Chapter VII: Part 7

ACauada de asentar esta poblon se boluio a panae a donde llego y estubo hasta q se apresto para la jornada de manila ques e la ysla de luzon adonde al presente está la prinçipal poblacion y Campo de su Mag_d_. Partio a diez y seis de abril de mill e qnie_o_ y setenta y vno segundo dia de pascoa de Resurresion enbarcose e la galera nonbrada La leona despaña q se aCauo en esta sazon enel Camino se detubo 32 dias asi llego ala dha poblaçion de manila y antes de llegar a ella como quatro leguas Vino Vna espia la qual ebiaron los prinçipales atomar tiento del yntento q se traya y entendido del s_r_. gouer_or_. queera toda Paz y amistad y q p_a_ tratarlo como Conbiniese y mas a gusto delos prinçipales y naturales venia en ps_a_. la espia mostro alegrio particular deentenderse y entonces se declaro como venia auer lo q esta dho y asi fue muy satisfho y rregalado de su senoria y se boluio y el gouer_or_ siguio su viaje endemahda del puerto con buen biento galerno y Como desde la pobl_on_ nos Vieron y no auia llegado la espia començaron a poner fuego a los Casas el q_l_ llegado fue pte p_a_ q no pasase adel_te_ ynçendio porque entendiero de la espia como ybamos de paz y asise aseguraron y dispusieron a benir nos a Reçiuir al Camino los prinçipales rraxa El viejo y aljandora y el maguno marlanauay y sale laxa que son los mas prinçipales desta trra el Raxa soliman por temor delo q hizo el año pasado no Vino en Conp_a_ destos y entendiende el gouernador q poreste temor no Venia ebiole conestos prinçipales seguro debaxo del qual Vino el dia sigui_e_ sienpre mostraua temor dio disCulpa delo pasado façil y discreta y en suma dixo estas Razones no tube Culpa enlo q se hizo[?] porque ya saues que en esta trra no ay rrey ni Caueca sola sino q Cada vno tiene su parecer y opinion y asisiguen lo q mas gusto les dá Vbo alg_o_s q pudieron mas q yo pues sin licencia mía rronpieron la paz y amistad y hizieronme Caer en falta y si esto no fuera asi y por mi pte y Consejo se hiziera mereçía Pena y si fuera Rey desta trra como soy solo s_r_. demihazienda nose quebrara la palabro que di p_o_ Como dependio de muchos yo no pudemas se oy adel_te_ e lo que ami tocare por mi ps_a_ sugetos y amigos p_o_Curare de q sea cierta la paz y amistad q se asento aviendo entendido el gouer_or_. el Razonami_to_ conçediole perdon general por lo pasado con Cargo que enlo presente y futuro Cumpliese lo que prometia y haziendolo asi en n_e_. de su mag_d_. sele hazia toda mrcd con estos Razones y otras y muchos rregalos fueron este Raja y todos los demas muy cont_o_s de auer asen_do_. las pazes y el Campo se alojo trra y abemos hecho Cosa lo mejor q se pudo y Cada diase Van haziendo.

El dia de Pascoa de Spiritusanto Vinieron a la Costa desta poblaçcion çiertos moros de la Comarca della con n_s_. de To[?] y tantos naujos y ebiaron a dezir al gouer_or_. q_e_ Venian a pelear con su gente rrespondioles q_e_ mirasen bien lo q_e_ dezian porque el no queria mandarlos matar ni hazer daño sino todo buen aCogimiento y Veçindad p_a_ q_e_ Con liuertad pudiesen hazer suscontrataçiones y otros muchos Razones p_o_mesas rregaladas y exortaçiones Xptianas y no basto antes se ensoberbesieron mas pertinazm_te_. Visto esto m_do_ el gouer_or_. que elmr_e_. de Campo min. de goyti fuese a ellos el qual lo hizo con mucha presteza lleuando Consigo la gente que le pareçio lo qual ebarco en al_o_s de los naujos que auia [?] aComodados'y dexo[?] orden que le siguiesen los soldados que dexo señalados y llego al sitio que se senaloe Vnos esteros de mar p_a_ darse la batalla naual como se hizo y desbarato y rrindio a todos los enemigos con muy poco daño delos Espanoles con ser los Contrarios mucha gente de guerra y traer artilleria Visto q_e_ por tan pocos Xptianos fueran Rendidos se admiraron y puro temor en toda la trra p_a_ que los naturales temen en mucha figura esta gente y Con este buen subceso estubo alg_o_s dias quieto este Campo.

