Chapter IV: Part 4

As a literary performance the _New Canaan_, it is unnecessary to say, has survived through no merits of its own. While it is, on the whole, a better written book than the _Wonder-Working Providence_, it is not so well written as Wood’s _Prospect_; and it cannot compare with what we have from the pens of Smith or Gorges,--much less from those of Winslow, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is amazing how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of events and places now full of interest, could have sat down to write about them at all, and then, after writing so much, have told so little. Rarely stating anything quite correctly,--the most careless and slipshod of authors,--he took a positive pleasure in concealing what he meant to say under a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the _New Canaan_ fell still-born from the press, the only contemporaneous trace of it which can be found in English literature being Butler’s often quoted passage in _Hudibras_, in which the Wessagusset hanging is alluded to.[184] It is even open to question whether this reference was due to Butler’s having read the book. The passage referred to is in the second part of _Hudibras_, which was not published until 1664, twenty-seven years after the publication of the _New Canaan_. It is perfectly possible that Butler may have known Morton; for in 1637 the future author of _Hudibras_ was already twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London for six or seven years after that. There are indications that he knew Ben Jonson;[185] and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that with his sense of humor and convivial tastes Morton should not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at the Mermaid. If he and the author of _Hudibras_ ever did chance to meet, they must have proved congenial spirits, for there is much that is Hudibrastic in the _New Canaan_. Not impossibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New England hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the reminiscence of a passage he had read in some forgotten book, but as a vague recollection of an amusing story which he had once heard Morton tell.

It is, indeed, the author’s sense of humor, just alluded to, which gives to the _New Canaan_ its only real distinction among the early works relating to New England. In this respect it stands by itself. In all the rest of those works, one often meets with passages of simplicity, of pathos and of great descriptive power,--never with anything which was both meant to raise a smile, and does it. The writers seemed to have no sense of humor, no perception of the ludicrous. Bradford, for instance, as a passage “rather of mirth than of weight,” describes how he put a stop to the Christmas games at Plymouth in 1621. There is a grim solemnity in his very chuckle. Winthrop gives a long account of the penance of Captain John Underhill, as he stood upon a stool in the church, “without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled close to his eyes,” and “blubbering,” confessed his adultery with the cooper’s wife.[186] Yet he evidently recorded it with unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that “two of our ministers’ sons, being students in the college, robbed two dwelling-houses, in the night, of some 15 pounds. Being found out, they were ordered by the governors of the college to be there whipped, which was performed by the president himself--yet they were about twenty years of age.”[187] If Morton had recorded this incident, he could not have helped seeing a ludicrous side to it, and he would have expressed it in some humorous, or at least in some grotesque way. Winthrop saw the serious side of everything, and the serious side only. In this he was like all the rest. Such solemnity, such everlasting consciousness of responsibility to God and man, is grand and perhaps impressive; but it grows wearisome. It is pleasant to have it broken at last, even though that which breaks it is in some respects not to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable. Among what are called _Americana_, therefore, the _New Canaan_ is and will always remain a refreshing book. It is a connecting link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have to remind us that in literature, also, Bradford and Winthrop and Cotton were Englishmen of the time of Shakespeare and Jonson and Butler.

