Chapter VIII: Book THE SEVENTH (1)

CH. I.—How Duke René of Lorraine came into France to demand the Duchy of Bar and the County of Provence, which King Charles had in his Possession; and how he failed to obtain the Kingdom of Naples, to which he laid Claim as well as the King; and what Right each had thereto—1484-6.

To continue these Memoirs, which were begun by me, Philip de Commines, concerning the exploits and reign of our late king, Louis XI. (whom God absolve!), I will now give you an account how it came to pass that his son, Charles VIII., undertook his expedition into Italy, in which I was engaged. The king set out from Vienne[190], in Dauphiny, on the 23rd of August, 1494, and returned into his kingdom in October of the year 1495. Before he undertook this enterprise, it was warmly debated whether he should go or not, for by all persons of experience and wisdom it was looked upon as a very dangerous undertaking; nor indeed was anybody in favour of it but himself, and one Stephen de Vers, a native of Languedoc, a man of mean extraction, and who had never seen or had the least knowledge of military affairs. It was also promoted at first by one Brissonet[191], who was one of the generals of the finances, but his heart soon failed him. However, this expedition turned much to his advantage afterwards, for he obtained great preferment in the church, was made a cardinal, and was endowed with several benefices. De Vers had acquired a plentiful estate before, and was seneschal of Beaucaire, and president of the accounts at Paris, for he had served the King in his youth faithfully, in quality of gentleman of the bed-chamber; and, by his persuasion, Monsieur Brissonet was brought over to his party, so that they two were the chief promoters of this expedition, for which few persons praised them, and many censured them; because not only were all things necessary for so great an enterprise wanting, but the king was young, foolish, and obstinate, without either money, officers, or wise councillors. So that before he began his march he was forced to borrow a hundred thousand francs from the bank of Soly at Genoa[192] at an extravagant interest, and from mart to mart, besides what he collected in other places, as you shall hear hereafter. They had neither tents nor pavilions, though it was winter when the army entered into Lombardy: one thing, indeed, was very handsome, and that was a brigade of young gentlemen, who were lively and brisk, but under little command or discipline. So that we may conclude this whole expedition, both going and coming, was conducted purely by God; for, as I said before, the wisdom of the contrivers of this scheme contributed but little. However, they may boast of this, that they were the occasion of highly advancing the honour and glory of their king.

As soon as the King was fourteen or fifteen years old, at which age he was crowned[193], the Duke of Lorraine[194] came to him to demand the duchy of Bar, which King Louis XI. had kept from him, and the county of Provence, which King Charles of Anjou, his cousin-german, dying without issue, left to Louis XI. by his last will and testament.[195] The Duke of Lorraine laid claim to it, as being son to the daughter of René, King of Sicily, Duke of Anjou, and Count of Provence, and alleged that the King of Sicily had highly injured him, for that the said Charles of Anjou was but his nephew, son of his brother, the Count du Maine, whereas he was descended from his daughter. But King Charles pretended that Provence could not be transferred by will to a daughter. The conclusion of this affair was, Bar was restored for a sum of money, which the king demanded; and the Duke of Lorraine being in great favour, and having many friends at court (especially John, Duke of Bourbon, who was old, and desirous to marry his sister[196]), had a lucrative post[197] and the command of a hundred lances given him by the king, and a pension of thirty-six thousand francs for four years[198], during which time his title to Provence was to be examined into. I was one of the council[199] which was chosen for this purpose, partly by the King’s relations, and partly by the three Estates of the kingdom. Stephen de Vers, whom I mentioned before, and who had got some estate in Provence, and who had in his head the expedition to Naples, persuaded the King, young as he was, to declare (in the presence of his sister, the Duchess of Bourbon[200]) to the Count de Comminges, the Lord du Lau (who were both likewise of the council), and myself, that we should have a care he did not lose the county of Provence; and this was done before the above-mentioned agreement was made.

Before the expiration of the four years, some clerks of Provence produced a new will of King Charles I.[201], brother to St. Louis, and the wills of other kings of Sicily of the house of France. By these it was pretended, that not only the county of Provence belonged to the king, but the kingdom of Sicily also, and other places possessed by the house of Anjou, and that the Duke of Lorraine had no title to any of them (which other people denied). And those who were against the Duke of Lorraine’s title, addressed themselves to this Stephen de Vers, who persuaded his master that the last King Charles, Count of Provence, son of Charles of Anjou, Count du Maine, and nephew to King René, had left it to him by his will; for King René had made him his heir before he died, and preferred him before the Duke of Lorraine, who was his daughter’s son; and this, they urged, was done by King René, in consideration of the wills of Charles I. and his wife, the Countess of Provence, by which they had enjoined that that kingdom and the county of Provence should not be separated, nor descend to a daughter, whilst there was a son living of their line. And they affirmed that the wills of their immediate successors, and particularly the will of Charles II.[202], were to the same effect.

