Chapter XII: Part 12

[258] Passaconoway, already referred to (_supra_, p. 150, _note_), dwelt at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions extended over the sachems living upon the Piscataqua and its branches. The young Sachem of Saugus was named Winnepurkitt, and was commonly known among the English as George Rumney-marsh. He was a son of Nanepashemet, and at one time proprietor of Deer Island in Boston Harbor. (Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, ed. 1851, pp. 105, 111, 278.) The incident in the text has been made the subject of a poem, _The Bridal of Pennacook_, by Whittier, and Drake repeats it; but as Winnepurkitt is said by Drake to have been born in 1616, and to have succeeded Montowampate as Sachem in 1633, and as Morton, at the close of the present chapter, declares that “the lady, when I came out of the country [in 1630], remained still with her father,” the whole story would seem to be not only highly inconsistent with what we know of Indian life and habits, but also at variance with facts and dates.

[259] [not determined.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1.

[260] Josselyn’s account of the Indian wampum is written, more than any other which has come down to us, in the spirit of the _New Canaan_: “Their Merchandize are their beads, which are their money, of these there are two sorts, blew Beads and white Beads, the first is their Gold, the last their Silver, these they work out of certain shells so cunningly that neither _Jew_ nor Devil can counterfeit, they dril them and string them, and make many curious works with them to adorn the persons of their Sagamores and principal men and young women, as Belts, Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, and links to hang in their ears. Prince _Phillip_, a little before I came for England, coming to Boston, had a coat on and Buskins set thick with these Beads in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same; his Accoutrements were valued at Twenty pounds. The English Merchant giveth them ten shillings a fathom for their white, and as much more or near upon for their blew beads.” (_Two Voyages_, pp. 142-3.)

There is a much better description of wampum in Lawson’s account of Carolina, quoted by Drake (_Book of the Indians_, p. 328), in which he says that wampum was current money among the Indians “all over the continent, as far as the bay of Mexico.” Lawson’s explanation of the fact that wampum was not counterfeited to any considerable extent is much more natural than Morton’s. It cost more to counterfeit it than it was worth. “To make this _Peak_ it cost the English five or ten times as much as they could get for it; whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have no competitors to fear, or that others will take its manufacture out of their hands.”

Roger Williams (_Key_, ch. xxvi.) devotes considerable space to this subject, and says: “They [the Indians] hang these strings of money about their necks and wrists; as also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children. They make [girdles] curiously of one, two, three, foure and five inches thickness and more, of this money which (sometimes to the value of ten pounds and more) they weare about their middle and as a scarfe about their shoulders and breasts. Yea, the Princes make rich Caps and Aprons (or small breeches) of these Beads thus curiously strung into many formes and figures: their blacke and white finely mixt together.” See also Trumbull’s notes in his edition of the _Key_, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 31. Parkman (_Jesuits in North America_, pp. xxxi., lxi.) says of wampum: “This was at once their currency, their ornament, their pen, ink and parchment.” He describes the uses to which it was put among the Hurons and Iroquois, but adds: “The art [of working it] soon fell into disuse, however; for wampum better than their own was brought them by the traders, besides abundant imitations in glass and porcelain.”

[261] “How have foule hands (in smoakie houses) the first handling of these Furres which are often worne upon the hands of Queens and heads of Princes!” (Williams’s _Key_, p. 158.)

[262] There is obviously some corruption of the original manuscript here, but I have been unable to obtain any even plausible suggestion of what word may have been turned into “reles” through the compositor’s inability to decipher copy.

[263] There is not much to be said on the manufactures, utensils and trade of the New England aborigines. Gookin (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 151) has a comprehensive paragraph on the subject, and there is a passage in Josselyn (_Two Voyages_, p. 143). See also Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxv.

[264] Josselyn also speaks of “baskets, bags and mats woven with _Sparke_.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 143.) “Spart,” Mr. Trumbull writes, “was a northern English name for the dwarf-rush, and (as ‘spart’ in the glossaries) for osiers, and I _guess_, Morton’s and Josselyn’s _sparke_ is another form of that name.” Gookin says (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 151): “Some of their baskets are made of rushes; some, of bents; others, of maize-husks; others, of a kind of silk grass; others, of a kind of wild hemp; and some, of barks of trees.”

[265] Wood says of the Indian women: “Their corn being ripe, they gather it, and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh it to their barnes, which be great holes digged in the ground in forme of a brasse pot, seeled with rinds of trees, wherein they put their corne, covering it from the inquisitive search of their gurmundizing husbands, who would eate up both their allowed portion, and reserved seed, if they knew where to finde it. But our hogges having found a way to unhindge their barne doores, and robbe their garners, they are glad to implore their husbands helpe to roule the bodies of trees over their holes, to prevent these pioneers, whose theevery they as much hate as their flesh.” (_Prospect_, p. 81.) Mather also, in enumerating the points of resemblance between the Indians and the Israelites, (_Magnalia_, B. III. part iii.) says: “They have, too, a great unkindness for our _swine_; but I suppose that is because the hogs devour the clams, which are a dainty with them.”

[266] See Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 148; also, _infra_, 175, _n._

[267] This Sachem has already been sufficiently referred to (_Supra_, p. 11.) All that is known concerning him can be found in Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, (ed. 1851), pp. 107-9.

[268] Morton’s neighbors at Wessaguscus were William Jeffrey, John Bursley and such others of the Robert Gorges expedition of 1623 as still remained there. (_Supra_, 4, 24, 30.) See also _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ 1878, p. 198.

[269] _Infra_, *77.