It remains only to speak of the bibliography of the _New Canaan_, which at one time excited some discussion, and of the present edition. Written before the close of 1635, the _New Canaan_ was printed at Amsterdam in 1637. It has been reprinted but once,--by Force, in the second volume of his _American Tracts_. The present is, therefore, the second reprint, and the first annotated edition. For a number of years it was supposed that copies of the book were in existence with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of Charles Greene, and the date of 1632.[188] This supposition was, however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winsor in the _Harvard University Literary Bulletins_ (Nos. 9 and 10, 1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be partially, at least, groundless. It was due to the fact that Force made his reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the Library of Congress. That copy lacked a portion or the whole of the titlepage; and the missing parts seem to have been supplied, without mention of the fact being made, from the entry of the book under 1632 in White Kennet’s _Bibliothecæ Americanæ Primordia_. Apparently the error originated in the following way. The _New Canaan_ was entered for copyright in the Stationers’ Registers in London, November 18, 1633, in behalf of Charles Greene, the printer. There is no reason to suppose that it was then completed, as it may have been entered by its title alone. If it was, however, completed in part in 1633, the internal evidence is conclusive that it was both revised[189] and added to[190] as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commissioners for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally dedicated, was not created until April 10th of that year. Greene did not print the book; though, as will presently be seen, a certain number of copies may possibly have been struck off for him with titlepages of their own. The entry in the Stationers’ Registers was, however, afterwards discovered, and seems then to have supplied by inference the date of publication, which could not be learned from certain copies, the titlepages to which were defective or wanting. The dates given in Lowndes’s _Manual_ would seem to be simply incorrect.[191] Meanwhile, for reasons probably of economy, though notice of publication had been given in London, the book was actually printed in Holland, and the regular titlepage reads: “Printed at Amsterdam by Jacob Frederick Stam, in the year 1637.” There are copies, however, the titlepages of which read: “Printed for Charles Greene, and are sold in Pauls Churchyard,” no date being given.[192] It is not known that these copies differ in any other respect from those bearing the usual imprint. The conclusion, therefore, would seem to be that, as already stated, a number of copies may have been struck off for Greene with a distinct titlepage. Properly speaking, however, there seems to have been but one edition of the book. With the exception of the Force titlepage, which has been shown to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy being in existence bearing an earlier date than the usual one of Amsterdam, 1637.

Copies of the _New Canaan_ are extremely rare. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, “which was owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams.” It is from that copy that the present edition is printed. Mr. Adams purchased it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was that copy also which was temporarily deposited in the Boston Athenæum in 1810, as mentioned in the _Monthly Anthology_ of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the _Harvard University Library Bulletin_, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. George Whitney, in his _History of Quincy_ written in 1826, says (p. 11) that another “copy was lately presented to the Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris.”[193] In addition to these, some dozen or twenty other copies in all are known to exist in various public and private collections in America and Europe, several of which are enumerated in the _Literary Bulletin_ just referred to.

Very many of the errors both in typography and punctuation, with which the _New Canaan_ abounds, are obviously due to the fact that it was printed in Amsterdam. The original manuscript it would seem was no more legible than the manuscript of that period, as it has come down to us, is usually found to be. At best it was not easy to decipher. The copy of the _New Canaan_ was then put in the hands of a compositor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with English; and, if the proof-sheets were ever corrected by any one, they certainly were not corrected by the author or by a proof-reader really familiar with his writing, or even with the tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly pen flourishes were mistaken for punctuation marks, and these were inserted without any regard to the context; familiar words appeared in unintelligible shapes;[194] small letters were mistaken for capitals, and capitals for small letters, and one letter was confounded with another. In addition to these numerous mistakes in deciphering and following the manuscript, ordinary typographical errors are not uncommon; though in this respect the _New Canaan_ is less marked by blemishes than under the circumstances would naturally be supposed.

Neither is this explanation of the curiously bad press-work of the _New Canaan_ a mere conjecture. One other composition of Morton’s has come down to us in the letter to Jeffreys, preserved by Winthrop.[195] Let any one compare this letter with a chapter from the _New Canaan_, and he will see at once that, while both are manifestly productions from the same pen, they have been preserved under wholly different circumstances. Take, for instance, the following identical passages,--the one from the _New Canaan_ and the other from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will sufficiently illustrate this point.

NEW CANAAN.

BOOK III. CHAPTER 31.

And now mine Host being merrily disposed, haveing past many
perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, beganne in a
posture like Ionas, and cryed Repent you cruell Seperatists repent,
there are as yet but 40. dayes if Iove vouchsafe to thunder,
Charter and the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall a sunder:
Repent you cruell Schismaticks repent.

LETTER TO JEFFREYS.

SAVAGE’S WINTHROP, VOL. II. p. *190.

So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely cry, repent you cruel
separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove
vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists
will fall asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent.

The letter to Jeffreys is curiously characteristic of Morton. It is written in the same inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic style as the _New Canaan_. It is, however, perfectly intelligible and even energetic. The reason is obvious. It was correctly copied by a man who understood what the writer was saying. Accordingly it is as clear as Winthrop’s own text. The _New Canaan_ would have been equally clear had it been deciphered at the compositor’s form by a man with Winthrop’s familiarity with English.