During these four years, they that had the management of the king (who were the Duke and Duchess of Bourbon, and a chamberlain named the Lord of Graville[203], and other lords of his bed-chamber, who at that time had great power) sent for the Duke of Lorraine to court, and put him into places of great trust and authority, in order that, as he was a person of a more enterprising temper than most of the courtiers, he might aid and assist them in their undertakings[204]; besides, they questioned not to find a way to get rid of him when they had no further need of him, as they did afterwards, when they found they were strong enough to manage affairs by themselves, and that the power of the Duke of Orleans[205] and the rest of the nobility in his faction was weakened. But after the expiration of the four years, the Duke of Lorraine refused to stay any longer at court, unless they would either put him into possession of the county of Provence, or secure it to him in writing at a fixed time, and meanwhile continue his pension of thirty-six thousand francs: to which they would not agree; so the Duke of Lorraine left court, highly disgusted with their conduct.

Four or five months before his leaving the court, a very lucky adventure happened to him, if he had known how to make use of it. The whole kingdom of Naples rebelled[206] against King Ferrand[207], for his and his son’s tyranny; and all the barons, and three parts of the kingdom, submitted themselves to the Church. But King Ferrand, with the assistance of the Florentines, pressed them very hard; upon which the Pope[208] and the rebel lords of the kingdom sent to the Duke of Lorraine, to make him king; and they were so far in earnest in the matter, that their galleys, and the Cardinal of Saint Peter ad Vincula[209], waited for him a long time at Genoa, whilst he was quarrelling at the French court, though ambassadors from all the nobility of Naples were with him, pressing him daily to depart.

The result of all was, the king and his council expressed great readiness to assist him. He was promised sixty thousand francs, and received twenty thousand of them; the rest he lost. He had leave to carry his hundred lances along with him, and was told that the king would send ambassadors to foreign courts in his favour. However, though the king was now nineteen years of age, yet he was still governed by the persons above-named, who were always telling him of his undoubted title to the kingdom of Naples (which I insert the rather, because persons of little consideration are often capable of raising great troubles), as I learned from several of the Duke of Lorraine’s ambassadors to Rome, Florence, Genoa, and elsewhere, and also from the duke himself as he passed by Moulins, where I then resided with John Duke of Bourbon, upon account of a dispute with the court. At that time the Duke of Lorraine’s opportunity was half lost already by his own delay; however, I went out to meet him, though I had no obligation to do so, for he was partly the occasion of my being driven from court, and had given me very abusive language. But nobody was now so dear to him as I; he caressed me at a most extravagant rate, and complained heavily of those who had the present administration of affairs. He continued two days with John Duke of Bourbon, and then he set out for Lyons.

In short, his friends were so weary and tired with waiting, that both Pope and barons came to an accommodation[210] with King Ferrand; in reliance upon which, when the barons ventured to Naples, they were all seized and imprisoned[211], though the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Spain, and the Florentines, had all of them guaranteed the observance of the peace, and had promised and sworn to secure their safety. The Prince of Salerno[212] escaped into France, refusing to be comprehended in the treaty of accommodation, as he knew the revengeful temper of King Ferrand; and the Duke of Lorraine returned with great shame and dishonour into his own country. He never afterwards had any credit with our king, who took away his lances, stopped his pension of thirty-six thousand francs for the county of Provence; and in that condition he stands to this very day; which is the year 1497.

CH. II.—How the Prince of Salerno, a Neapolitan by Birth, came into France; and the Endeavours that were used by him and Ludovic Sforza, surnamed the Moor, to persuade the King to make War upon the King of Naples; and the Occasion of it.—1486-92.

The Prince of Salerno with three of his nephews, sons to the Prince of Bisignan[213], fled to Venice, where he had great acquaintance. Their business was to consult the senate (as the prince told me himself), to know what prince they should address themselves to, whether to the Duke of Lorraine, the King of France, or the King of Spain. He told me their answer was, that the Duke of Lorraine was a dead man, and it was impossible for him ever to relieve them; that the King of Spain would be too powerful if he had the kingdom of Naples in addition to the isle of Sicily and what he possessed already in the Gulf of Venice; and that his strength at sea was very considerable: but they would rather advise them to apply to the King of France, for with the Kings of France who formerly reigned in Naples, the Venetians had held very good friendship and amity; and this I believe was spoken without any anticipation of what happened afterwards. The conclusion of all was that these barons came into France, where they were well received, but indifferently supplied. They solicited very hard for two years together; and all their applications were made to Stephen de Vers, at that time seneschal of Beaucaire, and chamberlain to the king.

One day they were in hopes, another in despair. However, their friends were active in Italy, especially in Milan, where John Galeas[214] was duke; not the great Galeas[215], who is buried in the Chartreux at Pavia, but the son of Duke Galeas[216] and the Duchess Bona[217], a daughter of the House of Savoy; which duke being a weak prince, the Duchess had the education of her children; and I saw her (when she was a widow) in great authority, but managed by one of her secretaries called Cico[218], who had been a long time in that family, and had banished or imprisoned all the brothers[219] of this Duke Galeas, in order to secure the duchess and her children. Among the rest he banished one Ludovic[220] (who has since become Duke of Milan), whom she afterwards recalled, though he was her enemy, and actually in arms against her; as she did also the Lord Robert di St. Severino[221], a valiant captain whom this Cico had likewise banished.