Despues desto se trato con ynstancia paz con los naturales desta trra por buenos medios afixando la q_e_ se auia tratado con los primeros y alg_o_s q_e_ no auian sido en ella dezian q_e_ no querian paz ni amistad Con el gouer_or_. ni Con su gente ni verlos ni oyrlos porque no se les seguia prouecho y por esto vbo demandas y rrespuestas y vista su pertinaçia fue neces_o_ ebiarles a hallanar y asi se hizo en diferentes p_tes_ especial a vna prouj_n_ q_e_ tiene mucha gente nonbrada panpagan comarcana a esta çiudad de manila y a todos seles hazian rrequerimientos y amonestaçiones q_e_ viniesen a obidiencia de su mag_d_. y alos que nolo quisieron hazer fue neces_o_ pelear p_a_ rrendirlos y asi se Hizo sin daño notable.

est_Do_ en este est_do_ las Cosas desta trra tubo el gouer_or_. rueba dela llegada delos dos naujos Santiago y San Ju_n_ q_e_ dio tanto Cont_o_ como se puede eCarecer y avnque llegaran muy travajados se rrepararon lo mejor q_e_ ser pudo p_a_ q_e_ hiziesen ttorna viaje a esa nueua spaña y el mismo Cont_o_ se Reçiuio con el auer llegado d_n_ p_o_ deluna conel nauio SpirituSanto y asi se despacharon delos tres los dos El año pasado y pasales tarde hallaron en la mar tpos contr_o_s y les fue forçado a Ribar y asi saldran aora med_te_. nro Senor a prinçipio del mes de Julio deste año de 1573.

a los 20. de ag_o_ del ano pasado de 1572. fue nro Señor seruido de llevar p_a_ si al gouernador miguel lopez de legaspi murio rrepentinam_te_. aviendosse aquel dia leuantado sano en su scriptorio se hallo Vna prouj_on_. de su mag_d_. librada por esa rreal avd_a_. en el tiempo q_e_ tubo en si el gouierno por muerte del vissorrey d_n_ luis de vel_co_ e la q_e_ senalaron subcesores del Cargo de miguel lopez y al que Pertineçio de presente fue al thes_o_. guido delabasaris y asi se le entrega el gouierno por el mr_e_. de Campo y offiçiales de su mag_d_. y por el cavildo dela çiudad y otros offiçiales y todo està paçifico y e seruiçio de su mag_d_

De Presente Residimos en esta çiudad de manila e la ysla de Luzon que es lo mejor destos distritos el gouer_or_. pasado y el presente Repartieron la trra y moradores della q_e_ estan paçificos y asise yra rrepartiendo lo q_e_ se paçificare ase hecho tasaçion delo q_e_ Cada tributa_o_ a se dar e Vn año que es vna manta de algodon de q_e_ ay mucha abundançia en esta ysla de diez varas de largo y dos de ancho es rropa de que vsan los naturales p_a_ bestirse delgada asi mismo an de dar dosa_s_. de arroz y vna gallina entiendese lo daran sin pesadunbre porla mucha abundançia q_e_ de todo tienen ay mucha jente, asi se entiende seran alg_o_s muy principales Repartimientos de mucha Renta.

en esta ysla ay muchas minas de oro y pte dellas sean Visto por espanoles y dizen que las labran los naturales como en la nueua spaña, las minas de plata y el metal lleua su veta seguida como la plata an hecho dello ensayes y aCude atanta rriqueza q_e_ no lo scriuo porq_e_ no entiendan que me a largo el tpo descubrira la verdad.

deste oro Vsan Los naturales y lo mezclan con metal de Cobre tan sutil m_te_. que enganaran alos diestros artifices despaña.

Anse desCubierto enesta trra muchos grangeros y asi se entiende los abra y la mejor contr_on_ q_e_ auido ni sea desCubierto en todas las yndias.

De Vn año a esta pte, binieron al puerto desta çiudad tres naujos dela china y a las yslas comarcanas otros 5. y los que aqui llegaron traxeron mr_ca_s. delos q_e_ vsan entre ellos como lo suelen hazer de ord_o_. ay poco Camino desde esta ysla ala trrafirme tardose en nauegar Como 8. dias.