[270] “Frumenty, _n._ [Also _furmenty_ and _fumety_; from Lat. _frumentum_]. Food made of wheat boiled in milk, and seasoned with sugar, cinnamon, &c.” _Webster._

[271] Squanto. See _infra_, *104.

[272] In reference to this passage, Mr. Francis Parkman writes: “I have searched my memory in vain for anything in the early French writers answering to Morton’s statement. I don’t think that Cartier, Champlain, Biard, Lescarbot or Le Jeune, the principal writers before 1635, make the extraordinary assertions in question. In fact, as there were no Spaniards in Canada, and likely to be none on French vessels going there, Indians of those parts would hardly have the opportunity of distinguishing between them by smell or otherwise. Indeed, they did not know the existence of such a nation.”

[273] _Supra_, *27, _note_.

[274] “Kytan was an appellation of the greatest _manito_. The word signifies ‘greatest’ or ‘pre-eminent.’ See my note (p. 207) in Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_ (p. 120), where is mention of ‘Kitan, their good god.’ Roger Williams in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, names ‘their god Kuttand to the south-west’ (_Jewes in America_, 1650, p. 6) but in his _Key_, he writes the name Cautantowit (_To the Reader_, p. 24.) i. e., _Keihte-anito_--‘greatest manito.’

“I have not met with the name _Sanaconquam_ elsewhere: at least I do not remember seeing it except in Morton. The derivation is apparently from a word meaning to press upon, to op-press, to crush, or the like.” (_Manuscript Letter of J. H. Trumbull_, June 25, 1882.)

See, also, authorities referred to _supra_, p. 140, _note_, and also Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, pp. 134-9. Morell has a passage on the Indian’s methods of worship in his poem. (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 136.)

[275] Roger Williams says: “They will relate how they have it from their Fathers, that Kantántowwit made one man and woman of a stone, which disliking, he broke them in pieces, and made another man and woman of a tree, which were the Fountaines of all mankind.” (_Key_, ch. xxi.)

“They believe that the soules of men and women goe to the Sou-west, their great and good men and women to Cantántowwit his House, where they have hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal Joyes: Murtherers, theeves and Lyers, their souls (say they) wander restlesse abroad.” (_Ib._)

Wood, enlarging on this, says: “Yet do they hold the immortality of the never-dying soul, that it shall passe to the South-west _Elysium_, concerning which their _Indian_ faith jumps much with the _Turkish Alchoran_, holding it to be a kind of Paradise, wherein they shall everlastingly abide, solacing themselves in odoriferous Gardens, fruitfull corn-fields, green meadows, bathing their hides in the coole streams of pleasant Rivers, and shelter themselves from heat and cold in the sumptuous Pallaces framed by the skill of Natures curious contrivement. Concluding that neither care nor pain shall molest them but that Natures bounty wil administer all things with a voluntary contribution from the overflowing storehouse of their _Elysian_ Hospital, at the portall whereof they say lies a great Dog, whose churlish snarlings deny a _Pax intrantibus_ to unworthy intruders.” (_Prospect_, p. 79.)

Parkman says: “The primitive Indian believed in the immortality of the soul, but he did not always believe in a state of future reward and punishment.” (_Jesuits in North America_, p. lxxx.) Referring to a case in which one of the Jesuits quoted an Indian as saying “there was no future life,” Parkman adds: “It would be difficult to find another instance of the kind.”

The romantic view of the Indian on this point was taken by Arnold, in his _History of Rhode Island_ (vol. i. p. 78), and the realistic view by Palfrey, in his _New England_ (vol. i. p. 49); and, though writing at the same time, the two seem to be controverting each other. See Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 115.

[276] _Supra_, p. 93.

[277] Roger Williams, also, in a passage just quoted (_supra_, 168, _note_), speaks of the future punishment supposed, among the New England Indians, to be allotted to thieves and liars. Josselyn, on the other hand, describes them as “very fingurative or theevish” (_Two Voyages_, p. 125); and Gookin says: “They are naturally much addicted to lying and speaking untruth: and unto stealing, especially from the English” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 149). Winslow describes the severe punishments inflicted for theft (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 364). Dodge, in his _Wild Indians_ (pp. 63-5), explains this discrepancy in the authorities. He says: “All these authors are both right and wrong. In their own bands, Indians are perfectly honest.... It [theft] is the sole unpardonable crime among Indians.” He then describes, like Winslow, the severity of the punishments inflicted for thefts; “but,” he adds, “this wonderfully exceptional honesty extends no further than to the members of his immediate band. To all outside of it, the Indian is not only one of the most arrant thieves in the world, but this quality or faculty is held in the highest estimation.”

[278] The reference is to ch. iii. of the Third Booke (_infra_, *106-8). This passage would seem to indicate that the third book of the _New Canaan_ was written first, and that the two other books were prepared subsequently, probably in imitation of Wood’s _Prospect_. (See _supra_, 78.)

[279] “Yea, I saw with mine owne eyes that at my late comming forth of the Countrey, the chiefe and most aged peaceable Father of the countrey, Caunoŭnicus, having buried his sonne, he burned his owne Palace, and all his goods in it, (amongst them to a great value) in a sollemne remembrance of his sonne, and in a kind of humble Expiation to the Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken his sonne from him.” (Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxxii.) In the same passage Williams says: “Upon the Grave is spread the Mat that the party died on, the Dish he ate in, and, sometimes, a faire Coat of skin hung upon the next tree to the Grave, which none will touch, but suffer it there to rot with the dead.” See also Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 142, 143, 154, 363; Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 90.