At last, by the persuasion of one Anthony Tassini[222], who was her carver (a native of Ferrara, and of mean extraction), she recalled them very indiscreetly; presuming that, according to their oaths and promises, they would do no harm to Cico. But the third day after their return they took Cico, put him in a tub, and carried him through the town of Milan; for he was allied by marriage with one of the family of the Visconti, and had he been in the way, it is said they would not have dared to seize Cico; and the Lord Ludovic contrived that Robert di St. Severino, who was to pass that way, might have the pleasure of meeting him in that posture, for he knew he abhorred him: after which Cico was conducted to the castle of Pavia, where he died a prisoner.

They paid the lady all possible respect, and, as she thought, complied with her wishes in everything; but they held private councils among themselves, and never communicated anything to her but what they pleased; and she took it for the greatest kindness in them not to trouble her with anything. They gave her leave to give Anthony Tassini what presents she pleased: they assigned him an apartment near her own, and permitted him to carry her on horseback behind him through the town; and nothing but feasting and dancing went on in her palace. This way of living did not continue long, scarce half a year, during which time she made him many rich presents, and all packets were directed to him, which rendered him odious to the Lord Ludovic (uncle to the two children[223]), who intended to make himself sovereign, as he did afterwards. One morning[224] the children were both taken from their mother, and carried to a castle called “The Rock;” where they were confined by the appointment of the Lord Ludovic, Robert di St. Severino, one Pallevoisin[225] (the young duke’s governor), and the captain of the castle[226], who, since the death of Duke Galeas, had never stirred out of it, nor did he for a long time after; till at length he was taken by the circumvention of Ludovic, and the folly of his master, who took after his mother, and was far from wise.

When these persons had secured the children in the castle, they seized upon the treasury (which at that time was the richest in Christendom), and took an account of it; after which they caused three keys to be made, of which the duchess had one, but she never touched one farthing of the money afterwards. They made her renounce the guardianship of her son[227], and the Lord Ludovic was appointed in her place; besides which they wrote letters to several places, and particularly into France, which I saw, and which contained severe remarks on her conduct, in relation to her favourite Anthony Tassini; yet they sent him away without any other punishment, for the Lord Robert was his friend, and would not suffer either his person or his estate to be touched. But these two great men could not as yet get admittance into the castle when they pleased; for the captain had a brother in it, and near a hundred and fifty men; and he always ordered the gate to be very strictly guarded when they entered, and would not suffer above one or two to come in with them; and this caution was used for a long time.

In the meanwhile a great dispute arose between the Lord Ludovic and Robert di St. Severino, as is usual, for it is impossible for two persons in authority to agree long together; but Ludovic getting the upper hand, the other quitted Milan, and went into the Venetian service.[228] Yet since that time, two of his sons, the Lord Galeas[229] and the Count di Cajazzo[230], came back into the service of the Lord Ludovic, and the state of Milan; some say they came with their father’s consent, others say not: be it which it will, Ludovic entertained them very kindly, and they did, and do still[231], serve him very faithfully. You must know that the Lord Robert, their father, was of the house of St. Severino[232], but by a natural daughter, which in Italy is no great matter; for a natural daughter with them is as good as one lawfully begotten. I mention this because they assisted us in our enterprise in Italy, in favour of the Prince of Salerno (who is chief of the house of St. Severino), and for other reasons, which you shall hear afterwards.

The Lord Ludovic began presently to make it appear that he was resolved to establish his authority; and he caused money to be coined with the Duke’s effigy on one side, and his own on the other, which caused abundance of the people of Milan to murmur. The duke was married to the Duke of Calabria’s daughter[233], who, after the death of his father, Ferrand King of Naples, became king himself by the name of Alphonso; the young lady was very courageous, and would fain have stimulated her husband to vindicate his authority; but he was a weak prince, and merely disclosed all she said. The captain of the castle maintained his reputation for a long while, and never stirred from his fortress; for suspicions began now to arise, so that both the sons never went abroad together, but when one went forth the other stayed at home. In short, about a year or two before our expedition into Italy, this Lord Ludovic, having been abroad with the young duke, waited on him back to the castle, to receive homage of his subjects. The captain as usual ordered the drawbridge to be let down, and advanced a little way upon it with some of his officers to receive the duke and kiss his hand, according to the usual custom; the duke being at some distance from the bridge, the captain was forced to step forward a pace or two; upon which the two sons of St. Severino, and others that were with them, seized on him and secured him. Those of the castle pulled up the drawbridge, upon which Ludovic, causing the end of a candle to be lighted, swore he would cut off their heads if they did not surrender the castle before the candle was burnt out; upon which they submitted, and he fortified the castle, and put a strong garrison in it for himself, though all was done in the duke’s name. Ludovic also caused a charge to be made against the captain, upon pretence that he intended to deliver up the castle to the emperor, and he seized upon several Germans, who (as he gave out) were agents in the business, but discharged them again; and he beheaded one of his secretaries[234] as having been a principal manager of that affair, and another for carrying messages betwixt them. Ludovic kept the captain a long while in prison, but at last he released him, stating that, when the Duchess Bona of Milan had once upon a time corrupted one of the captain’s brothers, and hired him to kill him as he was entering into the castle, the captain had prevented it; and upon that account he now spared his life.[235] Yet I am of opinion, had he been guilty of a design of delivering that castle to the emperor (who had a double title to it both as emperor[236] and as Duke of Austria, which family claims it likewise), he would scarce have pardoned him, for it would have produced great disturbance in Italy, and the whole state of Milan would have revolted in a day; for whilst they were under the dominion of the emperors, they paid only half a ducat taxes; but now, both clergy, nobility, and people are cruelly oppressed, and are, to speak the truth, under a perfect tyranny.

