Chapter II: Part 2
I notified your Excellency, through the flagship, that I detained Captain Diego de Artieda against his will, for he desired to depart with the ship. He has now insisted and claimed that he should return; and I, in order not to oppose and detain him longer against his will, have permitted him to depart on the _patache_. On the same vessel departs father Fray Diego de Errera, [10] who has been our prior here, and whom we shall greatly miss. Only one religious is left us, the father Fray Martin de Herrada, [11] and it is fortunate that he is with us. If this work is to go on, it will be necessary to send him companions and religious suited for so great and holy a work, and who might help him to sustain the charge and labors of this land, where they cannot be rewarded at present as much as in that Nueva España. The people who come here, whether they be religious or laymen, should be such as are willing to settle in this land as permanent residents, and not return in the same ship on which they came. Your Excellency will provide for this and in all other necessary matters. I humbly beg your Excellency to have much compassion on me, and kindly give me permission to go into retirement, entrusting the affairs of this land to the hands of one who might take them up with more energy. This will be a very great favor to me.
Before now I have written that it is best not to allow any Portuguese to come over with the other people. This matter ought to have careful attention, for the Portuguese are not to be trusted, and will profit us little. Many of them, both soldiers and sailors, came on the flagship, and I would be glad to see them far from here. I beseech your Excellency to be pleased to take the necessary measures in this respect; for it is certainly an important matter, upon which much depends. Felipe de Salzedo is coming in this _patache_ and will give a more complete relation of everything; I refer you to him. May our Lord keep, etc.
From this island of Çubu, July seven, 1569.
Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of the Character and Conditions of their Inhabitants.
This archipelago is composed of many islands. Some of them are large, and most of them thickly populated, especially on the seacoast and all along the rivers. The mountains are also inhabited; but there are not as many large towns as along the coast and the rivers. The inhabitants of these islands are not subjected to any law, king, or lord. Although there are large towns in some regions, the people do not act in concert or obey any ruling body; but each man does whatever he pleases, and takes care only of himself and of his slaves. He who owns most slaves, and the strongest, can obtain anything he pleases. No law binds relative to relative, parents to children, or brother to brother. No person favors another, unless it is for his own interest; on the other hand, if a man in some time of need, shelters a relative or a brother in his house, supports him, and provides him with food for a few days, he will consider that relative as his slave from that time on, and is served by him. They recognize neither lord nor rule; and even their slaves are not under great subjection to their masters and lords, serving them only under certain conditions, and when and how they please. Should the master be not satisfied with his slave, he is at liberty to sell him. When these people give or lend anything to one another, the favor must be repaid double, even if between parents and children, or between brothers. At times they sell their own children, when there is little need or necessity of doing so.
These people declare war among themselves at the slightest provocation, or with none whatever. All those who have not made a treaty of peace with them, or drawn blood with them, are considered as enemies. Privateering and robbery have a natural attraction for them. Whenever the occasion presents itself, they rob one another, even if they be neighbors or relatives; and when they see and meet one another in the open fields at nightfall, they rob and seize one another. Many times it happens that half of a community is at peace with half of a neighboring community and the other halves are at war, and they assault and seize one another; nor do they have any order or arrangement in anything. All their skill is employed in setting ambuscades and laying snares to seize and capture one another, and they always try to attack with safety and advantage to themselves.
The land is fertile, and abounds in all provisions common to this region. [12] If at times some places lack the necessaries of life, it is because the natives are the laziest people in the world, or because they are forced to leave their towns through war, or for other reasons. The land is neither sowed nor cultivated. Another cause for the lack of provisions is, that they have so little authority over their slaves. They are satisfied with what is necessary for the present, and are always more ready to rob their neighbors of their possessions, than to work and cultivate their own land.
More or less gold is found in all these islands; it is obtained from the rivers, and, in some places, from the mines, which the natives work. However, they do not work the mines steadily, but only when forced by necessity; for because of their sloth and the little work done by their slaves, they do not even try to become wealthy, nor do they care to accumulate riches. When a chief possesses one or two pairs of earrings of very fine gold, two bracelets, and a chain, he will not trouble himself to look for any more gold. Any native who possesses a basketful of rice will not seek for more, or do any further work, until it is finished. Thus does their idleness surpass their covetousness. In spite of all this, we see that the land possesses much gold; for all men, whether they be chiefs or not, whether freemen or slaves, extract and sell gold, although in small quantities. Then, too, many ships come every year to these islands, from Bornei and Luzon, laden with cloth and Chinese goods, carrying back gold [13] with them; yet, with all this regular withdrawal of gold, the natives have always gold enough with which to trade. All these things permit us to infer that, if the mines were worked steadily and carefully by Spaniards, they would yield a great quantity of gold all the time. Nevertheless, in some places where we know that mines exist, the natives do not care to work them; [14] but, on the arrival of the foreign vessels for purposes of barter, they strike a bargain with those foreigners and allow them to work in the mines for a period agreed upon. From this it is clearly evident how slothful these people are.