“In times of general Mortality they omit the Ceremonies of burying, exposing their dead Carkases to the Beasts of prey. But at other times they dig a Pit and set the diseased therein upon his breech upright, and, throwing in the earth, cover it with the sods and bind them down with sticks, driving in two stakes at each end; their mournings are somewhat like the howlings of the Irish, seldom at the grave but in the Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming the Devil for his hard-heartedness, and concluding with rude prayers to him to afflict them no further.” (Josselyn, _Two Voyages_, p. 132.) There is a highly characteristic passage to the same effect in Wood’s _Prospect_, p. 79.

[280] _Supra_, 143.

[281] The reference is to Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. 13; where, also, the Indian custom of firing the country in November is described.

[282] Gookin says: “This beastly sin of drunkenness could not be charged upon the Indians before the English and other Christian nations, as Dutch, French, and Spaniards, came to dwell in America: which nations, especially the English in New-England, have cause to be greatly humbled before God, that they have been, and are, instrumental to cause these Indians to commit this great evil and beastly sin of drunkenness.” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 151.)

In regard to the peculiarities of Indian drunkenness, see Dodge’s _Wild Indians_, pp. 333-5. What is there said of the Indians of “the plains” is probably true of all the northern American Indians. “This passion for intoxication amounts almost to an insanity.... To drink liquor as a beverage, for the gratification of taste, or for the sake of pleasurable conviviality, is something of which the Indian can form no conception. His idea of pleasure in the use of strong drink is to get drunk, and the quicker and more complete that effect, the better he likes it.”

[283] “They live in a country where _we_ now have all the conveniences of human life: but as for _them_, their _housing_ is nothing but a few _mats_ tyed about _poles_ fastened in the earth, where a good _fire_ is their _bed-clothes_ in the coldest seasons; their _clothing_ is but a skin of a beast, covering their _hind-parts_, their _fore-parts_ having but a little apron, where nature calls for secrecy; their _diet_ has not a greater dainty than their _Nokehick_, that is a spoonful of their _parched meal_, with a spoonful of _water_, which will strengthen them to travel a day to-gether; except we should mention the flesh of _deers_, _bears_, _mose_, _rackoons_, and the like, which they have when they can _catch_ them; as also a little _fish_, which, if they would preserve, it was by _drying_, not by _salting_; for they had not a grain of _salt_ in the world, I think, till we bestowed it on them.” _Magnalia_, B. III. part iii. In his _Letters and Notes on the North American Indians_ (_Letter No. 17_) Catlin comments on the failure of the Indians to make any use of salt, even in localities where it abounds. See _supra_, 161.

[284] The relations supposed to exist between the Indians and the devil have been referred to in a previous note, _supra_, 150. It is, however, a somewhat curious fact that the aboriginal hierarchy, suggested in the text, had a few years before found its exact political counterpart in the talk of the English people. “‘Who governs the land?’ it was asked. ‘Why, the King.’ ‘And who governs the King?’ ‘Why, the Duke of Buckingham.’ ‘And who governs the Duke?’ ‘Why, the Devil.’” (Ewald’s _Stories from the State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 117.)

[285] “Sed quoniam, (ut præclare scriptum est a Platone) non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria, vindicat, partem amici.” _De Officiis_, Lib. I. § 7. The words “partem parentes” are not in the original, but have been inserted by modern scholars as rendering the quotation from Plato more correct.

[286] In annotating this chapter I have been indebted to Professors Asa Gray and C. S. Sargent of Harvard University for assistance, they having sent me several of the more technical notes. This and the five following chapters of the _New Canaan_ have a certain interest as being among the earliest memoranda on the trees, animals, birds, fish and geology of Massachusetts. The only earlier publication of at all a similar character is Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, which appeared in 1634, and contained the result of observations made during the four years 1629 to 1633. Morton’s acquaintance with the country was earlier and longer than Wood’s, but the _New Canaan_ was not published until three years after the _Prospect_, which it followed closely in its description of the country and its products. Josselyn’s first voyage was made in 1638, and his stay in New England covered a period of fifteen months, July, 1638, to October, 1639. His second visit was in 1663, and lasted until 1671. The _New England’s Rarities_ was published in 1672, and the _Two Voyages_ in 1674. Josselyn’s alone of these works can make any pretence to a scientific character or nomenclature, but the four taken together constitute the whole body of early New England natural history and geology. Only occasional reference to this class of subjects is found in other writers.

[287] The White Oake includes, no doubt, _Quercus alba_ and _bicolor_, and the Redd Oake, _Quercus rubra_, _tinctoria_ and _coccinea_.

[288] Edward Williams, in his _Virginia_ (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11. p. 14), written in 1650, says: “Nor are Pipestaves and Clapboard a despicable commodity, of which one man may with ease make fifteen thousand yearely, which in the countrey itselfe are sold for 4 l. in the _Canaries_ for twenty pound the thousand, and by this means the labour of one man will yeeld him 60 l. _per annum_, at the lowest Market.”

[289] Probably _Fraxinus Americana_, although two other species of Ash are common in Massachusetts, the Red and the Black Ash (_F. pubescens_ and _sambucifolia_).

[290] It is interesting to note that, at this early day, two forms of our one species of Beech were distinguished by the color of the wood, a distinction which has often been adopted by Botanists and is still considered by mechanics and woodsmen.

[291] This refers, no doubt, to our different species of Hickory, although the Butternut (_Juglans cinerea_) is common in Massachusetts.

[292] Both the White and the Pitch Pine (_Pinus strobus_, and _rigida_) are probably referred to.

[293] “For I have seene of these stately high growne trees, ten miles together close by the River side, from whence by shipping they might be conveyed to any desired Port.” (Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. 15.)

[294] The Red Cedar (_Juniperus virginia_).