* * * * *

There is some reason to think that the fancy for exact reproduction in typography has of late years been carried to an extreme. Not only have peculiarities of spelling, capitalization and type, which were really characteristic of the past, been carefully followed, but abbreviations and figures have been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined to manuscripts, and are certainly never found in the better printed books of the same period. It is certainly desirable in reprinting quaint works, which it is not supposed will ever pass into the hands of general readers, to have them appear in the dress of the time to which they belong. Indeed they cannot be modernized in spelling, the use of capitals, or even, altogether, in punctuation, without losing something of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good reason why gross and manifest blunders, due to the ignorance of compositors and the carelessness of proof-readers, should be jealously perpetuated as if they were sacred things. This assuredly is carrying the spirit of faithful reproduction to fanaticism. It is Chinese.

The rule followed, therefore, in the present edition has been to reproduce the _New Canaan_ as it appeared in the Amsterdam edition of 1637, correcting only the punctuation, and such errors of the press as are manifest and unmistakable. Very few changes have been made in the use of capitals, and those only where it is obvious that a letter of one kind in the copy was mistaken by the compositor for a letter of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of page *14, where “Captaine Davis’ fate,” in the author’s manuscript, is made to appear as “Captain Davis Fate,” in the original text. The compositor evidently mistook the small _f_, written with the old-fashioned flourish, for an initial capital. The spelling has in no case been changed except where the error, as in the case already cited of “muit” for “mint,” is manifestly due to printers’ blunders. Mistakes of the press, such as “legg” for “logg” (p. *77) and “vies” for “eies” (p. *152), have been made right wherever they could be certainly detected.

No conjectural readings whatever have been inserted in the text. The few passages, not more than four or five in number, in which, owing probably to the failure of the compositor to decipher manuscript, the meaning of the original is not clear, are reproduced exactly. No liberties whatever have been taken with the original edition in these cases, and all guesses which are indulged in as to the author’s meaning, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the notes. In a few places the text is obviously deficient. Words necessary to the meaning are omitted in printing. Wherever these have been conjecturally inserted, the inserted words are in brackets. In a very few cases, words, which could clearly have found their way into the original only through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is called in the notes to every such omission.

The effort in the present edition has, in short, been to make it a reproduction of the _New Canaan_; but the reproduction was to be an intelligent, and not a servile one.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN
_OR_
NEW CANAAN.

Containing an Abstract of New England,

_Composed in three Bookes_.

The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love towards the English.

The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the Country, and what staple Commodities it yealdeth.

The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise of their Church.

_Written by_ Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, _upon tenne yeares knowledge and experiment of the Country_.

Printed at AMSTERDAM,
_By JACOB FREDERICK STAM.
In the Yeare 1637_.

To the right honorable, the Lords and others of his Majesties most honorable privy Councell, Commissioners, for the Government of all his Majesties forraigne Provinces.[196]

_Right honorable_,

The zeale which I beare to the advauncement of the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty, and the good of the weale publike hath incouraged mee to compose this abstract, being the modell of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country worthy the Title of Natures Masterpeece, and may be lost by too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet {4} all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence, where I have indevoured my best, bound by my allegeance, to doe his Majesty service. This in all humility I present as an offering, wherewith I prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole. If you please to vouchsafe it may receave a blessing from the Luster of your gracious Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that hee yet doth live to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to sacrifice his dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for the honor of his native Country. Being

_your humors humble vassaile_
THOMAS MORTON.

The Epistle to the Reader.

_GENTLE READER_,

I present to the publike view an abstract of New England, which I have undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as have been studious of the inlargment of his Majesties Territories; being not formerly satisfied by the relations of such as, through haste, have taken but a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to give a more exact accompt of what hath been required. I have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge which I have gained and collected together, by mine owne observation in the time of my many yeares residence in those parts, to my loving Country men: For the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers of the blessings of God in that fertile Soyle, as well as those {8} that, out of Curiosity onely, have bin inquisitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I have observed how divers persons (not so well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion), out of respect to their owne private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practise of the people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have abundantly in this discourse layd open: yet if it be well accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking, and rest,

_Your Wellwisher_.

THOMAS MORTON.

In laudem Authoris.