Como estos naujos llegaran a la Vista del puerto desde la mar ebiaron a pedir seguro el gouer_or_. se lo dio y se les hizo muy buen tratami_to_. traxeron alg_o_s menudencias avnque poca Cantidad porque los naturales con quien principalm_te_. bienen a Contratar lo q_e_ comunm_te_. Vsan y p_a_ ellos se trae son tinajas grandes y boca basta hierro Cobre estaño y otras cosas a su modo y p_a_ los prinçipales alg_o_s pieças de seda y porçelanas finas y esto no delo muy Curioso p_a_ espanoles traxeron alguna loçafina y otras Cosas lo q_l_ Vendieron muy bien porque alos que aqui estamos nos sobra dineros y a los chinos les falta q Vender fueron tan engolosinados q_e_ cierto bolberan de aqui a 6. o 7. meses y traeran Cosas muy Curiosas y e mucha abundançia.

traxeron muestra de muchos generos de Cosas q_e_ ay e su trra p_a_ entender el precio en que los podran vender como es azogue, polbora pimienta Canela fina clauo acucar hierro Cobre estaño laton sedas texidos de muchos suertes y en madexas rrexalgar alCanfor loça de diferentes suertes rrica naranjas dulçes y otros mill generos y menud_a_s q_e_ no traen mas los flamencos asi mismo traxeron ymagenes de crusificos y sellos muy Curiosos en que se asentar a nro modo la Causa desta Venida demas dela ord_a_ que ellos tienen fue alg_o_s chinos q_e_ an estado entre nosotros y eran esclauos y se les dio liuertad y pasaje p_a_ su trra los q_a_les dieron notiçia, desta poblaçion ala qual podian venir con seguridad y Contratar con liuertad y Paz a entender esto vinieron Con los naujos y Cosas ya rreferidos.

ase entendido que esta gente son muy delicados e su contrat_on_. traxe y Costumbres y Cada dia se entendera mas porque ay alg_o_s V_o_s desto poblaçion q_e_ son naturales dela china de quien se etiende ques trra muy rrica y poblada y que el rrey tiene muy buena orden de guerra y sus fronteros muy fortificados con muchos fuerças y artilleria y gente, de guarniçion y Cuidado enellos dizen que desde la çiudad de Canton ques Vna delas mas fuertes poblaçiones dela maritima de trrafirme ay distançia de Camino de Vn año p_a_ llegar a paquin ques donde esta el Rey esto se entiende por trra costa a Costa y enel Cami_o_ ay muchas poblaçiones de Ciudades muy populosas pero si su mag_d_. fuese seruido se podria allanar y Conquistar con menos de 60 españoles buena gente.

Otros menudençias auia de q_e_dar Razon de Xolo se hazer porque se entenderan delo que van en estos naujos lo mas esençial delas Cosas desta trra es lo q_e_ tengo rreferido el dia de oy a Cont_o_ enella porlo mucho q_e_ promete la rr queza y contrataçiones todo sea p_a_ servir a nro s_r_.

Rel_on_ délo q traen los dos nauios q Vinieron delas yslas del poni_te_ y otros Cosas q_e_ á esto toca q_e_ se ponen p_a_ q_e_ mejor se entienda la Calidad de aquellos prouj_a_s.

448. marcos de oro de diferentes quilates.

712 p_a_s de todas suertes desedas.

312 q_e_s de canela.

22U300 p_a_s de loça fina dorada y de otras suertes.

11U300 m_a_s de algodón q_e_ cada vna vale a 2 p_a_s de oro Comun y mas.

930 a_s_ de çera q_e_ Cada a_a_ vale 15 p_o_s de oro Comun.

334 a_s_ de hilo de algodon q_e_ Cada a_a_ vale a 17. y 20 p_o_s del dho oro.

otras muchas Cosas de menudençias traen q_e_ no sea valian por no entenderselos preçios dellos.

en otro nauio q esta a la Carga, y se espera Cada dia se etiende

Vendra mucha Cantidad de todos las Cosas q_e_ estos dos naujos traxeron.