CH. III.—How the Duchy of Milan is one of the finest and most valuable Territories in the World, if relieved from the heavy Tribute which oppresses it.—1492-3.

The Lord Ludovic, being in possession of this castle, and finding all the soldiers belonging to the family devoted to his service, resolved to proceed; for he that is master of Milan has the whole government and signory at his mercy; because the principal senators, and those who have the charge of other places in that government, have their residence in that city. And, for the size of it, I never saw a richer or finer country than the duchy of Milan: and if the prince could content himself with a yearly revenue of five hundred thousand ducats, the subjects would grow only too wealthy, and the prince would be secure; but he raises six hundred and fifty or seven hundred thousand ducats every year, which is absolute tyranny, and makes the people prone to revolutions. Finding himself so near the completion of his wishes, as has been said before, the Lord Ludovic (who was married to the Duke of Ferrara’s daughter[237], by whom he had several children) took measures to strengthen himself with friends, both in Italy and abroad. He first entered into an alliance (for mutual preservation) with the Venetians[238], to whom he was a great friend, to the prejudice of his father-in-law, from whom, not long before, the Venetians had taken a small territory called the Polesan[239], encompassed entirely with water, and wonderfully fruitful; which place (though but half a league distant from Ferrara) the Venetians keep to this day, and in it there are two pretty towns, Rovigo and Labadio[240], which I have seen. This country was lost when the Duke of Ferrara made war upon the Venetians at first by himself; but before the end of the war Alfonso, Duke of Calabria (whilst his father Ferrand was alive), Count Ludovic with the forces of Milan, the Florentines, the Pope[241], and the city of Bologna, came in to his assistance: yet, when the Venetians were almost conquered, or at least very low, with their treasury exhausted, and several of their towns lost, Ludovic made an honourable and advantageous peace for them, by which all was to be restored to everybody but the poor Duke of Ferrara, who had begun the war at the instigation of Ludovic and Ferrand, whose daughter he had married; and the Duke of Ferrara was forced to let the Polesan remain in the hands of the Venetians, who keep it to this day. It was reported that Ludovic had sixty thousand ducats for his pains; whether this be true or false I cannot state; but I know the Duke of Ferrara was of that opinion himself. Ludovic at this time was not married to his daughter; and therefore the friendship between him and the Venetians subsisted.

None of all the subjects or relations of John Galeas, Duke of Milan, gave the Lord Ludovic the least disturbance in his designs upon the duchy except the young duchess, who was a wise lady, daughter to Alphonso, Duke of Calabria (as I said before), eldest son to Ferrand, King of Naples. In the year 1493 the Lord Ludovic began to solicit King Charles VIII., now reigning in France, to undertake an expedition into Italy, to conquer the kingdom of Naples, and to supplant and exterminate those who possessed it; for, whilst they were in force and authority, Ludovic durst not attempt what he did afterwards; for at that time Ferrand, King of Sicily, and Alphonso his son, were both very rich, of great experience in war, and had the reputation of being very valiant princes, though it appeared otherwise afterwards.[242] This Ludovic was a wise man, but very timorous and humble where he was in awe, and false and deceitful when it was for his advantage; and this I do not speak by hearsay, but as one that knew him well, and had many transactions with him. But to proceed, in the year 1493 he began to tickle King Charles (who was but twenty-two years of age) with the vanities and glories of Italy, remonstrating (as is reported) the right which he had to the fine kingdom of Naples, which he knew well enough how to blazon and display. He addressed himself in everything to Stephen de Vers (who was now become seneschal of Beaucaire, and was much enriched, though not yet to the full height of his ambitious desires) and to General Brissonet, who was rich and well skilled in the management of the finances, and a great friend of the seneschal of Beaucaire, by whose means the Lord Ludovic persuaded Brissonet to turn priest, and he would make him a cardinal; but the seneschal was to have a duchy.

For the better management of these affairs, the Lord Ludovic, in the year 1493, sent a great embassy to the king at Paris. The chief of the embassy was the Count di Cajazzo, eldest son of Robert di St. Severino (whom I mentioned before). At Paris the Count di Cajazzo met the Prince of Salerno, who was his cousin, and chief of the house of St. Severino, and who, having been banished his own country by King Ferrand, was then in France, pressing and soliciting our king to an enterprise against Naples. With the Count di Cajazzo came also Count Charles de Bellejoyeuse[243], and the Lord Galeas Visconti[244] of Milan: both of them were well attended, and in great splendour; but their discourse was only in public, and then in general terms by the way of compliment and visitation; and this was the first solemn embassy that ever Ludovic sent to the king. He had formerly sent one of his secretaries to endeavour to procure that his nephew, the Duke of Milan, might be permitted to do homage for Genoa, by proxy, which was granted against all reason. It is true, the king was at liberty to do him that favour, and depute some person or other to receive his homage; for, when he was under the guardianship of his mother, I (being then ambassador at Milan for the late King Louis XI.) received it by commission from the king in the castle of Milan; but then Genoa was out of his hands, and in the possession of Baptista di Campoforgoso[245], and now the Lord Ludovic had recovered it, and gave eight thousand ducats (to some chamberlains of the king) to have the investiture of it. But they did their master a mighty injury thereby, for they might have had Genoa for him if they had wished; or, if it must be sold, why for so little; as Duke Galeas paid my master, King Louis, fifty thousand ducats at one payment, of which sum I had thirty thousand crowns given me by his majesty, whom may God pardon! and yet they pretended they received the eight thousand ducats by the king’s consent. Stephen de Vers was one of the number of those that received the money, and I think he beat down the price to prepare and oblige Ludovic to back his interest, when his design should be fit for execution.