There are places in these islands where pearls can be found, although they are not understood or valued by the natives; therefore they do not prize them, or fish for them. Cinnamon is also to be found here, especially in the island of Mindanao, where a large quantity of it is gathered on the headland called Quavit, [15] and in Samboaga and other parts of the said island. In some places we have seen pepper trees and other drugs which the natives do not value or cultivate--from which, with care and cultivation, they might derive and obtain profit.
At present cinnamon is the only article in the land from which we can derive profit; for, as I have said above, the gold supply will always be small until the mines are worked. I believe that if the land is settled and peopled by Spaniards, we shall be able to get plenty of gold, pearls, and other valuable articles. We shall also gain the commerce with China, whence come silks, porcelains, benzoin, musk, and other articles. Thus partly through commerce and partly through the articles of commerce, the settlers will increase the wealth of the land in a short time. In order to attain this, the first and foremost thing to be attempted is colonization and settlement. Through war and conquest, carried on by soldiers, who have no intention to settle or remain in this country, little or no profit will result; for the soldiers will rather impoverish the land than derive profit from it.
If your Majesty looks forward to this land for greater and richer things, it is necessary to people it, and to have a port here; for this land has many neighbors and is almost surrounded by the Japanese islands, China, Xava [Java], Borney, the Malucos and Nueva Guinea. Any one of these lands can be reached in a short time. This country is salubrious and has a good climate. It is well-provisioned, and has good ports, where can be found abundance of timber, [16] planking, and other articles necessary for the building of ships. By sending here workmen, sails, and certain articles which are not to be found here, ships could be built at little cost. Moreover, there is great need of a good port here, for it is very dangerous for large ships to sail very far in among these islands, on account of the shoals and tides hereabout. For this reason, it would be better to build galleys and light boats with oars, to go to the lands above-named, whence they would bring the cargoes for the heavy vessels. Thus the latter would not leave any port of these islands which might be founded for this purpose; and by this method the voyages and trading would be effected with great rapidity in every direction. The large ships would simply come to such ports as I have said, load their cargoes, and return.
I believe that these natives could be easily subdued by good treatment and the display of kindness; for they have no leaders, and are so divided among themselves and have so little dealing with one another--never assembling to gain strength, or rendering obedience one to another. If some of them refuse at first to make peace with us, afterward, on seeing how well we treat those who have already accepted our friendship, they are induced to do the same. But if we undertake to subdue them by force of arms, and make war on them, they will perish, and we shall lose both friends and foes; for they readily abandon their houses and towns for other places, or precipitately disperse among the mountains and uplands, and neglect to plant their fields. Consequently, they die from hunger and other misfortunes. One can see a proof of this in the length of time which it takes them to settle down again in a town which has been plundered, even if no one of them has been killed or captured. I believe that by peaceful and kindly means, they will be easily won over, although it may take some time to do so--because, in all towns where Spaniards have brought peace and not destruction, the natives have always begged for friendship, and have offered to pay tribute from what they gather and own in their lands. And although at times they do not fulfil their promise, it is not to be wondered at; for the country is not yet sufficiently settled and secure. I am sure that, when this is so, they will be subdued and will do whatever is justly commanded them.
These natives will be easily converted to our holy Catholic faith, for most of them are heathens, excepting the natives of Borney and Lucon (who are chiefly Moros), and a few converted chiefs of these islands. [17] These Moros have little knowledge of the law which they profess, beyond practicing circumcision and refraining from pork. The heathens have no law at all. They have neither temples nor idols, nor do they offer any sacrifices. They easily believe what is told and presented forcibly to them. They hold some superstitions, such as the casting of lots before doing anything, and other wretched practices--all of which will be easily eradicated, if we have some priests who know their language, and will preach to them. Certainly, there is a great opportunity to serve God, our Lord, and to expand and extol our holy Catholic faith, if our sins do not hinder the work.
In some of these islands, [18] the mountain regions are inhabited by blacks, with whom as a general rule, the Indians are at war, and whom the latter capture and sell, and also employ as slaves.
Marriage among these natives is a kind of purchase or trade, which the men make; for they pay and give money in exchange for their women, according to the rank of the parties. The sum thus paid is divided among the parents and relatives of the woman. Therefore the man who has many daughters is considered rich. After marriage, whenever the husband wishes to leave his wife, or to separate from her, he can do so by paying the same sum of money that he gave for her. Likewise the woman can leave her husband, or separate from him, by returning the double of what he gave for her. The men are permitted to have two or three wives, if they have money enough to buy and support them. The men treat their wives well, and love them according to their habits and customs--although they are all barbarians and have no manners or politeness.