T’ Excuse the Author ere the worke be shewne
Is accusation in it selfe alone;
And to commend him might seeme oversight;
So divers are th’ opinions of this age,
So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne stage,
That hard his taske is that must please in all:
Example have wee from great Cæsars fall.
But is the sonne to be dislik’d and blam’d,
Because the mole is of his face asham’d?
The fault is in the beast, not in the sonne;
Give sicke mouthes sweete meates, fy! they relish none.
But to the sound in censure, he commends
His love unto his Country; his true ends,
To modell out a Land of so much worth
As untill now noe traveller setteth[197] forth;
Faire Canaans second selfe, second to none,
Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne.
Then here survay what nature hath in store,
And graunt him love for this. He craves no more.

R. O. Gen.

Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.[198]

In laudem Authoris.

_This worke a matchles mirror is, that shewes
The Humors of the seperatiste, and those
So truely personated by thy pen.
I was amaz’d to see’t; herein all men
May plainely see, as in an inter-lude,
Each actor figure; and the scæne well view’d
In Comick,[199] Tragick, and in a pastorall strife,[200]
For tyth of mint[201] and Cummin, shewes their life
Nothing but opposition gainst the right
Of sacred Majestie: men full of spight,
Goodnes abuseing, turning vertue out
Of Dores, to whipping, stocking, and full bent
To plotting mischeife gainst the innocent,
Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate,
In spight of Lawe, to be made ruinate.
This taske is well perform’d, and patience be
Thy present comfort, and thy constancy
Thine honor; and this glasse, where it shall come,
Shall sing thy praises till the day of doome._

Sir C. G.

In laudem Authoris.

_Bvt that I rather pitty, I confesse,
The practise of their Church, I could expresse
Myselfe a Satyrist, whose smarting fanges
Should strike it with a palsy, and the panges
Beget a feare to tempt the Majesty
Of those, or mortall Gods. Will they defie
The Thundring Jove? Like children they desire,
Such is their zeale, to sport themselves with fire:
So have I seene an angry Fly presume
To strike a burning taper, and consume
His feeble wings. Why, in an aire so milde,
Are they so monstrous growne up, and so vilde,
That Salvages can of themselves espy
Their errors, brand their names with infamy?
What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirst?
Will they be over head and eares a curst?
A cruell way to found a Church on! noe,
T’is not their zeale but fury blinds them soe,
And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne,
And offer up the sacrifice of Kain.
Jonas, thou hast done well to call these men
Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen._

F. C. Armiger.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,
_OR_
NEW CANAAN.

_The Author’s Prologue._

If art and industry should doe as much
As Nature hath for Canaan, not such
Another place, for benefit and rest,
In all the universe can be possest.
The more we proove it by discovery,
The more delight each object to the eye
Procures; as if the elements had here
Bin reconcil’d, and pleas’d it should appeare
Like a faire virgin, longing to be sped
And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed,
Deck’d in rich ornaments t’ advaunce her state
And excellence, being most fortunate
When most enjoy’d: so would our Canaan be
If well imploy’d by art and industry;
Whose offspring now, shewes that her fruitfull wombe,
Not being enjoy’d, is like a glorious tombe,
Admired things producing which there dye,
And ly fast bound in darck obscurity:
The worth of which, in each particuler,
Who list to know, this abstract will declare.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,
OR
NEW CANAAN.

_The first Booke._

Containing the originall of the Natives, their manners & Customes,
with their tractable nature and love towards the English.

CHAP. I.

_Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most
commodious and fitt for habitation._

~_Vse of vegetatives._~

~_Fish poysonous about the Isle of Sall._~

The wise Creator of the universall Globe hath placed a golden meane betwixt two extreames; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt the hote and cold; and every Creature, that participates of Heavens blessings with in the Compasse of that golden meane, is made most {12} apt and fit for man to use, who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, to teach him how to use moderation and discretion, both in his actions and intentions. The wise man sayes, give mee neither riches nor poverty; why? Riches might make him proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty despaire like Iobs wife; but a meane betweene both. So it is likewise in the use of Vegetatives, that which hath too much Heate or too much Colde, is said to be venenum: so in the use of sensitives, all those Animals, of what genus or species soever they be, if they participate of heate or cold in the superlative are said to be _Inimica naturæ_, as in some Fishes about the Isle of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes; their participatinge of heate and cold, in the superlative, is made most manifest, one of which poysoned a whole Ships company that eate of it.[202] And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and Snakes, that have heate or cold in the superlative degree.