The ambassadors having arrived at Paris (as I said before), and having had their public audience, the king took the Count di Cajazzo into his closet, and had a private conference with him for some time. This Count di Cajazzo was in great reputation in Milan, and his brother Galeas di St. Severino was in greater credit, especially in military affairs; and he began to make large offers of his service and assistance to the king, both in men and money; for his master had already as absolute a command of the state of Milan as if it had been his own, and could dispose of it as he pleased. He represented the business very easy to the king, and a few days after, he and the Lord Galeas took their leave of his majesty and departed; but Count Charles de Bellejoyeuse remained behind, to promote the business, and immediately after they were gone, he dressed himself in the French habit, and managed the affair so dexterously, that several of the courtiers began to approve of the design. The king sent into Italy one Peron de Bashe[246] (educated in the family of Anjou, under John, Duke of Calabria) as his ambassador to Pope Innocent, the Venetians, and the Florentines. These embassies from one court to another, and secret negotiations, continued seven or eight months, and among those who were privy to it, the enterprise was talked of in several ways; but none of them ever imagined that the king designed to go himself in person.

CH. IV.—How King Charles VIII. made Peace with the King of the Romans and the Archduke of Austria; and returned the Lady Margaret of Flanders to them, before his Expedition to Naples.—1493.

During this suspension of affairs, a peace was negotiated at Senlis[247] betwixt the king and the Archduke of Austria, heir to the house of Burgundy, for, though a truce was already concluded[248], yet new occasion of difference had arisen; for the king forsook the daughter of the King of the Romans, and sister to the archduke (upon account of her being too young[249]), and married the daughter[250] of Francis, Duke of Bretagne, that he might keep that duchy peaceably; the greatest part of it at the time of the treaty was in his possession, except the town of Rennes, where the young lady lived, under the guardianship of her uncle, the Prince of Orange, who had been instrumental in making the match between her and the King of the Romans, and married her by proxy publicly in the church, about the year 1492. In favour of the archduke, the Emperor Frederick sent a solemn embassy, and offered his mediation. The King of the Romans, the Count Palatine, and the Swiss did the like, in order to compose this difference; for they all were of opinion great disputes would arise[251], and that the King of the Romans had had very great injury done him; not only to take from him a person whom he thought was his wife, but to send back his daughter who had been lawfully Queen of France for several years together.

In the end, a peace was concluded; for everybody was weary of war, especially Archduke Philip’s subjects, who had suffered so much both by their wars with the king and their distractions and divisions at home, that they were not able to carry it on any longer. The peace was made only for four years, to give some repose; and Maximilian’s daughter was to be sent back, though with some difficulty; for there were some persons about both the king and the lady who strenuously opposed it. I was present at this treaty myself, with the rest of the commissioners, who were Peter, Duke of Bourbon, the Prince of Orange, the Lord des Cordes, and several other persons of quality. It was concluded, that all the king was possessed of in the province of Artois should be restored to Duke Philip, according to the agreement made in the treaty of marriage in 1482, that if that marriage were not accomplished, then all the lands which went in dower with the daughter, should be restored, either to her or Duke Philip. But the archduke’s subjects had already taken Arras and St. Omers[252], so that there remained nothing to be restored but Hesdin, Aire, and Bethune; the revenue and lordship of which places were immediately delivered to the archduke’s envoys, and they put in what officers they pleased, only the king was to remain in possession of the castles for the term of four years; during which time he might put what garrisons he pleased into them; but at the end of four years, which were to expire on St. John’s Day, 1498, the king was obliged, both by oath and promise, to restore them to the archduke.

Whether these changes of marriages were according to the laws and canons of the church or not, I cannot resolve, and, therefore, shall leave it without any determination; for I find the theological doctors divided about this point, and some have told me they were not lawful, but others have maintained that they were. Be it which way it will, the ladies were all unfortunate in their children. Our queen had three sons[253] successively in four years, but all of them died, though one lived to be three years old. The Lady Margaret of Austria was married to the Prince of Castile[254], only son to the King and Queen of Castile and several other kingdoms; which prince died in the first year of his marriage, (which was in the year 1487), leaving his princess with child, and she miscarried of a son not long after his death, to the unspeakable affliction of the King and Queen of Castile, and the whole kingdom.