Para sus mag_d_s. En Particular ebian deaquellos prouj_a_s. muchos joyas y Coronas de oro sedas porcelana y tinajas rricas y otras Cosas muy Primas q_e_ los Prinçipales ebian en reConoçimi_o_ de su vasallaje y por premiçias deaquella trra de Presento se alistan dos naujos en que Yran 200 Soldados de socorro enel entre tanto q_e_ se adreçan mas naujos en que se entiende yra gran Cantidad de gente, segun a sonado esta bu_a_ nueua la q_l_ se ebia a su mag_d_. por dos duplicados en diferentes naujos q_e_ nra senor lleue ensaluo, de mex_o_ xj de henero 1574. a_o_s

[_Endorsed at beginning_: "Rel_on_ De Las nueuas quescriuen delas yslas del poni_te_ herDo rrequel scriu_o_ degouernaçion dellas y otros Cuyos Cartas binieron e Vno de dos nauios que partieron del puerto de manila a primero del mes de Julio de 1573. a_o_s y surgio enel puerto de Acapulco desta nueua spaña, a 15. de nouj_e_. del dho ano."]

[_Endorsed at end_: "Nuebas Delas yslas phelipp_a_s." _In another hand_: "anos 1573 y 1574 Noticias de las Yslas del poniente hoy Filipinas y de la china escritas por Hernando Requel Secretario de la Gobernacion de ellas, y otros en el año de 1573. enviadas desde Mexico el año 1574. adonde las dirigio."]

News from the Western Islands by Hernando Riquel and Others

I have always given advices of affairs hereabout, and therefore do so at the present, referring to some things which have happened since I last wrote--a letter sent by the last ships which arrived in that kingdom in the year 1570. I will mention the most notable events, leaving other and unimportant matters for other writers who may be less occupied than I; and I refer you to the captains, passengers, and other persons who go in these ships.

On the seventeenth of November of the year 1570, the governor Miguel Lopez de Legaspi left the river of Panai for Cubie. [80] According to the orders given him by his Majesty, he established a town of fifty inhabitants, to whom he allotted repartimientos of Indians, [81] with the approbation of the provincial, Fray Martin de Herrada, and of the master-of-camp and the captains.

After establishing this town [82] he returned to Panae, where, after his arrival, he remained until he prepared for the expedition to Manila--a city in the island of Luzon, and at present the principal settlement and camp of his Majesty. He set out on the sixteenth of April of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on Easter Monday. They embarked on the galley called "La Leona de España," completed in that season. On the way, they were detained thirty-two days before arriving at the said town of Manila. Before arriving there, and at about four leagues' distance, there came a spy sent by the chiefs to ascertain the purpose of the Spaniards in going thither. He was told by the governor that his purpose was one wholly of peace and friendship; and that, in order to confer about this more conveniently, and further to please the chiefs and natives, he was coming in person. The spy appeared greatly pleased at this, and then it was explained how the governor happened to go there, as has been said. He was well satisfied thereat, and, having received some presents from his Lordship, he returned to his people. The governor continued his voyage toward the port, with a mild and favoring wind. As the spy had not yet returned, the people of the town, as soon as they perceived us, commenced to set the houses on fire. As soon as the spy came, he made them put out the fire, explaining that our purpose was peaceful. They were thus reassured, and the chiefs--the aged Rraxa [Raja], Aljandora, Maguno, Marlanavay, and Salelaxa, the principal men of that land--prepared to come to receive us on the way. Raxa Soliman, through fear on account of what he did last year, did not accompany the others. When the governor learned that he did not come because of fear, he sent him by these chiefs assurance of safety. On the following day he came, but displayed continual fear. He excused himself for the past with fluency and adroitness; and, according to the reasons which he gave, there was no guilt in his actions. "As you already know, there is no king and no sole authority in this land; but everyone holds his own view and opinion, and does as he prefers. There were some persons more powerful than I, for, without license from me, they violated the peace and friendship, thus obliging me to be guilty of a lapse of duty. But if it had not been done in this wise, and they had done it with my approbation and advice, I would merit punishment. If I were king of this land, instead of being only the master of my own estate, the word I had given would not have been broken. But as this depended on the many, I could not, nor can I henceforth, do more than personally endeavor that my subjects and friends keep the peace and friendship that was established." When the governor understood the cause, he granted general pardon for the past, charging that now and in the future the promises made must be fulfilled. Therefore, in the name of his Majesty, he granted full grace. Because of these and other reasons, and by means of many presents, this Raja and all the other chiefs were satisfied, and peace was well established. A camp was formed in the land, and we have established a settlement, as well as we could; and every day more is being accomplished.