~_Zona temperata, the Golden meane._~

~_Salt aboundeth under the Tropicks._~

~_Raine 40. dayes about August betweene Cancer and the Line._~

Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold in a meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, and it is therefore called _Zona temperata_, and is in the golden meane; and all those landes lying under that Zone, most requisite and fitt for habitation. In Cosmography, the two extreames are called, the one _Torrida Zona_, lying betweene the Tropickes, the other _Frigida Zona_, lying neare the poles: all the landes lying under either of these Zones, by reason they doe participate too {13} much of heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompanied with many evils. And allthough I am not of opinion with Aristotle,[203] that the landes under _Torrida Zona_ are alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having beene so neare the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith and seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish and Flesh both will taint in those partes, notwithstanding the use of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by natures hande-worke; And that is a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation, the very Sinewes of a florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse, caused through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the world it is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the Tornathees (as the Portingals[204] phrase is, who lived there) and then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moisture serveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe which time is seene no raine at all: the heate and cold, and length of day and night, being much alike, with little difference. And these raines are caused by the turning of the windes, which else betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade, that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer it is constantly North-East, and next the Tropicke of Capricorne it is Southwest; so that the windes comming from the Poles, do keepe the aire in those partes coole, and make it temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for those and other inconveniences.

~_Capt. Davis froze to death._~

~_Groene Land too cold for habitation._~

{14} This _Torrida Zona_ is good for Grashoppers: and _Zona Temperata_ for the Ant and Bee. But _Frigida Zona_ [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of Captaine Davis fate is manifest, who in his inquest of the Northwest passage for the East India trade was frozen to death.[205] And therefore, for _Frigida Zona_, I agree with Aristotle that it is unfit for habitation:[206] and I know by the Course of the cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees short of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by reason of the Sunns absence almost six monethes, and the land under the continuall power of the frost; which thinge many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experience of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an India mine.

~_Sir Ferdinando Gorges the originall cause of plantinge New England._~

And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, so it is likewise to be found under the Antarticke Pole; yet what hazard will not an industrious minde and couragious spirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet: _Impiger extremos currit Mercator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes._[207] And all to gett and hord up like the Ant and the Bee; and yet, as Salomon saith,[208] he cannot tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it. Therefore let us leave these two extreames, with their inconveniences, and indeavour to finde out this golden meane, so free from any one of them. Behold the secret wisedome of allmighty God, and love unto our Salomon, to raise a man of a lardge hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or Loadstarre, that doth point out {15} unto the English Nation with ease and comfort how to finde it out. And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,[209] Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done a great worke for the good of his Country.

~_The Salvages dyed of the plague._~

And herein this, the wondrous wisedome and love of God, is shewne, by sending to the place his Minister, to sweepe away by heapes the Salvages; and also giving him length of dayes to see the same performed after his enterprise was begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Christ.

This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane to be scituated about the middle of those two extreames, and for directions you may proove it thus: Counting the space betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true proportion, you shall finde it to be 90. Degrees: then must we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Sotherne side of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, remembringe that _Sol & Homo generàt hominem_; and then keepe us on that same side, and see what Land is to be found there, and we shall easily discerne that new England is on the South side of that Center.

~_New Engl. is placed in the golden meane._~

~_New England 10. Degrees neerer the line then old England._~

~_The Massachussets in the middel of New England._~

~_The Windes not so violent in New England._~

For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the same latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently, but is oppressed with neither: and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of that golden meane, most apt and fit {16} for habitation and generation, being placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under that Zone called _Zona temperata_; and is therefore most fitt for the generation and habitation of our English nation, of all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne Pole, whose Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the selfesame latitude: now this new England, though it be nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold, by reason of the cituation of it; for as the Coast lyeth, being circularly Northeast and Southwest, opposite towards the Sunnes risinge, which makes his course over the Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting heat of the Sun-beames, by reason of the continuall motion of the waters makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter; so that for the temperature of the Climent, sweetnesse of the aire, fertility of the Soile, and small number of the Salvages (which might seeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious men accounted the principall part of all America for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the Sea, Ships there not being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, and not to be paraleld in all Christendome. The Massachussets, being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in 42. Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet[210] the greatest number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to it divided by Islands into 4 great bayes,[211] where shippinge may safely ride, {17} all windes and weathers, the windes in those partes being not so violent as in England by many Degrees: for there are no shrubbs seene to leane from the windes, as by the Sea Coast of England I have seene them leane, and the groundage is a sandy sleech,[212] free from rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage: the rest of the Planters are disperst among the Coasts betweene 41. and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very little way into the inland.[213] The riches of which Country I have set forth in this abstract as in a Landskipp, for the better information of the Travellers; which hee may peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it, that it is nothing inferior to Canaan of Israel, but a kind of paralell to it in all points.