Presently after these changes, the King of the Romans married the daughter[255] of Galeas, Duke of Milan, sister to the above-mentioned Duke John Galeas; which marriage was contracted by the Lord Ludovic, highly to the dissatisfaction of the princes of the empire, and several other of the King of the Romans’ friends, who looked upon the lady as not of an extraction illustrious enough for him. For, as for the Visconti, from whom the present Dukes of Milan are descended, there is no great matter of nobility among them, and less among the Sforzi; for the first of that house was Duke Francis, whose father was a shoemaker[256] in a little town called Cotignole; but he was a brave and magnificent person, and his son was even greater; for he made himself Duke of Milan, by the assistance and management of his wife[257] (who was the natural daughter of Duke Philip Maria) conquered it, and possessed it, not as a tyrant, but as a good and lawful prince; being equal in virtue and goodness with most (and those of the best) princes of his time. Thus much I have written that I might show what has already been the consequence of these changes of marriages; nor can I tell what there is still remaining behind.

_A Treaty of Peace between King Charles VIII. and Maximilian
I., King of the Romans, and his Son, Philip, Archduke of
Austria, concluded at Senlis, May 23. 1493._

1. A good peace, firm friendship, and perpetual alliance, is
and shall ever remain between the most Christian king, the
dauphin, their kingdom, territories, and subjects, and the
King of the Romans, and Archduke Philip his son, as well in
their own name, as in the name of the Lady Margaret of Austria,
the said king’s daughter, and the archduke’s sister, for
themselves, their countries, territories, subjects, &c., laying
aside all malevolence, and forgetting all past injuries.

2. Seeing that the most Christian king, after his marriage to
the queen, hath notified by his ambassadors to the King of the
Romans and the archduke, his desire to send back the said Lady
Margaret, and to have her conducted suitably to her quality, to
any place agreed on, and for this end hath sent her as far as
Amiens; he does still offer, at his own charge, to conduct her
suitably to her quality, from the town of Meaux, where she now
resides, before the 3rd of June next, to St. Quentin, and to
put her from thenceforward into the hands of the ambassadors of
the King of the Romans and the archduke.

3. Upon such a delivery of the said lady into the hands of
the commissioners appointed by the King of the Romans and the
archduke, the said princes shall give proper instruments to the
king, freeing him from all obligations of marriage with her,
and he shall also do the same by her.

4. The most Christian king and the archduke reserve to
themselves the liberty of recovering any rights in an amicable
way, and by course of law, to such matters as are not adjusted
by this peace.

5. The counties of Burgundy, Artois, and Charolois, and the
lordship of Noyers, with all their appurtenances, shall be
delivered up to the King of the Romans, as guardian to his son
the archduke; and also the towns and castles of Hesdin, Aire,
and Bethune, now in possession of the King of France, shall be
deposited in the hands of the Marshal des Querdes, who shall
keep them without any charge to the archduke, save the usual
profits taken by the commanders of the said places; and he
shall take an oath to both the king and archduke for the due
maintenance of their several rights, and shall keep no guard
therein, that may be prejudicial to either party; who shall
engage not to force him thereunto on either side: and if they
do, he shall then be discharged of all his oaths, till the
archduke shall arrive at the age of twenty, which will be on
St. John Baptist’s Eve, in 1498.

6. The archduke, after he is of age, having done homage to the
king in due form, those towns and places shall be given up to
him by the marshal or others appointed to do it, and to have
the command therein.

7. The officers shall continue in their places, having
commissions from the archduke till he comes of age and does
homage.

8. As to the city of Arras, its revenue and temporalities, it
shall be deposited in the hands of the bishop and chapter,
to whom it belongs, under the ordinary jurisdiction of the
bailiwick of Amiens, in the usual manner; and as to the
captainship, which is in the king’s disposal, he shall be
content to appoint the person that now is, or shall be,
nominated by the archduke till of age, under the usual
obligations; but the city shall be entirely in the king’s
power, when the archduke comes of age.

9. The houses of Flanders, Artois, and Conflans, in and near
Paris, shall be delivered to the archduke.

10. The archduke shall not be obliged to do homage till he is
of age; but the king shall, at the same time, enjoy his usual
rights and prerogatives.

11. The counties of Maconnois, Auxerrois, and Bar-sur-Seine,
shall be enjoyed by the king, till the pretensions of the
claimants are decided.

12. Whatever rights the archduke pretends to have acquired by
the treaty of 1482, shall remain in being, and the king shall
be free to controvert the same.

13. The ecclesiastical preferments conferred by the king in
Artois, Burgundy, Charolois, and Noyers, shall remain as they
are.

14. Free commerce shall be restored both by sea and land,
and on fresh waters, paying the usual customs due before the
breaking out of the war.

15. The cities, towns, and villages of Tournay, Tournesis,
Mortagne, St. Amand, &c., as the king’s subjects, are expressly
comprehended in this peace; so are the allies of both parties.

16. Cambray and the Cambresis, with all its inhabitants, are,
by common consent, included in the peace, and maintained in
all their rights under either prince to whom they belong; and
infractors on either side shall be punished by the conservators
of the peace.

17. A general act of indemnity shall be granted by both
parties, to all who have taken up arms, for the contrary side,
no process being ever to be brought against them: and to those
who have a mind to sue out a pardon, it shall be freely granted.

18. All persons, as well ecclesiastics as laymen, shall,
by this peace, return to the peaceable possession of their
dignities, benefices, and inheritances, wherever situated,
on either side, and be kept in the peaceable possession of
the same, notwithstanding any declarations, confiscations,
sentences, and decrees to the contrary; and the judges,
magistrates, &c., shall be obliged to assist herein.