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_
[_Endorsed_: "There is no date." "Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of the character of their inhabitants."]
Confirmation of Legazpi's Title as Governor and Captain-General
Don Phelippe, etc. Inasmuch as Don Luis de Velasco, our former viceroy of Nueva España, through my orders equipped a fleet and the necessary men in the port of La Navidad for the discovery and finding of the Western Islands; and inasmuch as he was pleased with you, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, and with your merits and services rendered, and named and appointed you captain-general of the above-mentioned fleet and its men; and inasmuch as (so we learn from the reports and information sent to us), having pursued your voyage and route, you discovered the aforesaid islands and settled in one of them, called Cubu; and with your men disembarked there, fought against several towns, and built a fortress for the defense of the said island and its inhabitants: therefore, in consideration of this, and of the services rendered in this expedition, and of the private expenses that you have incurred in making it; and because we believe that it is best for our service, and for the prosperity and settlement of the said islands, and for the welfare of their inhabitants--it is our will that henceforth, as long as you live, you shall be our governor and captain-general of the island of Cubu, and of the other settlements which you or any other person whatsoever may hereafter make in the island. You are also empowered to administer our civil and criminal justice, in company with the officers of justice who may be appointed in the said island and settlement. By this our ordinance, we command municipal bodies, courts, magistrates, knights, squires, officials, and good men, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets, which shall exist or be colonized in the said island and province, and our officials and others residing therein, each and every one of them, as soon as they shall be required--without any delay or hesitation, and without any further requirement or consultation on our part, and without awaiting or expecting any other ordinance, second order, or third injunction from us--to take and receive from you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the oath and formality requisite in such case, and which you must fulfil. After you have done this, you shall be recognized, received, and regarded as our captain-general of the said island and settlement, as long as you live. And they shall freely grant and consent that you fill and exercise the said offices, and that you administer and execute our justice among them--either personally or through your subordinates, whom you are empowered to appoint and shall appoint to the offices of governor, captain-general, constables, and other offices annexed and suitable to your government. You may dismiss and remove these subordinates, whenever you desire, or consider it best to do so for the fulfilment of our service and the execution of our justice, and to appoint and substitute others in their stead. And you may hear, examine, and decide any civil or criminal suit or case that may arise in the said island, or in its towns which you have founded or shall found, and in those settlements which shall be made in the future, either among our colonists or among others who are natives of the island, now or in the future. You and your said subordinates are also empowered to take the payments annexed and pertaining to the said offices, and to make any investigation you think best in cases at law, precedents, and all other matters annexed and pertaining to the said offices. You and your said subordinates shall perform the duties which pertain to our service and the execution of our justice, and to the colonization and government of the said island and towns. In order that you may enjoy and exercise the said offices and execute our justice, all persons shall yield obedience to you as to their persons and property; they shall offer and cause to be offered you all the support and help that you may request and need from them; in everything they shall respect and obey you, and shall carry out your orders and those of your subordinates; and they shall neither in whole nor in part place or consent to place any obstacle or hindrance in your way. By the present decree we entrust you and consider you entrusted with the aforesaid duties, and the enjoyment and exercise of the same. We give you power and authority to enjoy and exercise your office, and to administer and execute our justice in the said island and in the settlements that have been and shall be founded in the cities, towns, and villages of the said island, and its boundaries, by you or your subordinates as aforesaid. And in case that you should not be received by them, or any one of them, by this our decree we order any person or persons who exercise or shall exercise the authority of our justice in the towns of the said island, to relinquish and surrender it to you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, as soon as they shall be requested to do so; and they shall enjoy the same no longer without our [19] permission and special order, under the penalty which private citizens are liable to and incur who make use of public and royal offices without possessing the due power and authority. We hereby suspend, and already consider as suspended, all such persons. Furthermore we order that the fines pertaining to our exchequer and treasury imposed by you and your subordinates, be enforced; and you must enforce them, and deliver and surrender them to our treasurer in the said island. And further we order that if you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, should consider it fitting to our service and to the execution of our justice, that any one whosoever, now or in future, in the said island, should leave it, and should not enter or remain therein, and that he should present himself before us, you may so order in our name; and you must banish him from the island according to the ordinance governing this matter, giving to the person thus banished the reason for his banishment. And if it seem best to you that the reason should be kept secret, you shall give it in a statement closed and sealed; and shall send the same to us by a different person than the one banished, in order that we may be informed of it. But you must take notice that, when you are compelled to banish anyone, such banishment should be only for very serious reasons. We hereby give you full power to exercise the aforesaid offices as our governor and captain-general of the said island and settlements, and to enact and execute our justice therein, with all due rights, titles, and interests. It is, moreover, our pleasure and order that you shall have and receive an annual salary of two thousand ducats or seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis in consideration of the said offices. You shall enjoy this from the day when you took possession of the said island of Cubu, in our name, and as long as you hold the said offices. We order our officials of the said island to pay you the above-mentioned two thousand ducats from the revenues and profits accruing to us in any manner in the island during the time of your rule. Should this amount not be collected during the said time, we are under no obligation to give you any of it. The officials shall take a receipt from you, and a copy of this decree, signed by a notary-public. We order that the said two thousand ducats be received and placed on the accounts every year, from the said day and henceforth. Let no person act in any manner contrary to this decree. Given in Madrid, August fourteen, one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.