On the day of Pentecost there came to the shore of this settlement certain Moros of the region hereabout, some seventy in number, and with as many boats; they sent word to the governor that they came to fight with his troops. He replied that they must consider well what they were doing, as he was not willing to command that they be killed, or to inflict any harm upon them. On the contrary, he offered asylum and right of residence, that they might freely carry on their traffic. Many other arguments, promises, and presents were given them, and Christian exhortations made; but to no effect, for they stubbornly grew more boisterous. At this, the governor commanded that the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti, should attack them. This the latter did with exceeding promptness, taking with him such troops as he chose. They embarked on several of the ships which had been made ready, leaving orders that the soldiers whom he had designated should follow him. They proceeded to a place marked by certain estuaries, to engage the enemy in naval battle. This was done, and the enemy were completely defeated; and they surrendered after inflicting but little injury upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the great force of the enemy, and their many pieces of artillery. When they saw that they were conquered by so few Christians, they were astonished; and fear was inspired in all the natives of the country, who hold the Moros in high estimation. By this success, the country remained quiet for some time.

After this earnest efforts were made to come to friendly terms with the natives, and they were told of the treatment which had been accorded to the first ones. Several of those who had not been in this group declared that they desired no peace or friendship with the governor, or with his people; nor did they wish even to see or hear them, as no profit resulted to them thereby. On this account arguments were given pro and con; and in view of their obstinacy it was necessary to undertake to subdue them. This was done in many places, especially in a well-populated province named Panpagan [Pampanga], near this city of Manila. Demands and admonitions were given to all that they should render obedience to his Majesty. Those who refused to do so, it was necessary to fight and subdue, which was accomplished without much damage.

When the affairs of this country were in this condition, the governor heard of the arrival of two ships, the "Santiago" and the "San Juan." This caused universal satisfaction; and although the ships arrived in a bad condition, they were repaired as well as they could be, in order to make the return voyage to that Nueva Spaña. The same pleasure was experienced at the coming of Don Pedro de Luna [83] in the ship "Spiritu Santo." Of the three ships, two were despatched last year; but on account of their late departure they experienced stormy weather on the sea, and were compelled to put into port again. Accordingly, God willing, they will sail at the beginning of the month of July of this year, 1573.

On the twentieth of August of the past year, 1572, our Lord was pleased to call to Himself the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. He died suddenly, having that day arisen in good health. In his cabinet a provision of his Majesty was found, issued by that royal Audiencia during his administration, on account of the death of the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco. Therein were designated the successors of Miguel Lopez; and the office at this time fell to the treasurer, Guido de Labasaris. The authority was therefore delivered to him by the master-of-camp, his Majesty's officers, the cabildo of the city, and other officials. Everything is at peace and at his Majesty's service.

At present we reside in this city of Manila, in this island of Luzon, which is the most important of these districts. Both the former and the present governor apportioned the land, and the inhabitants thereof who were pacified. Thus as the land is subdued, it will be divided. Taxation is imposed in such a manner that every tributario must pay annually a piece of cotton cloth, which is very abundant in these islands. It must be ten [?] varas [84] in length and two varas wide. It is a thin cloth used by the natives for their clothing. Moreover, there must also be given two arrobas of rice, and one hen. It must be understood that this can be levied without difficulty, as there is an abundance thereof, and everyone possesses these articles. There are many people, so it is evident that there will be some very important repartimientos, yielding good profit.

In this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been inspected by the Spaniards, who say that the natives work them as is done in Nueva Spaña with the mines of silver; and, as in those mines, the vein of ore here is continuous. Assays have been made, yielding so great wealth, that I shall not endeavor to describe them, lest I be suspected of lying. [85] Time will prove the truth.

The natives use this gold and mix it with copper, so cleverly as to deceive the best artisans of España.

Many traders have been encountered in this land; so, it is plain, the country will have them and the best trade which has been or may be discovered in all the Yndias.

A year ago there came to the port of this city three ships from China, and to the neighboring islands five more. Those which came here brought merchandise such as is used among the Chinese, and such as they bring here ordinarily. The distance from this island to the mainland is not great, the voyage lasting about eight days.

When those ships came in sight of the port, they sent from the sea to ask for assurance of safety. The governor granted it, and they were treated very well. They brought some trifles, although but a small quantity, as the natives, with whom they come principally to trade, commonly use, and for them are brought only large earthern jars, common crockery, iron, copper, tin, and other things of that kind. For the chiefs, they brought a few pieces of silks and fine porcelain; but these goods are not especially out of the common. For the Spaniards they brought some fine ware and other articles, which they readily sold, since we who are here have plenty of money, and the Chinese need it. They are so delighted that they will surely return in six or seven months, and will bring a great abundance of many very rare articles.