19. Under this article of returning to their estates and rights
are comprehended the old servants of the late Dukes Philip
and Charles, who, after the death of Duke Charles, went over
to the king; by virtue of this peace, they shall enjoy their
pensions assigned them in his lifetime, upon the demesnes of
the counties of Artois and Burgundy.

20. If any inheritance have been sold for contumacy, or on the
account of personal debts owing, the debtors shall, within
a year after the proclaiming of the peace, return to their
possessions, paying the said debts, &c.

21. As to the rents, profits, and incomes of those
inheritances, granted in a way of reward, or the like, by
either party, all that has been done of that kind since 1470,
to the present peace, shall never be accounted for; but yet
with an exception to any inheritances that, in due course
of law, have been adjudged to creditors for arrearages of
rents, which arrearages have been given away or remitted, such
gifts or releasements shall not take place, but only for such
arrearages as have escheated in time of war.

22. As to moveables which have not been made away, but are
found upon the premises which the subjects of either party
shall return to, the debts and arrearages that have not been
given away nor adjudged by law, shall belong to the said
subjects, and not to those who have a general list of their
moveables.

23. The enjoyment of dignities, benefices, inheritances, &c.,
by the subjects of either party, shall not oblige them to
reside where those possessions are; neither are they thereby
bound to take an oath to the prince in whose dominions they are
situated, unless they are fiefs, and their vassals.

24. Those who shall return to their estates by virtue
of this peace, shall not be prosecuted for rent charges
escheated during the war; and those lands which lay waste and
uncultivated during the war, shall be liable to the payment of
no rents.

25. No reprisals shall be made after the peace, upon the
account of damages sustained by the subjects of either party,
nor any letters of mart, contramart, or the like granted.

26. By this peace all the people of Arras, of whatever
condition, that have absented themselves since the surprise of
that city, wherever they are, are free to return and traffic
there, notwithstanding any promises or otherwise to the
contrary. And whether they do return or not, they shall, as
much as any of the other subjects, enjoy their estates, rights,
benefices, moveables, and utensils yet in being, without any
molestation whatsoever.

27. In like manner the people of St. Omer, of what calling or
quality soever, who resided therein while it was neutral, and
afterwards by reason of the taking and retaking of it, absented
themselves from it, shall, notwithstanding any interdiction
or sentence against them, return, and enjoy their estates,
benefices, &c., without any manner of molestation; and all
offences and injuries shall be entirely remitted.

28. The Lady Margaret, widow of Charles, late Duke of Burgundy,
is comprehended in this treaty. The king consents that she
shall enjoy the lands and signories of Chauchnis and la
Perrière, with all their appurtenances in the viscounty of
Auxonne, in the same manner as the late Duchess Isabella, the
mother of Duke Charles, enjoyed them, upon the payment of
twenty thousand crowns in gold.

29. The most Christian king names for his allies, his imperial
majesty, the kings of Castile, England, Scotland, Hungary,
Bohemia, and Navarre, the Duke of Bavaria, the Count Palatine,
and all the dukes and branches of the house of Bavaria, the
electors of the Holy Empire, the duke and house of Savoy, the
duke and house of Milan, the doge and republic of Venice,
the Duke of Lorraine, the Duke of Guelderland, the marquis
and house of Montferrat, the bishop and city of Liege, the
Swiss Cantons, the commonwealths of Florence and Genoa. And,
on the part of the said King of the Romans and archduke, his
most sacred imperial majesty, the kings of Castile, Hungary,
Portugal, Denmark, England, and Scotland, the electors of the
Holy Roman Empire, as the king of Bohemia, and others, the
marquis and house of Montferrat, the bishop and city of Liege,
and all the princes of the empire, the Swiss Cantons, cities
and communities of the empire are comprehended.

30. In this peace are also compreheded the king’s counsellor
William de Haraucourt, bishop and count of Verdun, as well
in his own person as for his bishopric and county of Verdun,
lordships, subjects, &c. So are also, by the consent of the
said princes, the archbishop, and all the inhabitants of
Briançon.

31. The respective parties oblige themselves, in the most
solemn manner, to the observance of this treaty; so they do
also their subjects, vassals, &c.

32. Any contravention which may happen of this treaty on either
side, shall be repaired at farthest in the space of six weeks.

33. For the greater confirmation of this peace, the King
of France will procure for the King of the Romans and the
archduke, the instruments and seals of the dukes of Orleans,
Bourbon, Nemours; the counts of Angoulème, Montpensier, and
Vendôme; of the Prince of Orange; of the marshals and admirals
of France: and of the cities, towns, and communities, of Paris,
Rouen, Lyons, Poitiers, Tours, Angers, Orleans, Amiens, and
Tournay. And the King of the Romans and archduke engage to
procure those of the Duke of Saxony, Margrave of Baden, the
Lord of Ravestein, Counts Nassau and Zollern, the Prince of
Chimay, and the Lords de Bevres, Egmont, Fiennes, Chievres,
Walhain, Molembais, du Fay, Fresnoy, the great bailiff of
Hainault, and the towns and communities of Louvain, Brussels,
Antwerp, Boisleduc, Ghent, Bruges, Lisle, Douay, Arras, St.
Omer, Mons, Valenciennes, Dort, Middleburg, and Namur. And if
any shall contravene this treaty, without making reparation
in six weeks, these guarantees shall be obliged to leave the
contravener, and give assistance to the injured party, and be
discharged of their oaths.