[295] This is clearly a contemptuous reference to Wood, who in his _Prospect_ (p. 15) had said, “The Cedar tree is a tree of no great growth, not bearing above a foote and a halfe square at the most, neither is it very high. I suppose they be much inferiour to the Cedars of _Lebenon_, so much commended in holy writ.”

[296] _Supra_, 173.

[297] The White Cedar (_Chamaecyparis thyoides_); or perhaps Arbor-Vitæ (_Thuja occindentalis_), which is the “more bewtifull tree.”

[298] A misprint for Gerard, whose _Herball, or Generall Historie of Plants_, was published in 1597, and Johnson’s edition of it in 1633.

[299] This probably includes both the Black Spruce (_Picea nigra_) and the Hemlock (_Truga canadensis_).

[300] “Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which they make Masts for Ships, and Sail Yards: It is generally conceived by those that have skill in Building of Ships, that here is absolutely the best Trees in the World, many of them being three Fathom about, and of great length.” (Josselyn, _Rarities_, p. 63.) “At _Pascataway_ there is now a Spruce-tree brought down to the water-side by our Mass-men of an incredible bigness, and so long that no Skipper durst ever yet adventure to ship it, but there it lyes and Rots.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 67.)

[301] [whether.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1.

[302] Probably the Sugar, Red and White Maples are intended: _Acer saccharinum_, _rubrum_ and _dasycarpum_. It is singular that no reference to the manufacture of maple sugar by the Indians occurs.

[303] (Elder) _Sambucus Canadensis_.

[304] Wood (_Prospect_, p. 15) says, “Two sorts, Red and White.” None of our native Grape vines bear White grapes.

[305] _Supra_, 173.

[306] Perhaps our little Beach plum (_P. maritima_) is intended. The wild American Plum-tree is probably not a native of Massachusetts, although it was early cultivated by the aborigines and settlers.

[307] (_Sassafras officinale._)

[308] The Ginseng (_Aralia quinquefolia_), or the Wild Sarsaparilla (_Aralia nudicaulis_).

[309] In Chapter IX. of this Book (_infra_, *94) Morton again refers to the growth of hemp in New England, as evidence of the fertility of the soil. He declares “that it shewteth up to be tenne foote high and tenne foote and a halfe.” Thomas Wiggin, also, in writing of New England in November, 1632, says: “As good hempe and fflax as in any parte of the world, growes there naturally.” (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native to New England or America. That spoken of must have been grown from seed brought over by the colonists. Morton may have seen it growing in garden soil at Plymouth and Wessagusset, but that any field of it ever reached a height of ten or ten and a half feet in eastern Massachusetts is very questionable.

[310] Professor Gray of Harvard University has furnished me the following note on this chapter:--

“Unlike Josselyn, the author evidently was not an herbalist, and wrote at random. His pot-marjoram, thyme and balm, though not to be specifically identified, and none of them of the same species as in England, must be represented by our American pennyroyal (_Hedeoma pulegioides_), a native mint (_Mentha borealis_), wild basil (_Pycnanthemum_), and a species of _Monarda_, sometimes called balm, all sweet herbs of the New England coast. Alexander is hardly to be guessed. Angelica as a genus occurs here, but not the officinal species. Wild sarsaparilla (_Aralia nudicaulis_) was probably in view. Purslane is interesting in this connection, adding as it does to the probability that this plant was in the country before the settlement. There are no Anniseeds in New England, and it is impossible to guess what the author meant. It was probably a random statement founded on nothing in particular. The Honeysuckles were doubtless the two species of _Azalea_ to which the name is still applied.” Wood also says (_Prospect_, pp. 11, 12), “There is likewise growing all manner of Hearbes for meate and medicine, and not only in planted Gardens, but in the woods, without either the art or helpe of man, as sweete Marjoram, Purselane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle, Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c.” See also Mr. Tuckerman’s introductory matter and notes, in his edition of _New England’s Rarities_ [1865], and Professor Gray’s chapter (vol. i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of Boston and vicinity, and the changes it has undergone, in the _Memorial History of Boston_.

[311] For the greater part of the notes to this chapter, and for all those of a technical character, I am indebted to Mr. William Brewster, of Cambridge. To his notes I have added a few references to, and extracts from, other early works more or less contemporaneous with the _New Canaan_.

[312] Probably the Whistling Swan (_Cygnus Americanus_), now a rare visitor to New England. Wood, also, in his poetical enumeration of birds and fowls (_Prospect_, p. 23), speaks of

“The Silver Swan that tunes her mournfull breath,
To sing the dirge of her approaching death.”

Further on (p. 26) he says, “There be likewise many Swannes which frequent the fresh ponds and rivers, seldome consorting themselves with Duckes and Geese; these be very good meate, the price of one is six shillings.” In his enumeration of birds of New England, Josselyn (_Two Voyages_, p. 100) mentions “_Hookers_ or wild-_Swans_.” This bird is not included in Peabody’s _Report on the Ornithol. of Massachusetts_ (1839).

[313] The Brant (_Bernicla brenta_), common at the present day.

[314] The Snow Goose (_Anser hyperboreus_), now rare in New England, although common throughout the West.

[315] The Canada Goose (_Bernicla Canadensis_).

[316] The Black Duck (_Anas obscura_), still abundant. The identity of the other two is doubtful: the Pide Duck may have been the Pied or Labrador Duck (_Camptolæmus Labradorius_), a species formerly common but now nearly if not wholly extinct; the Gray Duck is probably the Pintail (_Dafila acuta_).

[317] The Green-winged Teal (_Querquedula Carolinensis_) and the Blue-winged Teal (_Querquedula discors_), both noted for the delicacy of their flesh.