They brought specimens of many kinds of goods peculiar to their country, in order to arrange the price at which they can be sold--such as quicksilver, powder, pepper, fine cinnamon, cloves, sugar, iron, copper, tin, brass, silks in textiles of many kinds and in skeins, realgar, [86] camphor, various kinds of crockery, luscious and sweet oranges; and a thousand other goods and trifles quite as many as the Flemings bring. Moreover, they brought images of crucifixes and very curious seals, made like ours. The cause of this unusual visit is that freedom, and passage to their own country, were given to some Chinese who were slaves among us; those people spread the news of this settlement, where they could come with safety and trade freely; accordingly they came, with the ships and goods to which we have already referred.

It must be understood that those people are very peculiar in their traffic, costume, and customs; every day this is more evident, since some of the inhabitants of this city are natives of China. From them it is learned that the land is very rich and thickly populated. The king is well prepared for war and the frontiers are well fortified with many forts with artillery and garrisons wherein strict watch is kept. They say that from the city of Canton, one of the strongest towns on the coast of the mainland, there is a distance of one year's travel before arriving at Paquin [Pekin], the residence of the king; this means from coast to coast of the land. There are many very populous cities on the way, but if his Majesty would be pleased So to command, they could be subdued and conquered with less than sixty good Spanish soldiers.

There are a few other small matters to be mentioned concerning Xolo, which will be made clear by what is sent in these ships. The matter most essential to this country is what I have already referred to today, regarding trade. May the good prospect of riches and traffic be all to the service of our Lord.

_Relation of what was brought by the two ships which came from the islands of the West, and other things referring thereto given that the resources of those provinces may be better understood._ [87]

448 marcos of gold, of different degrees of purity.

712 pieces of all kinds of silks.

312 quintals of cinnamon.

22,300 pieces of fine gilt china, and of other kinds of porcelain ware.

11,300 pieces of cotton cloth, each worth 2 pesos or more of common gold.

930 arrobas of wax, each arroba worth 15 pesos of common gold.

334 arrobas of cotton thread, each arroba worth 17 to 20 pesos of said gold.

Many other small articles were brought, the value of which cannot be given as it is not known.

By another ship which is now being loaded and which we expect every day, it is understood that there will come a large quantity of all the goods which these two ships have brought.

For their Majesties individually, are sent from those provinces many jewels and crowns of gold, with silks, porcelains, rich and large earthen jars, and other very excellent things which are sent by the chiefs in token of their allegiance. For the first fruits of that land two ships are being prepared in which reënforcements of two hundred soldiers will be sent. In the meantime, more ships are being prepared in which it is understood that many people will sail. This good news is forwarded to his Majesty by two duplicates in different ships, which, may it please our Lord, may arrive in safety. From Mexico, January xj, 1574.

[_Endorsed at beginning._ "Relation of the news written from the islands of the West, by Hernando Rrequel, government notary thereof, and others, whose letters came in one of two ships which left the port of Manila on the first of the month of July, 1573, and anchored at the port of Acapulco of this Nueva Spaña on November 15 of said year."]

[_Endorsed at end:_ "News of the Phelippinas Islands." _In another hand:_ "1573, 1574. Information about the Western (now Filipinas) Islands and China, written by Hernando Requel, government notary thereof, and others in the year 1573; sent from Mexico in 1574, whence he addressed them."]