_I, The King_
Countersigned by Francisco de Eraso. Signed by Luis Quixada, Vasquez Çapata, Molina, Aguilera, Villafane.
[_Endorsed_: "Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. Title of Governor and Captain-general of the island of Çubu."]
Documents of 1570
Letter to Felipe II. Fray Diego de Herrera; January 16. Relation of the voyage to Luzón. [June?] Act of taking possession of Luzón. Martin de Goiti and Hernando Riquel; June 6. Letter to Felipe II. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; July 25. Evidence regarding the Portuguese expedition against Cebú. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; October 21.
_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The second and third documents are translated by Alfonso de Salvio; the others, by Arthur B. Myrick.
Letter from Fray Diego de Herrera to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
In the fleet that your Majesty had sent from this Nueva España to the islands of the West, there were among the people some religious of St. Augustine who were in your Majesty's service. By your order, I was one of them. We had a prosperous voyage as your Majesty will already have been fully informed. The fleet effected a landing, and founded a colony (in accordance with the instructions brought from this Nueva España) in the island of Çubu--as that place abounds in food, has a very good port and is a healthful region, as has been since found by experience; and it is very strong for defense, in any casualty that might befall us. From that place a ship was sent to discover the return route [to New Spain]. It succeeded well, although it appears that some of its men died. The people who remained there have all this time endured very great privations, notwithstanding the richness of the region, because they could make no settlement so peacefully that it was not against the will of the natives. Therefore they were disquieted, and many fled, deserting their towns; and those who remained determined not to cultivate their fields, or to sow, believing that by this stratagem they could drive us from their land. Consequently they and ours have endured very great extremities, because the same thing was done in other islands where the Spaniards went to find food--so much so that many times the natives have taken the food more than four leagues inland, carrying it upon their shoulders, and crossing creeks and rivers with it, with great risk of their lives. Then too another cause of so great distress has been the lack there of boats with oars; and the fact that, up to the present, no one has ventured to seek richer and more abundant lands--which are very near, as Lequios, Japan, and Jaba [Java], therein fulfilling your Majesty's commands. After all that, came the Portuguese fleet, arriving about the end of September of last year (1569), under command of Gonzalo Pereira. That man, although we made every possible effort for peace with him, would agree to nothing except that, in any case, we must leave these islands, or else go with him. The first could not be done, because we had no ships; nor the second, because that was very ignominious for us. Therefore as we came to no agreement, he determined to begin hostilities, and make war on us, trusting to his numerous ships--although afterward it did not turn out as happily as he thought, as your Majesty will see by the relation which the viceroy sends from this Nueva España. [20] The blockade being so long and rations so scant, the poor soldiers were in such distress that they took to hunting rats, of which there are great numbers in that land, and which are much larger than those of España. With all this privation, and the allurements and abundance in the Portuguese fleet, they served your Majesty with as great loyalty and cheerfulness in this war, and in all the rest, as I believe any men in the world have ever displayed in their king's service. There was nothing which gave them so great pleasure as being ordered to do things wherein they risked their lives. Therefore it seems to me that your Majesty ought to reward their services, because until this present assistance ordered to be sent them by your Majesty (which is very helpful), they have had nothing but two almudes [21] of uncleaned rice every Saturday (after cleaning which there remained but one), without receiving any other gratification.
I came to this Nueva España to give information of the great need of supplies there, and of some injuries done to the natives on account of the extremities that the soldiers suffered, and of many other things which seemed to me fitting for the service of our Lord and of your Majesty. I have informed the viceroy of all those things; so that, as he is nearer to those regions than is your Majesty, he may remedy them. I believe that he will remedy them, because he is a good Christian and conducts this business as earnestly as your Majesty would desire. Some of these things I think it will be necessary to submit to your Majesty's consideration, and I believe that this has been done. They have ordered me to return immediately to the islands, because they tell me that in so doing I shall fulfil your Majesty's service.