[318] Probably the American Widgeon, or Baldpate (_Mareca Americana_). The name Widgeon is sometimes applied to other species, however.

[319] Probably some species of web-footed bird, but exactly what is not clear. Mr. Merriam, in his _Review of the Birds of Connecticut_ (pp. 104-5), identifies Morton’s Simpe as the American Woodcock (_Philohela minor_), but in this he is doubtless in error. In the first place, it is not likely that a keen sportsman like Morton would have shot woodcock merely out of curiosity, and “more did not regard them;” in the second place, Josselyn, in enumerating the different sorts of ducks, speaks of “_Widgeons_, _Simps_, _Teal_, Blew wing’d and green wing’d.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 101.) But for the reference in the next paragraph in the text, and the disparaging manner in which the bird in question is alluded to, it would be inferred that Simpes was a natural misprint for Snipes. That, however, is clearly not the case.

[320] The Sanderling (_Calidris arenaria_), a common Sandpiper, peculiar in lacking the usual hind toe. The context indicates that other shore birds were included under this name. “There are little Birds that frequent the Sea-shore in flocks called _Sanderlins_, they are about the bigness of a _Sparrow_, and in the fall of the leaf will be all fat; when I was first in the Countrie the _English_ cut them into small pieces to put into their Puddings instead of suet. I have known twelve score and above kill’d at two shots.” (Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 102.) To precisely the same effect Wood says (_Prospect_, p. 27), “I myselfe have killed twelve score at two shootes.”

[321] Neither the Whooping Crane (_Grus Americana_) nor the Sandhill Crane (_Grus pratensis_) is now found in New England. The latter is probably the species referred to here. Our large Heron (_Ardea herodias_) is often called Crane by country people, but it does not eat corn, and “in a dishe” would hardly be considered “a goodly bird.”

[322] The Wild Turkey (_Meleagris gallipavo Americana_) is mentioned by all the early writers as an abundant bird; but it disappeared almost as rapidly as the Indians, before the encroachment of the white settlers. Peabody, writing in 1839 (_Report on the Fishes, Reptiles, and Birds of Massachusetts_, p. 352), says: “It is still found occasionally in our western mountains, and also on the Holyoke range, where some are taken every year.” Its total extinction probably occurred only a few years later.

[323] Probably an exaggeration, although Audubon mentions one that weighed thirty-six pounds; the ordinary weight of the full-grown male is from fifteen to twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twenty-five pounds being an unusually large bird. Yet Morton’s statement is fully borne out by other contemporary authorities. Wood says, “The Turky is a very large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white in flesh; much bigger then our English Turky. He hath the use of his long legs so ready, that he can runne as fast as a Dogge, and flye as well as a Goose: of these sometimes there will be forty, three-score and an hundred of a flocke, sometimes more and sometimes lesse; their feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and Berries, some of them get a haunt to frequent our _English_ corne: In Winter when the Snow covers the ground, they resort to the Sea-shore to looke for Shrimps, and such small fishes at low tides. Such as love Turkie hunting must follow it in Winter after a new falne Snow, when he may follow them by their tracts; some have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a day; if they can be found towards an evening, and watched where they peirch, if one came about ten or eleaven of the clocke, he may shoote as often as he will, they will sit, unlesse they be slenderly wounded. These Turkies remain all the yeare long. The price of a good Turkie cocke is foure shillings: and he is well worth it, for he may be in weight forty pound; a Hen two shillings.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 24.) So also Josselyn: “I have heard several credible persons affirm, they have seen _Turkie Cocks_ that have weighed forty, yea sixty pounds; but out of my personal experimental knowledge I can assure you, that I have eaten my share of a _Turkie Cock_, that when he was pull’d and garbidg’d, weighed thirty pound.” He adds, however, that even then [1670] “the _English_ and the _Indians_ having now destroyed the breed, so that ’tis very rare to meet with a wild _Turkie_ in the Woods.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 9.) See also _Two Voyages_, p. 99, where the same writer says: “If you would preserve the young Chickens alive, you must give them no water, for if they come to have their fill of water, they will drop away strangely, and you will never be able to rear any of them.” John Clayton, in his _Letter to the Royal Society_ [1688], says of Virginia: “There be wild Turkies extream large; they talk of Turkies that have been kill’d, that have weigh’d betwixt 50 and 60 Pound weight; the largest that ever I saw, weigh’d something better than 38 Pound.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 30.) Williams, in his _Virginia_ [1650], speaks of “infinites of wilde Turkeyes, which have been knowne to weigh fifty pound weight, ordinarily forty.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. 12.) See also Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 125; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 253.

[324] In regard to this expression Mr. Trumbull writes: “_Metawna_ is _mittànnug_ (R. Williams), _muttannunk_ (Eliot),--Englished by ‘a thousand;’ but to the Indians less definite, ‘a great many,’ more than he could count. _Neent_ is possibly a misprint for _necut_ (_nequt_, Eliot), ‘one,’--but, more likely, stands for ‘I have,’ or its equivalent, ‘there is to me.’ Roger Williams (p. 164) puts the numeral first, _nneesnneánna_, ‘I have killed two,’--_shwinneánna_, [‘I have killed] three,’” &c.

[325] The Pheasant of Morton and other early writers has been supposed by ornithologists to be the Prairie Hen or Pinnated Grouse (_Cupidonia cupido_), a species which, however, has dark not “white flesh,”--“formerly ... so common on the ancient busky site of the city of Boston, that laboring people or servants stipulated with their employers, not to have the _Heath-Hen_ brought to table oftener then a few times in the week.” (Nuttall’s _Ornithology_, vol. i. p. 800.) There is good evidence that this bird once ranged over a large part of Southern New England; it is still found on Martha’s Vineyard, where it is carefully protected and is not uncommon. Elsewhere it does not now occur much to the eastward of Illinois.

