shall belong for ever to the Counts and Countesses of
Flanders.

69. The signing, sealing, and ratifying of all the premises
in ample and due form, shall be done by the parties on either
sides. The treaty shall also be registered and verified in
the court of the Parliament of Paris, and in the Chambers of
Accompts, and of the Finances.

The rest of the articles being mere matter of form, concerning
the observation of the treaty, are omitted.

CH. VII.—How the King sent for the Holy Man of Calabria to Tours, supposing he could cure him; and of the strange Things that were done by the King, during his Sickness, to preserve his Authority.—1482.

Among men renowned for devotion, King Louis sent into Calabria for one Friar Robert[98], who, for the holiness and purity of his life, was called the “Holy Man;” and in honour to whom our present King erected a monastery at Plessis-du-Parc, in compensation for the chapel near Plessis at the end of the bridge.[99] This hermit, at the age of twelve years, was put into a hole in a rock, where he lived until the age of three and forty years and upwards, when the King sent for him by a steward of his household[100], in the company of the Prince of Tarento, the son of the King of Naples. For this hermit would not stir without leave from his Holiness, and from his king, which was great discretion in a man so inexperienced in the affairs of the world, though he had built two churches in the place where he lived; and he never had eaten flesh, fish, eggs, milk, or any thing that was fat[101], since he undertook that austerity of life, nor has he yet; and truly I never saw any man living so holy, nor out of whose mouth the Holy Ghost did more manifestly speak; for he was not illiterate, though he had never been taught; only his Italian tongue was a great assistance to him.

This hermit passed through Naples, where he was respected, and visited (with as much pomp and ceremony, as if he had been the Pope’s Legate) both by the King of Naples and his children, with whom he conversed as if he had been all the days of his life a courtier. From thence he went to Rome, where he was visited by all the cardinals, had audience three times of the Pope, and was every time alone with him three or four hours, sitting beside him in a rich chair (which was great honour for a person of his low condition), and answering so discreetly to everything that was asked him, that everybody was astonished at it, and his Holiness gave him leave to institute a new order, called the Hermits of St. Francis. From Rome he came to our king[102], who paid him the same honour as he would have done to the Pope himself, falling down upon his knees before him, and begging him to prolong his life: to which he replied as a prudent man ought. I have heard him often in discourse with the present king, in the presence of all the nobility of the kingdom, and that not above two months ago; and it seemed to me that whatever he said or remonstrated, was suggested by inspiration, or else it would have been impossible for him to have spoken of some things that he discoursed of. He is still living, and may grow either better or worse, and therefore I will say nothing. There were some of the courtiers that made a jest of the king’s sending for this hermit, and called him the Holy Man, by way of banter; but they knew not the thoughts of that wise king, and had not seen what it was that induced him to do it.

Our king was at Plessis, with little company but his archers, and the suspicions I mentioned before, against which he had carefully provided; for he allowed no person, of whom he had any suspicion, to remain either in the town or country; but he sent his archers not only to warn, but to conduct them away. No business was communicated to him but what was of great importance, and highly concerned him. To look upon him one would have thought him rather a dead than a living man. He was grown so lean, it was scarce credible: his clothes were now richer and more magnificent than they had ever been before; his gowns were all of crimson satin, lined with rich martens’ furs, of which he gave several away, without being requested; for no person durst ask a favour of him, or scarce speak to him of any thing. He inflicted very severe punishments to inspire dread, and for fear of losing his authority, as he told me himself. He removed officers, disbanded soldiers, retrenched pensions, and sometimes took them away altogether; so that, as he told me not many days before his death, he passed his time in making and ruining men; which caused him to be talked of more than any of his predecessors, and he did this that his subjects might take notice he was not yet dead; for few were admitted into his presence (as I said before), and when they heard of his vagaries, nobody was willing to believe he was sick.