In what concerns the conversion of the natives, nothing has as yet been really done, until we know your Majesty's will, because so near Çubu there are lands as great and as rich as this, which belong to your Majesty--as China, Lequios, Jabas [Java], and Japan. We have heard that you will order us to go to those places and leave these other islands--which, although they have many mines and rivers of gold, are very ordinary, in comparison with the former. The people there are very barbarous, while those others are civilized. Now that your Majesty's will is manifest to us, we will commence the work in earnest, because hitherto, only about one hundred persons have been baptised. It will be a very great obstacle to conversions, if the war with the Portuguese continues. Therefore, I beg your Majesty through love of the Lord that some means and expedient be adopted to prevent its continuation; because, besides the great scandal given to the natives, it is a great pity that Spanish and Portuguese, who are so friendly in España, should come here to kill each other, as if they were infidels. I could advise your Majesty regarding everything else in these regions, such as the nature of the land and the nature and conditions of the peoples and what would be most profitable to your Majesty in it. A true relation of everything has been given to the viceroy, so that he may send it to your Majesty. May our Lord keep your Majesty's royal person in good health and in his service many years, and increase you into greater kingdoms. Mexico, January 16, 1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's least and humble servant,
_Fray Diego de Herrera_
Relation of the Voyage to Luzon
On the eighth of May of this year, one thousand five hundred and seventy, the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, left the river of Panay with ninety arquebusiers and twenty sailors on board the following vessels: the junk "San Miguel," of about fifty tons' burden with three large pieces of artillery; the frigate "La Tortuga;" and fifteen _praus_ manned by natives of Çubu and of the island of Panay. The officers who accompanied the master-of-camp were Captain Joan de Salzedo [22] (grandson of the governor), Sergeant-major Juan de Moron, Ensign-major Amador de Rriaran, the high constable Graviel de Rribera, and the notary-in-chief Hernando Rriquel.
After sailing northwest for two days, they arrived at the island of Zibuyan, a high and mountainous land known to possess gold-mines. Without talking to any of the natives, they left that island, which is situated about fourteen leagues from the river of Panay, and went to the island of Mindoro. Among other islands passed was that of Banton, where lived certain Spaniards, who had gone there in vessels belonging to friendly Indians. The island of Banton is about fifteen leagues from Cibuyan. It is a small circular island, high and mountainous, and is thickly populated. The natives raise a very large number of goats here, which they sell in other places. The natives of this island of Banton, as well as those of Cibuyan, are handsome, and paint themselves. From the island of Banton to that of Bindoro there is a distance of about twelve leagues. The master-of-camp reached this latter place, and anchored there with all the vessels in his charge. Mindoro is also called "the lesser Luçon." All its ports and maritime towns are inhabited by Moros. We hear that inland live naked people called Chichimecos. As far as could be seen, this island lacks provisions.
News reached the master-of-camp that, in a river five leagues from the place where the ships had anchored, were two vessels from China, the inhabitants of which these natives call _Sangleyes_. [23] Seeing that the weather did not permit him to send the large ship, because the wind was blowing south by west, he despatched Captain Juan de Salzedo, with the _praus_ [24] and rowboats to reconnoiter the said ships, and to request peace and friendship with them. This step had scarcely been taken when the southwest wind began to blow so violently, that our people were compelled to put into a harbor, and to find shelter for that night behind a promontory. Four _praus_ and the frigate, unable to do this, found shelter farther away; and, keeping always in sight of the shore, these vessels looked for the ships all that night. The next morning they were overtaken by five of the other vessels and the frigate, which were searching for them. The master-of-camp and captain Juan de Salzedo were still behind, with the large junk and the other _praus_. At break of day, the _praus_ which had preceded the others reached the river where the Chinese ships were anchored. The Chinese, either because news of the Spaniards had reached them, or because they had heard arquebuse-shots, were coming out side by side with foresails up, beating on drums, playing on fifes, firing rockets and culverins, and making a great warlike display. Many of them were seen on deck, armed with arquebuses and unsheathed cutlasses. The Spaniards, who are not at all slothful, did not refuse the challenge offered them by the Chinese; on the contrary they boldly and fearlessly attacked the Chinese ships, and, with their usual courage, grappled them. This was certainly a rash move on their part, for the Chinese ships were large and high, while the _praus_ were so small and low that they hardly reached to the first pillar of the enemy's ships. But the goodly aim of the arquebusiers was so effective that the Chinese did not leave their shelter, and the Spaniards were thus enabled to board their ships and take possession of them. There were about eighty Chinese on board the two ships; about twenty were killed in the affray. The soldiers searched the cabins in which the Chinese kept their most valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins; gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth, gilded water-jugs, and other curious articles--although not in a large quantity, considering the size of the ships. The decks of both vessels were full of earthen jars and crockery; large porcelain vases, plates, and bowls; and some fine porcelain jars, which they call _sinoratas_. They also found iron, copper, steel, and a small quantity of wax which the Chinese had bought. Captain Juan de Salzedo arrived with the rear-guard of the _praus_, after the soldiers had already placed in safety the goods taken from the Chinese ships. He was not at all pleased with the havoc made among the Chinese. The master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, who had remained behind with the large ship, showed much more displeasure, when he heard of the occurrence. As soon as he was able to cast anchor with the junk in the river of Bato (the name of the place where the Chinese vessels were found), he made all haste to make them understand that he was sorry for their misfortune, and that they had done wrong in sallying forth against the Spaniards. Nevertheless, he said he would give them, besides their freedom, a ship, in which they might return to their own country without any hindrance--besides whatever was necessary for their voyage. This was highly appreciated by the Chinese, who, being very humble people, knelt down with loud utterances of joy.