CHAP. II.

_Of the originall of the Natives._

~_The Natives have a mixed language._~

~_Pasco Pan greedy gutt._~

~_Mona an Island._~

In the yeare since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was my chance to be landed in the parts of New England,[214] where I found two sortes of people, the one Christians, the other Infidels; these I found most full of humanity, and more friendly then the other: as shall hereafter be made apparant in Dew-Course by their severall actions from time to time, whilest I lived among them. After my arrivall in those partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that I could to find out from what people, or nation, the Natives of {18} New England might be conjectured originlly to proceede; and by continuance and conversation amongst them, I attaned to so much of their language, as by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest: for it hath been found by divers, and those of good judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe use very many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the same signification that the Latins and Greekes have done; as _en animia_,[215] when an Indian expresseth that hee doth anything with a good will; and _Pascopan_[216] signifieth gredy gut, this being the name of an Indian that was so called of a Child, through the greedinesse of his minde and much eating, for _Pasco_ in Latine signifieth to feede, and _Pan_ in Greeke signifieth all; and _Pasco nantum,[217] quasi pasco nondum_, halfe starved, or not eating, as yet; _Equa coge_,[218] set it upright; _Mona_[219] is an Island in their language, _quasi Monon_, that is alone, for an Island is a peece or plott of ground standing alone, and devided from the mane Land by force of water.

~_Cos a Whetstone._~

~_Pan the Shepheards God._~

_Cos_[220] is a Whetstone with them. _Hame_[221] an instrument to take fish. Many places doe retaine the name of _Pan_, as Pantneket[222] and _Matta pan_,[223] so that it may be thought that these people heretofore have had the name of _Pan_ in great reverence and estimation, and it may bee have worshipped _Pan_ the great God of the Heathens: Howsoever they doe use no manner of worship at all now: and it is most likely that the Natives of this Country are descended from people bred upon that part of the world which is towardes {19} the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe still retaine the memory of some of the Starres one that part of the Cælestiall Globe, as the North-starre, which with them is called Maske,[224] for Maske in their Language signifieth a Beare: and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, and it seemes originally have had some litterature amongst them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of use.

~_Not to proceede from the Tartars._~

~_No part of America knowne to be neare Tartary._~

~_Why Brutus left Latium._~

~_Two nations meetinge make a mixt language._~

And whereas it hath beene the opinion of some men, which shall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from Tartaria into those partes,[225] over the frozen Sea, I see no probality for any such Conjecture; for as much as a people once setled must be remooved by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they should be drawne to remoove: and if it may be thought that these people came over the frozen Sea, then would it be by compulsion? if so, then by whome, or when? or what part of this mane continent may be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne: and it is not like, that a people well enough at ease will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a Sea of Ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with; as first, whether there be any Land at the end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view; then want of Food to sustane life in the meane time upon that Sea of Ice; or {20} how should they doe for Fuell, to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which will not bee had in such a place. But it may perhaps be granted that the Natives of this Country might originally come of the scattred Trojans: For after that Brutus, who was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place and people, then by staying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtfull Conquest, which as history maketh mention hee performed,) this people were dispersed: there is no question but the people that lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Græcians and Latines, had a mixed language that participated of both, whatsoever was that which was proper to their owne nation at first I know not: for this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together, the one indevouring to understand the others meaning makes them both many times speak a mixed language, as is approoved by the Natives of New England, through the coveteous desire they have to commerce with our nation and wee with them.

~_Dædalus the first that used Sayles._~

~_Icarus the second that used Sayles._~

~_Troy destroyed about Sauls time._~

~_The Loadstone in Salomons time._~

And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not finde that his whole number went with him at once, or arrived at one place; and being put to Sea might encounter with a storme that would carry them out of sight of Land, and then they might sayle God knoweth whether, and so might be put upon this {21} Coast, as well as any other. Compasse I beleeve they had none in those dayes; Sayles they might have, (which Dædalus the first inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne Icarus the use of it, who to this Cost found how dangerous it is for a Sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise Father, so that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this day,) and Victuals they might have good store, and many other things fittinge; oares without all question they would store themselves with, in such a case; but for the use of Compasse, there is no mention made of it at that time (which was much about Sauls time, the first that was made King of Israell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without good reason for it) that the use of the Loadstone and Compasse was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee sent Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify that magnificent Temple of Hierusalem by him built for the glory of Almighty God, and by his speciall appointment: and it is held by Cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage from Hierusalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe of the Loadstone and Compasse.