[326] The Ruffed Grouse (_Bonasa umbella_).

[327] The American Partridge, Quail, or Bob White (_Ortyx Virginiana_).

[328] Of doubtful application. Our Horned Lark (_Eremophila alpestris_) is the nearest North American ally of the English Skylark, but it is so differently colored that Morton probably had in mind some other species, perhaps the Titlark (_Anthus ludovicianus_).

[329] Three species of Crows are found in New England: the Raven (_Corvus carnivorus_), now confined to the northern parts of Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont; the Common Crow (_Corvus Americanus_); and the Fish Crow (_Corvus ossifragus_), which occasionally wanders to Massachusetts from its true home in the Middle and Southern States. The latter may have been the Rook. “Kight” is a dubious appellation, possibly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite (_Nauclerus furcatus_), now a rare straggler from the South, but formerly, as some ornithologists believe, of regular occurrence in New England.

[330] The descriptions given for these Hawks are too vague to be of much use in determining species. A clew is often furnished by familiar terms of falconry, which, we may assume, would be naturally applied to American representatives of Old World forms. Morton, however, uses these terms very loosely, or, perhaps, with a regard to fine distinctions of meaning not now understood. In such a case nothing can be done beyond pointing out their accepted significance and probable application.

[331] The male of _Falco lanarius_, a Falcon found in the southern and south-eastern parts of Europe, as well as in Western Asia and the adjoining portions of Africa. An American variety, the Prairie Falcon (_Falco lanarius polyagrus_), has a wide range in the West, but is not known to have occurred to the eastward of Illinois. The bird referred to by Morton is doubtless the Duck Hawk (_Falco peregrinus_), an allied species not uncommon in New England.

[332] In the records of the Council for New England, under date of the 26th of November, 1635, or about the time that Morton was writing the _New Canaan_, is the following entry: “The Hawks brought over by Capt. Smart are to be presented to his Majesty on Saturday next, by the Lords of those Provinces. And the said Captain to be recommended to his Majestys service upon occasion of employments for his care and industry used to bring them over, and for other his services done in those parts.”

[333] The Cockchafer.

[334] _I. e._, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, a sluggish tribe of _Raptores_.

[335] Properly of general application to the genus _Falco_; if used specifically here there is no clew to its precise meaning.

[336] Usually written _tercel_, and sometimes _tiercel_ or _tiërcel_. The male of any hawk, so termed because he is a third smaller than the female, or, as some have thought, because it was believed that every third bird hatched was a male. The name, as used in falconry, almost always refers to the male Goshawk (_Astur palumbarius_), while with the addition of _gentil_, or _gentle_, it indicated the female or young of this species. The bird alluded to here is probably the American Goshawk (_Astur atricapillus_).

[337] The American Sparrow Hawk (_Falco sparverius_), a small and richly colored Falcon, would be likely to be used for such a purpose.

[338] If not applied to the male Goshawk (see note on “tassel gentles”), perhaps referring to Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, represented in New England by three species, _Buteo borealis_, _B. lineatus_ and _B. Pennsylvanicus_.

[339] If Morton always uses _tassel_ in its commonly accepted sense (see preceding notes), another application must be sought for the present name. The accompanying text may relate to the Marsh Hawk (_Circus cyaneus Hudsonius_), the adult male of which is our whitest New England Hawk, and the young or female perhaps the reddest. The Marsh Hawk does not prey on full-grown poultry, but it may have been credited with depredations committed by other species, a piece of injustice by no means uncommon at the present day.

[340] The Pigeon Hawk (_Falco columbarius_) is the New England representative of the European Merlin (_Falco regulus_).

[341] Probably the Crow Blackbird (_Quiscalus purpureus æneus_).

[342] The Sharp-shinned Hawk (_Accipiter fuscus_), a common New England species closely allied to the European Sparrow Hawk (_Accipiter nisus_). Our Cooper’s Hawk (_Accipiter cooperi_) also may be referred to under this name.

[343] The Ruby-throated Humming-bird (_Trochilus colubris_), our only New England species. The Humming-birds are peculiar to the New World; hence the wonder and interest with which they were regarded by the early explorers and colonists. There is a letter from Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop, Jr., of the 21st of November, 1632, in which is this paragraph: “You have a litle bird in your contrie that makes a humminge noyse, a little bigger then a bee, I pray send me one of them over, perfect in his fethers, in a little box.” (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 40^e.) There are many descriptions of this bird in the earlier writers, though none that I have found so early as Downing’s letter. Wood says: “The Humbird is one of the wonders of the Countrey, being no bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the dimensions of a Bird, as bill and wings, with quils, Spider-like legges, small clawes: For colour, shee is glorious as the Raine-bow; as shee flies, shee makes a little humming noise like a humble bee: wherefore she is called the Humbird.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 24.) Josselyn’s description is especially good: “The _Humming Bird_, the least of all Birds, little bigger than a _Dor_, of variable glittering Colours, they feed upon Honey, which they suck out of Blossoms and Flowers with their long Needle-like Bills; they sleep all Winter, and are not to be seen till the Spring, at which time they breed in little Nests, made up like a bottom of soft, Silk-like matter, their Eggs no bigger than a white Pease, they hatch three or four at a time, and are proper to this Country.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 6.) See also Clayton’s _Letter_, &c. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 33).