After this proposal had been made clear to the Chinese, and gladly accepted by them, the master-of-camp entrusted the chief notary, Hernando Rriquel, with the repairing of one of the ships--ordering him to have the hatchway taken out, and to send all that the ship contained to the port of Panay. Seeing that the sails, masts, and rigging of the vessels were so different from ours that none of his men had any knowledge of them, the master-of-camp thought best to ask the Chinese to send three or four of their sailors with the junk to Panay, in company with some friendly Moros of Luçon, who were with the Spaniards. The Chinese very willingly agreed to that, and provided the required men. Thus the ship was despatched with twelve Lucon Moros, four Chinese, and four Spanish soldiers of the guard.
In this river of Bato was found some green pepper [25] growing on trees as small as shrubs, with their clusters like agias. Here they learned that the town of Mindoro, which is the capital of that island, was five leagues from Bato, and that three more Chinese ships were there. They also heard that the Moros of Mindoro had made great preparations for its defense, and had provided themselves with a large number of culverins, arrows, and other offensive weapons, and were intrenched in a very strong fort. In consideration of this, and the fact that the Spaniards in this country have always desired to come in conflict with people who do not flee from them, they decided to proceed immediately to that island--although the natives of the river of Bato offered them peace, and promised to pay them two hundred gold _taels_ [26] (the equivalent of two thousand _pesos de minas_ in Spanish reckoning), if they would remain there a few days. The master-of-camp assured them of peace, and, telling them to have the money ready upon his return, set out for the port of Mindoro. Departing from the river of Baco in the morning, the Spaniards arrived, by noon, at the town of Mindoro, which is an excellent though poorly-sheltered seaport. The harbor has only one entrance. Its waters beat against a hill which is the first and the smallest of a chain of three hills overlooking the port. The other two hills are very craggy and thus form a defense to the pass for the natives. Many armed Moros appeared on the first hill--bowmen, lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. All along the hillside stood a large number of culverins. The foot of the hill was fortified by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick. The Moros were well attired after their fashion, and wore showy head-dresses, of many colors, turned back over their heads. Many of them were beating drums, blowing horns made from shells, and ringing bells. The number of men was quite large.
The master-of-camp arrived with his ship, ahead of the oared _praus_. When the first _prau_ arrived, he embarked in it with the chief notary, Hernando Rriquel, the interpreter, and a recently-converted Moro, who served as guide. With only these men, and one soldier armed with a shield, the master-of-camp advanced toward the Moro fort. He reached the foot of the hill, without allowing any others to follow him; and, being unable to proceed any further on account of its steepness, he summoned from above two Moros, to treat for peace. There seemed to be a difference of opinion among the Moros, as was gathered from their demeanor, for some made gestures of war, and others of peace, some of them even going so far as to throw a few stones and level the culverins. On the whole, they were not very anxious to fight. Meanwhile, the master-of-camp was so near them that they could have spit on him. All the Spaniards had already disembarked, and stood at an arquebuse-shot from the master-of-camp. The latter was so anxious to win over those Moros and gain their confidence, because they exhibited fear, that he wished to climb the hill on all fours to reach them; but his companions dissuaded him from this. At this time Captain Juan de Salzedo, the sergeant-major, the high constable, and the ensign-major, came up; and the master-of-camp, the captain, and the officials were assembled there, with but one soldier, for the master-of-camp would not allow the others to advance. The Moros having seen the peaceful attitude of our people, one of them descended the hill, almost on all fours. Our Moro guide advanced toward him; but, on account of the great steepness of the hill, he had to be helped up by the other Moro. After they had seen and recognized each other, and after the customary embrace and kiss, they descended to the master-of-camp. The latter told the Moro who had come down, through the interpreter, that he need not fear; for he had not come to harm them, but to seek their friendship. The Moro carried the message to the others upon the hill, and a chief came down; and, upon reaching the master-of-camp, said that he and all the town wished to be his friends, and to help the Spaniards with whatever they possessed. The master-of-camp answered that the proposition was acceptable; whereupon the Moro chief asked him to withdraw from that place--saying that, after they had withdrawn, he would come to treat of friendship and of what was to be given. The master-of-camp, in order to please him, agreed to this; and told the chief that he was going to review his men, and that he should not be offended when he should hear arquebuse-shots and the noise of artillery. Accordingly, he withdrew to the place where his men were drawn up in order, and there a fine review took place--the company closing ranks in such perfect order that both the friendly Indians (who came with us, to the number of five or six hundred) and the Moros were greatly frightened. The master-of-camp ordered that the cannon amidship on the large vessel be fired, although not to increase their fright. The review had not yet ended when a Moro came with sixty gold taels, which he gave to the master-of-camp--asking him not to be offended if the gift were not brought quickly, because the people had dispersed through fear, and therefore it could not be collected so soon; but he promised that they would raise the amount to four hundred taels. The master-of-camp received this gold, and had it placed in a small box, the key of which he