And why should any man thinke the Natives of New England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely because by the pronunciation and termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages, when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge that must induce a man of reasonable capacity to any maner of conjecture of {22} their originall, must be the sence and signification of the words, principally to frame this argument by, when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon: otherwise hee shall but runne rounde about a maze (as some of the fantasticall tribe use to do about the tythe of mint[226] and comin.) Therefore, since I have had the approbation of Sir Christopher Gardiner,[227] Knight, an able gentl. that lived amongst them, and of David Tompson,[228] a Scottish gentl. that likewise was conversant with those people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things, as men of good judgement, and that have bin in those parts any time, besides others of lesse, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be from the scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.[229]

CHAP. III.

_Of a great mortality that happened amongst the Natives of New
England, neere about the time that the English came there to plant._

~_Five Frenchmen kept by the Salvages._~

It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon some distast given in the Massachussets bay by Frenchmen, then trading there with the Natives for beaver, they set upon the men at such advantage that they killed manie of them, burned their shipp, {23} then riding at Anchor by an Island there, now called Peddocks Island,[230] in memory of Leonard Peddock[231] that landed there, (where many wilde Anckies[232] haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords of the severall territories adjoyninge: they did keepe them so longe as they lived, onely to sport themselves at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the generall worke that they require of a servant.[233] One of these five men, out livinge the rest, had learned so much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede, saying that God would be angry with them for it, and that hee would in his displeasure destroy them; but the Salvages (it seemes boasting of their strenght,) replyed and sayd, that they were so many that God could not kill them.[234]

~_The Plague fell on the Indians._~

~_The livinge not able to bury the dead._~

But contrary wise, in short time after the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake that they died on heapes as they lay in their houses; and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let there Carkases ly above the ground without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the rest; the livinge being (as it seemes) not able to bury the dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray upon. And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such a spectacle after my comming into those partes, that, as I travailed in that Forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to mee a new found Golgatha.

~_2 Sam. 24._~

{24} But otherwise, it is the custome of those Indian people to bury their dead ceremoniously and carefully, and then to abandon that place, because they have no desire the place should put them in minde of mortality: and this mortality was not ended when the Brownists of new Plimmouth were setled at Patuxet in New England: and by all likelyhood the sicknesse that these Indians died of was the Plague, as by conference with them since my arrivall and habitation in those partes, I have learned.[235] And by this meanes there is as yet but a small number of Salvages in New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and the place is made so much the more fitt for the English Nation to inhabit in, and erect in it Temples to the glory of God.

CHAP. IV.

_Of their Houses and Habitations._

The Natives of New England are accustomed to build them houses much like the wild Irish; they gather Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference, and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which is wondrous tuffe, so that they make the same round on the Topp {25} for the smooke of their fire to assend and passe through; these they cover with matts, some made of reeds and some of longe flagges, or sedge, finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones of a Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, which their groueth naturally, leaving severall places for dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up and let downe againe at their pleasures, making use of the severall dores, according as the winde sitts.[236] The fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house, with winde fals commonly: yet some times they fell a tree that groweth neere the house, and, by drawing in the end thereof, maintaine the fire on both sids, burning the tree by Degrees shorter and shorter, untill it be all consumed; for it burneth night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of the house about the fire; they lye upon plankes, commonly about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raised upon railes that are borne up upon forks; they lay mats under them, and Coats of Deares skinnes, otters, beavers, Racownes, and of Beares hides, all which they have dressed and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their coverings: and in this manner they lye as warme as they desire.[237] In the night they take their rest; in the day time, either the kettle is on with fish or flesh, by no allowance, or else the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes, which they delight in.[238] The aire doeth beget good stomacks, and they feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels; for they are willing that any one shall eate with them. Nay, if any one that shall come into their {26} houses and there fall a sleepe, when they see him disposed to lye downe, they will spreade a matt for him of their owne accord, and lay a roule of skinnes for a boulster, and let him lye. If hee sleepe untill their meate be dished up, they will set a wooden boule of meate by him that sleepeth, and wake him saying, Cattup keene Meckin[239]: That is, If you be hungry, there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such is their Humanity.[240]