[344] For all the technical and scientific notes to this chapter I am indebted to Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy of Harvard College. To the matter contributed by him I have merely added, as in the immediately preceding chapters, extracts from other writers, more or less contemporaneous with Morton, which seemed to me to be illustrative of the text, or in the same spirit with it. This chapter of Morton’s is more complete, though probably of less value, than Wood’s and Josselyn’s chapters on the same subject.

[345] The _Elke_ here mentioned is the Moose (_Alces malchis_) of American writers; it is specifically the same as the elk of Northern Europe. From Wood’s account (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18), it would seem that the moose in Morton’s time ranged into eastern Massachusetts, though not found now south of northern Maine. The moose has but a single fawn at a birth, not three as stated in the text.

Mr. Allen then adds to the above note: “I have met with no published record of the occurrence of the American Elk, or Wapiti Deer (_Cervus Canadensis_), in eastern Massachusetts. Since publishing a statement to this effect (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, vol. i. p. 10), however, I have learned through the kindness of a correspondent (Henry S. Nourse, Esq., of South Lancaster, Mass.,) that early in the eighteenth century sixteen elk were seen near a brook in South Lancaster, one of which was killed. The tradition is supported by the fact that the antlers of the individual killed were preserved in the family of the lucky hunter (Jonas Fairbanks) for a long period, and afterwards placed on the top of a guide-board, where they still remain, moss-grown and weather-worn by eighty years of sun and storm. Since the receipt of Mr. Nourse’s letter (dated Feb. 25, 1882), his account has been corroborated by information from another source. That the antlers mentioned belonged to an elk and not to a moose is beyond question.”

[346] “The _English_ have some thoughts of keeping them tame, and to accustome them to the yoake, which will be a great commoditie: First, because they are so fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, being likewise very uberous. Secondly, because they will live in Winter without any fodder. There be not many of these in the _Massachusetts Bay_, but forty miles to the Northeast there be great store of them.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18.) There are very good descriptions of the Moose, and the methods pursued in hunting them, in Gorges’s _Brief Relation_ (II. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ix. p. 18) and in Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, (pp. 88, 137). See, also, _New England’s Rarities_, p. 19.

[347] The common Virginian Deer (_Cariacus Virginianus_), formerly more or less abundant throughout the eastern half of the United States.

[348] The number of fawns produced at a birth is commonly two, sometimes one, and still more rarely three; although three is stated to be the usual number in various seventeenth-century accounts of the natural productions of New England, Virginia, &c.

[349] Mourt, in his _Relation_ (p. 8), records how Governor William Bradford, of Plymouth, was caught in one of these traps, and “horsed up by the leg,” when the first party from the _Mayflower_ was exploring Cape Cod in November, 1620. Wood says: “An _English_ Mare being strayed from her owner, and growne wild by her long sojourning in the woods ranging up and down with the wild crew, stumbled into one of these traps which stopt her speed, hanging her like _Mahomet’s_ tombe, betwixt earth and heaven; the morning being come the _Indians_ went to looke what good successe their Venison trapps had brought them, but seeing such a long scutted Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they bade her good morrow, crying out, what cheere what cheere, _Englishmans squaw_ horse; having no better epithete than to call her a woman horse, but being loath to kill her, and as fearefull to approach neere the friscadoes of her Iron heeles, they posted to the _English_ to tell them how the case stood or hung with their squaw horse, who unhorsed their Mare, and brought her to her former tamenesse, which since hath brought many a good foale, and performed much good service.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 75.) Williams, in his _Key_ (ch. xxvii.), describes how the deer caught in these traps were torn and devoured by wolves before the Indians came to secure them. See, also, Colonel Norwood’s _Voyage to Virginia_. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 10, p. 39.)

[350] _Wesil_, obsolete for _weasand_.

[351] The “third sort of Deere,” of which the author evidently had no personal knowledge, is doubtless a myth, as the Virginia Deer is the only species of small deer found in the United States, _south_ of New England, east of the Mississippi River. The statement that it is “lesse then the other” (_i. e._ Virginian Deer), together with the southern habitat assigned it, preclude reference to the Caribou of northern New England, which the name “rayne deare” otherwise suggests.

[352] “They desire to be neare the Sea, so that they may swimme to the Islands when they are chased by the Woolves.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18.) Deer Island is consequently a very common name along the New England coast; and of the island bearing that name in Boston harbor, now the site of the city reformatory institutions, Wood says: “This Iland is so called, because of the Deare which often swimme thither from the Maine, when they are chased by the woolves: some have killed sixteene Deere in a day upon this Iland.” Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 405. See, also, Shurtleff’s _Description of Boston_, p. 464.

[353] The Beaver (_Castor fiber_). The account of the way “they draw the logg to the habitation appoynted” is a fanciful exaggeration, hardly less ridiculous than the preceding statement about the precaution the animal takes in winter to preserve his tail!

_Cunny_, mentioned in the first paragraph, is doubtless a seventeenth-century barbarism for _cony_, a name at this time commonly applied to the rabbit. The context, both here and in the account of the _muskewashe_, seems to imply this, although the word is correctly written _cony_ in the paragraph relating to Hares. In some of the early accounts of Virginia, published in the first half of the seventeenth century, _hares_ and _cunnies_ are enumerated in the lists of animals, where the latter name evidently means _cony_ or _rabbit_. _Serat_, in the same paragraph, is a term of much greater obscurity of application.

[354] “The tail, as I have said in another Treatise, is very fat and of a masculine vertue, as good as _Eringo’s_ or _Satyrion_-Roots.” (Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 93.)

[355] Bradford, writing of the year 1636, gives the following prices: “The coat beaver usualy at 20_s._ per pound, and some at 24_s._; the skin at 15 and sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may be the last year might be something lower” (p. 346). In 1671 Josselyn says: “A black Bears Skin heretofore was worth forty shillings, now you may have one for ten.” (_Rarities_, p. 14.) The following prices were named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. 52.)