gave to the Moro, telling him to keep it until the promise was fulfilled; but to consider that after treason nothing could be more blameworthy than falsehood. The Moro salaamed low, and said that he would not lie, and that they would fulfil their promise, little by little. And so they did, for, on that same day, four more messengers came with gold; and all entreated and begged the master-of-camp not to be offended at the delay, if there should be any. With these flatteries and promises the Moros detained us about five days, during which time we had friendly dealings and intercourse with them, although they mistrusted us to a certain extent. They had already abandoned the first town on the shore and had withdrawn to a hill about two hundred paces away. There most of them had taken their wives, children, and part of their goods, although the best part of their property was kept farther inland. This hill was so well fortified by nature, that, had it not been for the two ladders, which the Moros kept in two places, one could have ascended it only with wings. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, our Spaniards paid them friendly visits. On this little fortified spot the Moros had built their huts, as high as Mexican market-tents. They resembled a crowd of children with their holiday toys. During these five days, the Moros had, little by little, given two hundred taels of impure gold, for they possess great skill in mixing it with other metals. They give it an outside appearance so natural and perfect, and so fine a ring, that unless it is melted they can deceive all men, even the best of silversmiths. While in this port of Mindoro the master-of-camp sought information concerning the distance to Manilla and the towns which would be found on the journey. Our interpreter disagreed with the Moros of Mindoro as to the number of days it would take; but they all agreed that it was far, and that perhaps the weather would not permit us to sail thither. The natives of Mindoro added also that the Spaniards were crazy to go to Manilla with so small a force, and that they pitied us. They recounted so many wonders of Manilla that their tales seemed fabulous; they said that there were very large oared boats, each carrying three hundred rowers, besides the warriors; that the people were well armed and excellent bowmen; that the ships were well equipped with artillery, both large and small; and that any one of those vessels could attack two _praus_, and sink them when within range. With these accounts the Moros tried to discourage the Spaniards; but the more they attempted to frighten them with such things the more desirous they all became to set foot in Manilla. In view of this, the master-of-camp did not wait for the full payment of what the Moros had promised; but, warning them to have the remainder ready upon his return, he left them on friendly terms, and set out for the town of Manilla with all his men.
He left the port of Mindoro at midnight, and the next morning cast anchor before a small island lying between Mindoro and Lucon, where he remained two days waiting for the _praus_. Meanwhile, having sufficient leisure, he crossed over to the shore of Lucon, which was about two leagues distant; and discovered in that same island a wide, spacious bay. The _praus_ went forward, in company with one of the Moros belonging to the town of Balayan, who had offered their friendship. These Moros pointed out to Captain Juan de Salcedo, who went with the oared _praus_, the mouth of a river which led inland to a lake, called Bombon. [27] All the _praus_ entered this river, and came upon an uninhabited town. After the Moro guides from Balayan had gathered all the house commodities that they could store in their _prau_, they told the Spaniards that they wished to warn their own village, so that their people should not be anxious; and so they went away, leaving the Spaniards in that river.
The master-of-camp took a different route with his junk, and cast anchor before the town of Balayan, two leagues from the river of Bombon. While anchored there, and while the master-of-camp was fretting over the non-appearance of the _praus_ that sailed with him (since now it was already two hours after nightfall), at that very time one of them, under command of Captain Juan de Salcedo, made its appearance. He had been wounded in the leg by a poisoned arrow. Soon afterward, the other _praus_ and vessels which had sailed in his company arrived. They reported to the master-of-camp that they had entered a narrow arm of the sea, which the land inward forms into a medium-sized lake, around which seemed to be many people and much cultivated land. The country seemed thickly populated and well tilled. Captain Juan de Salcedo advanced farther up those waters, in search of a fortified place of which information had been received on the way thither--situated on both sides of the water, and thus very high and rugged, and suitable for laying ambuscades. This proved to be true; for suddenly, and without them being able to see any one, many arrows came flying through the air, one of which wounded Captain Juan de Salcedo in the leg; and many more would have been wounded had not the _prau_ been supplied with canvas guards. The arquebusiers immediately hastened to their posts with their medicine, [28] and prevented the Moros from discharging another volley of arrows, which ceased at their coming. The captain secured an antidotal herb for his wound; and, seeing that the approach to the fort was too dangerous and that it was impossible to effect a landing, he went back to collect his _praus_, and to look for a shore where he could easily disembark. A landing-place was found near the town; the men disembarked, and set out on foot in search of the Moros. The latter appeared in a broad plain, covered with grass about a hand-span high. The men were divided into two troops, in order to attack the Moros, who were shooting arrows as rapidly as they could, and wildly shouting. The Moros waited until the Spaniards began to hit their flanks with arquebuse bullets; and then, seeing the rage of their opponents, they took to flight. Our men pursued them to the very gate of their town, where more than forty Moros fell under the fire from the arquebuses.