Likewise, when they are minded to remoove, they carry away the mats with them; other materiales the place adjoyning will yeald. They use not to winter and summer in one place, for that would be a reason to make fuell scarse; but, after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove for their pleasures; some times to their hunting places, where they remaine keeping good hospitality for that season; and sometimes to their fishing places, where they abide for that season likewise: and at the spring, when fish comes in plentifully, they have meetinges from severall places, where they exercise themselves in gaminge and playing of juglinge trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted in; [so] that it is admirable to behould what pastime they use of severall kindes, every one striving to surpasse each other.[241] After this manner they spend their time.

{27} CHAP. V.

_Of their Religion._

It has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,[242] that there is no people so barbarous but have some worshipp or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein with Tully; and, surely, if hee had bin amongst those people so longe as I have bin, and conversed so much with them touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed his opinion. Neither should we have found this error, amongst the rest, by the helpe of that wodden prospect,[243] if it had not been so unadvisedly built upon such highe land as that Coast (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William Alexander, that setts this thing forth in an exact and conclusive sentence; if hee be not too obstinate? hee would graunt that worthy writer, that these people are _sine fide, sine lege, & sine rege_,[244] and hee hath exemplified this thinge by a familiar demonstration, which I have by longe experience observed to be true.

And, me thinks, it is absurd to say they have a kinde of worship, and not able to demonstrate whome or what it is they are accustomed to worship. For my part I am more willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to be the most intelligible of all beasts) doe worship the moone, for the reasons {28} given by the author of this report, as M^r. Thomas May, the minion of the Muses dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans historicall poem,[245] rather then this man: to that I must bee constrained, to conclude against him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New England have no worship nor religion at all; and I am sure it has been so observed by those that neede not the helpe of a wodden prospect for the matter.

CHAP. VI.

_Of the Indians apparrell._

The Indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of severall sortes of beastes, and commonly of those that doe frequent those partes where they doe live; yet some of them, for variety, will have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they purchase of them by Commerce and Trade.

~_The Indians make good lether._~

~_Indians ingenious workemen for their garments._~

~_The modesty of the Indian men._~

~_Indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all times._~

These skinnes they convert into very good lether, making the same plume and soft. Some of these skinnes they dresse with the haire on, and some with the haire off; the hairy side in winter time they weare next their bodies, and in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes: they make likewise some Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge, very prittily: these garments they weare like mantels knit over {29} their shoulders, and put under their arme: they have likewise another sort of mantels, made of Mose skinnes, which beast is a great large Deere so bigge as a horse; these skinnes they commonly dresse bare, and make them wondrous white, and stripe them with size round about the borders, in forme like lace set on by a Taylor, and some they stripe with size in workes of severall fashions very curious, according to the severall fantasies of the workemen, wherein they strive to excell one another: And Mantels made of Beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge, among the Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt: they make shooes of Mose skinnes, which is the principall leather used to that purpose; and for want of such lether (which is the strongest) they make shooes of Deeres skinnes, very handsomly and commodious; and, of such deeres skinnes as they dresse bare, they make stockinges that comes within their shooes, like a stirrop stockinge, and is fastned above at their belt, which is about their middell; Every male, after hee attaines unto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt about his middell, and a broad peece of lether that goeth betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde under that belt; and this they weare to hide their secreats of nature, which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene, so much modesty they use in that particular; those garments they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to keepe their skinnes from the brush of the Shrubbs: and when they have their Apparrell one they looke like Irish in {30} their trouses, the Stockinges joyne so to their breeches. A good well growne deere skin is of great account with them, and it must have the tale on, or else they account it defaced; the tale being three times as long as the tales of our English Deere, yea foure times so longe, this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, with a girdle of their making, bound round about their middles, to which girdle is fastned a bagg, in which his instruments be with which hee can strike fire upon any occasion.[246]

Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end; and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe seeme to me to be hansomer then when they are in English apparrell, their gesture being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours.

~_The Indians ashamed of their nakednesse._~