“Sables, from 8_s._ the payre, to 20_s._ a payre.

“Otter skins, from 3_s._ to 5_s._ a piece.

“Luzernes, from 2_s._ to 10. a piece.

“Martins the best, 4_s._ a piece.

“Fox skins, 6_d._ a piece.

“Muske Rats skins, 2_s._ a dozen.

“Bever skins that are full growne, in season, are worth 7_s._ a piece.

“Bever skins, not in season, to allow two skins for one, and of the lesser, three for one.

“Old Bever skins in mantles, gloves or caps, the more worne the better, so they be full of fur, the pound weight is 6_s._” See _infra_, 207, _note_ 4, and also *80.

[356] The servant here referred to was probably Walter Bagnall, of Richmond Island, who was killed by Indians, Oct. 3, 1631. See _infra_, 218, _note_ 1.

[357] The common Otter (_Lutra Canadensis_), now of rare occurrence in the more settled parts of southern New England.

[358] The _Luseran_, or _Luseret_, is the Bay Lynx, or Wild-cat (_Lynx rufus_).

“The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big as a mungrell dogge; this creature is by nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee met withall than any other creature, not feering either dogge or man; he useth to kill Deere which he thus effecteth: Knowing the Deeres tracts, he will lie lurking in long weedes, the Deere passing by he suddenly leapes upon his backe, from thence gets to his necke, and scratcheth out his throate: he hath likewise a devise to get Geese, for being much of the colour of a Goose, he will place himselfe close by the water, holding up his bob taile, which is like a Goose necke; the Geese seeing this counterfeiting Goose, approch nigh to visit him, who with a sudden jerke apprehends his mistrustlesse prey.” (_New England’s Prospect_, pp. 19, 20.) Josselyn says: “I once found six whole Ducks in the belly of one I killed by a Pond side.” (_Rarities_, p. 16.)

[359] The _Martin_. Under this name are doubtless confounded the Marten (_Mustela Americana_) and the Fisher (_M. Pennanti_). The size, however, even in case the Fisher alone were referred to, is greatly overstated.

[360] The _Racowne_ is the common well-known Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_).

[361] Josselyn says of the Raccoon: “their grease is soveraign for wounds with bruises, aches, streins, bruises; and to anoint after broken bones and dislocations.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 85.) A little further on (p. 92) he notes: “One Mr. _Purchase_ cured himself of the _Sciatica_ with _Bears_-greese, keeping some of it continually in his groine.”

[362] The _Redd Fox_ is our common Red Fox (_Vulpes vulgaris_, var. _Pennsylvanicus_). The _Gray Fox_ is doubtless the Virginian or Gray Fox (_Urocyon cinereoargentatus_) of the South and West, an animal formerly occurring in New England but long since nearly extirpated. This is inferred from Josselyn’s account of the _Jaccal_ (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 22), rather than from any clew given in Morton’s text. The absence of strong scent referred to relates to the Gray Fox, a character mentioned by Josselyn in his brief but sufficiently explicit description of his Jaccal.

[363] “The Indians say they have black foxes, which they have often seen, but never could take any of them. They say they are Manittóoes, that is Gods, spirits, or divine powers, as they say of every thing which they cannot comprehend.” (Williams’s _Key_, ch. xvii.) The black fox-skin, Josselyn says (_Rarities_, p. 21), “heretofore was wont to be valued at fifty and sixty pound, but now you may have them for twenty shillings; indeed there is not any in _New England_ that are perfectly black, but silver hair’d, that is sprinkled with gray hairs.” The black wolf’s skin, he says (_ib._ p. 16), “is worth a _Beaver_ Skin among the _Indians_, being highly esteemed for helping old Aches in old people, worn as a Coat.” Of the foxes Wood remarks: “Some of these be blacke; their furre is of much esteeme.” (_Prospect_, p. 19.) Elsewhere he says that the fur of a black wolf was “worth five or sixe pounds Sterling.” (_Ib._ 20.)

See, also, _supra_, 205, _note_ 2.

[364] The _Wolf_ is the large Gray Wolf (_Canis lupus_), formerly abundant throughout New England, and well known to vary in color as mentioned by Morton.

[365] “They be made much like a Mungrell, being big boned, lanke paunched, deepe breasted, having a thicke necke and head, pricke eares, and long snoute, with dangerous teeth, long staring haire, and a great bush taile.... It is observed that they have no joynts from their head to the taile, which prevents them from leaping or sudden turning.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 20.) See Josselyn’s _Rarities_, p. 14, and _Two Voyages_, p. 83. He says: “They commonly go in routs, a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, sometimes by couples.” Of the Virginia species, Clayton says: “Wolves there are great store; you may hear a Company Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like a pack of Beagles; but they are very cowardly, and dare scarce venture on anything that faces them; yet if hungry will pull down a good large Sheep that flies from them. I never heard that any of them adventured to set on Man or Child.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, these Virginia wolves were “not much bigger then English foxes.” (_Historie_, p. 125.) Wood, however, says that the Massachusetts wolves cared “no more for an ordinary Mastiffe, than an ordinary Mastiffe cares for a Curre; many good dogges have been spoyled by them.” Shortly after the landing from the _Mayflower_ at Plymouth, John Goodman, one evening in January, “went abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the dog; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. He had nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a pale-board in his hand; and they set both on their tails grinning at him a good while; and went their way and left him.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 178.)

[366] _Supra_, 205, _note_ 2, and 207, _note_ 4.

[367] The common Black Bear (_Ursus Americanus_).