The Spaniards entered the town, and set free two Chinamen, who were kept there in chains. They learned from these men the ostensible reason for their imprisonment, as follows. Two Chinese ships had come to trade with the Moros in this river; but, hearing of our presence in Mindoro, they desired to betake themselves thither. The Moros would not allow them to go away. In the quarrel that ensued over the question of their departure, the Chinese fired a culverin from one of the ships and killed a Moro chief. The Moros assembled to avenge him, and overtook the Chinese as they were about to sail out to sea through the estuary. It seems that the vessels were wrecked on certain shoals at the entrance to the estuary, and the Chinese with all their possessions fell into the power of the Moros, who inflicted on them a severe punishment--seizing them all, and putting them to death by inches in a most cruel manner, flaying their faces, and exposing them on reeds and mats. When the Spaniards entered the town, they encountered not a few similar sights; and so recent was this deed that the flayed faces of the Chinese were still bleeding.
Such was the account given by Captain Joan de Salcedo of what had occurred that day during his absence from the master-of-camp. The Balayan Moros who had come out peacefully detained the master-of-camp there for three or four days, giving him, little by little, some impure gold. The latter, to avoid any further delay, decided to proceed to Manilla. Accordingly, he left these Moros, on peaceful terms, telling them to collect for his return what was lacking of the amount promised. Then he sailed along the coast toward Manilla, which was said to be three leagues from that town. The chiefs of this town of Balayan said that they wished to accompany the Spaniards one day's journey from their town, in order to avenge themselves for injuries and wrongs received at the hands of some neighboring communities on the coast called Tulayansi. Therefore seven or eight _praus_ of Moros went with us, and, when we reached that coast, two _praus_ with white flags were seen, which advanced to the ship of the master-of-camp. Upon arriving there, they declared that they were natives of that coast, and that three towns, which could be seen with the naked eye, wished to be our friends, and to give us tribute as the others did. The master-of-camp received them in peace, and assured them of friendship, notwithstanding that the Balayan Moros who came with us opposed him--saying that those people ought not to be admitted to friendship, because they were hostile to themselves for making peace with us first. These arguments were of little avail, for the master-of-camp declared to both parties, that he had come to make friendship with all, and that his friends should have no differences between themselves; that, in case they did, it would be right for them to go to the Spaniards for the settlement of them; and that the one breaking with the other would be considered as enemy of the Spaniards. When they heard this answer, both sides promised to abide by that decision, whereupon the master-of-camp dismissed them all, advising those natives who had lately offered their friendship, to have the tribute ready upon his return.
According to the men of Balayan the enmity between these towns was because a Balayan vessel, on its return from Manilla, laden with merchandise, was driven by stormy weather on that coast of Tulay, and the natives showed them so excellent hospitality that, instead of helping and receiving them kindly, as neighbors should, they stole the goods of the Balayans and killed two of them, setting their heads on stakes. Similar sights were noticed by the Spaniards in these towns, which still exhibited the cruelty of the deed.
This coast is called Tulay. It has broad shoals and for this reason, as well as for the keen desire of all our men to set foot in Manilla, they remained there only one night. Therefore at dawn they set out for the town called Menilla, which according to report was quite near. They sailed along the coast, noting many bays and ports. There were some towns along the shore, whose inhabitants and citizens had sought other shelter, taking away the best of their possessions. The oared vessels came to shore, to see what these towns contained; but, finding no people, they sailed on. The large vessel was sailing about a league from the coast. Here they met some small boats, which the natives call _tapaques_. They were laden with provisions, rice, and salted sardines without the heads, resembling those which are found in España. The soldiers of the _praus_ took away a quantity of rice from the Moros, who did not defend themselves. The latter were allowed to depart in freedom, with their vessels. There were some who did defend themselves, and wounded two Spaniards and killed one of the friendly Indians who accompanied us. The master-of-camp, as he was sailing in the large vessel, was unable to put a stop to these disorders, for they were occurring in his absence. When he learned of this, and that the Moro ships were coming from the bay of Menilla laden with provisions, he cast anchor in a small port; and there, calling together all the _praus_, censured the men for their disorderly conduct, ordering them not to depart from his ship from that time on.
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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 03 of 55Chapter II: Part 2
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