34. The instruments on both sides shall be registered and
verified in the most regular and authentic manner.

35. The conservators of this peace for the marches on the
side of the country of Burgundy, on the king’s part, are, the
Prince of Orange, M. de Baudricourt, governor of Burgundy, and
the bailiffs of Dijon, Chalons, Autun, and Maçon, or their
lieutenants. For the marches of Champagne and Rhetelois, M.
de Orvat, governor of Champagne, the bailiffs of St. Peter
le Moustier, Troyes, and Vitry, or their lieutenants; and
for the marches of Picardy, the Marshal des Querdes, the
bailiffs of Amiens and Vermandois, the seneschals of Ponthieu
and Boulonnois, and the governors of Montdidier and Roye,
or their lieutenants; and for the sea, the admiral, &c. The
conservators on the King of the Romans and the archduke’s part,
for the marches of Flanders and Artois, are, M. de Nassau,
with the governors of Lisle, Arras, and the bailiffs of the
said countries respectively; for the marches of Hainault, the
princes of Chimay, and the grand bailiff of Hainault; for
Luxemburg, the Margrave of Baden; for Burgundy, the governor of
the county of Burgundy, and the bailiffs of Damont, Daval, and
Dole; and for the sea, Monsieur de Braves, admiral, &c.

36. No manner of protection or shelter shall be given to
vagrants, thieves, and robbers, on either side; but they shall
be banished, or otherwise brought to condign punishment,
wherever they are found.

37. The same thing is to be done in respect to rovers, or
pirates by sea.

38. Neither party shall receive or support those who shall in
any way contravene this peace; but they shall be punished for
the infractions they make; but the peace at the same time shall
not be held to be violated.

39. The said princes and their officers shall assist one
another against all those who shall delay or refuse to keep
this peace; and they shall on both sides be taken for common
enemies; and those who shall in any way assist or favour them,
shall in like manner be answerable for the mischiefs done by
them, and be punished as violators of the peace.

CH. V.—How the King sent to the Venetians, in order to induce them to enter into an Alliance with him, before undertaking his Expedition to Naples; and of the Preparations in order to it.—1493.

To return to our principal matter: you have already been informed how the Count di Cajazzo, and the other ambassadors, took their leave of the king at Paris; how several secret negotiations were carried on in Italy; and how the heart of our king (though he was very young) was strangely bent upon this expedition; which, however, he discovered to none but the two persons[258] above-mentioned. His request to the Venetians was that they would give him their assistance and counsel in his expedition; and they returned this answer: That he should be very welcome in Italy, but that they were wholly incapable of assisting him, upon account of their continual apprehensions of the Turk[259] (though at that time they were at peace with him); and to undertake to advise so wise a king, who had so grave a council, would savour of too much presumption on their part; but they would rather assist than disturb him in his designs.

This they believed a very discreet answer, and truly so it was; and I am of opinion that their affairs are managed with more prudence and discretion at this day, than the affairs of any other princes or states in the world: but God will still have us know, that the wisdom and policy of man is of no avail where He pleases to interpose; for He orders things many times quite otherwise than were expected. The Venetians did not imagine that the king would come in person, and (whatever they pretended) they had no apprehension of the Turk; for the Turk who then reigned was a man of no courage nor activity. But their design was to be revenged upon the House of Arragon, both father and son, for whom they had a mortal hatred, because (as they said) it was at their instigation that the Turk fell upon them at Scutari.[260] I mean the father of this present Turk, called Mahomet Ottoman, who conquered Constantinople, and did abundance of mischief besides to the Venetians. They had several complaints also against Alphonso, Duke of Calabria, and, among the rest, they said that he had been the occasion of the war which the Duke of Ferrara had made upon them, which was very expensive, and had like to have proved their ruin. They complained also that he had sent a man to Venice, expressly to poison their cisterns, at least such as he could come at; for some are kept under lock and key. In that city they use no other water (for they are wholly surrounded by the sea); but that water is very good, and I drank of it eight months together, in my first embassy thither (for I have been there once since). But these were not the true reasons of their animosity to the House of Arragon; the real occasion was, because the father and son restrained them, and kept them from extending their conquests both in Italy and Greece; for their eyes were upon them on every side, and yet, without any title or pretence, they had lately subdued the kingdom of Cyprus.[261] Upon these considerations the Venetians thought it would be highly for their advantage if a war should be begun between our king and the House of Arragon; hoping it would not be brought to a conclusion so soon as it was, and that it would only weaken the power of their enemies and not utterly destroy them: and then (let what would happen) one side or the other would give them towns in Apulia (which borders upon their gulf) in order to have their assistance: and so it happened[262], but they had like to have been mistaken in their reckoning. Besides, they thought to have transacted affairs so secretly, that nobody could have accused them of inviting our king into Italy, since they had neither given him counsel nor assistance, as appeared to the world by their answer to Peron de Basche.