Two Royal Decrees

Bestowing Titles on Manila and Luzon

Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we have been informed by the council and by the judicial and executive departments of the city of Manila, in the island of Luzon of the West, that the citizens and inhabitants of the said city have served us with much faithfulness and loyalty, and have endured great hardships; and that, after the said island was discovered and pacified, and the said city founded therein, the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (now defunct), in our name, gave to the latter the title and designation _Ynsigne e siempre leal Cibdad_, ["Distinguished and ever loyal City"], and to the said island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_ ["New Kingdom of Castilla"]; and inasmuch as supplication has been made to us, for the greater welfare of the said city and the perpetual remembrance of the services of its citizens, that we order the confirmation of the said title _Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad de Manila_, and to the said island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_, and that it might be our will that they be so designated and named, or however else might be our pleasure: now therefore, we, after careful consideration of the above, and of the good and loyal services that the said city and its citizens have rendered us, do regard favorably the above supplication; and by the present we do confirm and approve, to the said city of Manila, the title _Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad_, given it, in our name, by the said governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; and to the said island of Luzon, the said title and appellation _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_. And we do consent that the said city of Manila bear forever the designation and title _Insigne e siempre leal_, and the said island of Luzon that of _Nuevo Reyno de Castilla_, which we, by this, our decree, grant as title and appellation, with leave and permission to be so designated and called as abovesaid, and to place the same on any or all documents that are drawn up and contracted, and on all letters that are written. And we do hereby order the same, under our hand and seal, and with the confirmation of my Council of the Indies. Given at Madrid on the twenty-first day of June, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_I The King_

[_Endorsed_: "Registered."]

Granting to Manila the Office of Corredor de Lonxa for the Estates of the City

Don Felipe by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we are aware of the services which the city of Manila in the island of Luzon, entitled _el nuevo Reyno de Castilla_ ["the new Kingdom of Castilla"], and its citizens and inhabitants, have rendered us; and considering our desire for its honorable increase and colonization: it is our pleasure to bestow upon the said city of Manila, as we do, by this present, the office of _corredor de Lonxa_ [88] thereof, for the estates of the city, for such time, and no more, as may be our pleasure. And it is our wish that in said office be vested the jurisdiction and administration of the same according to and in such manner as our corredores de Lonxa have exercised and do exercise it, in the cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms and seigniories, as well as in those of our Indias, islands, and Tierra-Firme of the Ocean Sea; we will also that there be appointed for said office of corredor de Lonxa, the person or persons whom the city may see fit to appoint; and that the said person or persons through the said appointment, and by virtue of this, our decree, shall be authorized to enjoy and exercise the said office in all cases and matters pertaining to it, in such wise as the other corredores de Lonxa of the other cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms, and of our aforesaid Indias, enjoy and exercise it. And they shall enjoy the income and fees annexed and pertaining to the said office, provided that the income which said persons shall give each year be for the estates of said city, to be expended and distributed for the common welfare of the same, and not for any other thing--for which purpose we direct the present decree to be given, signed by my hand and countersigned by our secretary. Madrid, June twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_I The King_

[_Endorsed_: "Registered."]

Opinion of Fray Martin de Rada on Tribute from the Indians

Most Illustrious Lord:

Your Lordship [89] asks me to give, in writing, my opinion of affairs in this land; and to invent a remedy which shall result more to the service of God, our Lord, and of his Majesty, and to the security of the consciences of those who live in this land. I say the same that I said lately in conversation with your Lordship, when your Lordship asked me in the autumn whether it would be right that the Indians should give tribute. I told your Lordship that I had determined to call an assembly of all the religious that were in this land, so that all of us in common could discuss the affairs of the country. Until then, it did not seem to me that any change should be made, except that the Spaniards should raise tribute by similar methods to those employed farther down on the coast--namely, a small amount of rice, equivalent to seventy gantas, [90] and a piece of cloth, for each Indian giving tribute. Having assented to this--although some religious, and that rightly, have found fault with the tribute, both in the pulpit and in the confessional, and in other and private discussions--I waited until all should come here, and the conference should be called as I desired, in order that everything might be better reasoned out. Seeing now the great delay of some, and that we would have to leave this town--some alone, and others in company--have taken the opinion of all the fathers who were to be found here. They unanimously affirm that none among all these islands have come into the power of the Spaniards with just title. For, although there are many and just causes for making war on some nations or towns, no governor or captain can do so without an express mandate for it from his Majesty, excepting only that war which is waged in defense of their persons and property, others being unjustly undertaken; since neither in the first instructions that we received, nor in later ones, has his Majesty ordered us to make war on the natives of these islands. Rather did he order the contrary, in a letter that Juan de la Isla brought from his Majesty, written from the Escorial to the governor (who is now in glory), and which I saw. That letter declared that any conquest made in these islands by force of arms, would be unjust, even if there were cause for doing so. All the more unjust are these conquests that in none, or almost none, of them has there been any cause. For as your Lordship knows, we have gone everywhere with the mailed hand; and we have required the people to be friends, and then to give us tribute. At times war has been declared against them, because they did not give as much as was demanded. And if they would not give tribute, but defended themselves, then they have been attacked, and war has been carried on with fire and sword; and even on some occasions, after the people have been killed and destroyed, and their village taken, the Spaniards have sent men to summon them to make peace. And when the Indians, in order not to be destroyed, came to say that they would like to be friends, the Spaniards have immediately asked them for tribute, as they have done but recently in all the villages of Los Camarines. [91] And wherever the Indians, through fear of the Spaniards, have left their houses and fled to the mountains, our people have burned the houses or inflicted other great injuries. I omit mention of the villages that are robbed without awaiting peace, or those assaulted in the night-time. Pretexts have been seized to subjugate all these villages, and levy tribute on them, to such amount as can be secured. With what conscience has a future tribute been asked from them, before they knew us, or before they have received any benefit from us? With what right have three extortions, of large amounts of gold, been made on the Ylocos, without holding any other communication or intercourse with them, beyond going there, and demanding gold of them, and then returning? And I say the same of Los Camarines and of Acuyo, and the other villages that are somewhat separated from the Spanish settlements. In all this is it not clear that tribute is unjustly raised? Likewise he who sends them for it or orders it, as also the captain in the first place, next the soldiers and those taking part in it, and those who advise it; and those who, being able to, do not prevent it; and those who, being able to make restitution, do not do so--all these together, and each person individually, are entirely responsible for all injury. And it is the same in the villages in the neighborhood of the Spanish settlements; because, although they may have some religious instruction, and under the shelter of the Spanish are safe from their enemies, and some injuries which have been done them have been redressed, they do not fail to receive great molestation and injury through the continual presence of the Spaniards, and never-ending embarcations. Finally, they were free, and, to speak openly, not reduced to vassalage. And when base and foundation fail, all that is built thereon is defective--all the more as the Indians are not protected from their enemies, nor maintained in justice, as they should be. Many piracies go on as before, and those most thoroughly subdued suffer the worst, because, being robbed by others who are not so subject, they are given neither any satisfaction nor allowed to secure it for themselves. And there is not sufficient reason for his Majesty to have ordered that the land shall be allotted and divided into encomiendas; because his Majesty was ill informed, as appears by his own letter, since he had been assured that, without any war, they had of their own accord become his Majesty's vassals. Therefore it seems to have been entirely against his Majesty's will. If at any time we have been of opinion that the land should be allotted, as indeed it now seems to us, or likewise if the land is to be maintained, it was and is to avoid greater injury and robberies, which are committed without any remedy, when there are no repartimientos. Therefore, only one thing now works injury. We are trying to render the land orderly, and not turbulent as it was before, when no one knew anything about it. Even now some of the Spaniards treat the natives very ill. More than all, the tribute which is now raised (three maez [mace] for each Indian) is excessive, in our opinion, considering what we saw from the beginning among them and our intercourse with them, and our knowledge of their labors, and of the tools with which they cultivate the ground, and their great difficulty in supporting themselves--for they even live a part of the year on roots; and the common people can scarcely obtain a robe with which to clothe themselves. Whence it happens that, at the time of collecting the tribute, some of them demolish their houses--which at the least would be worth as much as the tribute itself, if they should be sold--and go into hiding, in order not to pay the tribute. They say that afterward they will return to build, with the labor of a month or two, another house. From others it is necessary to demand the tribute with arquebuses and other weapons, and men, in order to make them give it; and most of them it is necessary to imprison to make them provide the tribute. Therefore most of the owners of encomiendas maintain stocks, in which they keep as prisoners the chiefs or _timaguas_ [freemen] who do not supply the amount of the tribute from their slaves when they themselves cannot obtain it from the latter. Thus, considering all this and other inconveniences, that, in order not to go into greater details, I do not set down, it was the opinion of the majority of the fathers, that--even if the whole affair were justified, and the Indians maintained in peace, justice, and religious instruction--for the present, and until the Indians have other opportunities, and other and better tools to cultivate the land, and until the land is more fertile, all that is taken from each Indian, in general, above the value of one maez, in food and raiment, is cruelty, and oppresses them too heavily.

Your Lordship should consider that in Nueva España, the Indians at first gave nothing but food (then worth a great deal) and service. And all times are not alike, for now they can give little, but in course of time, the earth growing more fertile, they can give more; so that what is collected of all this that the Indians now, in strict justice, do not owe, and that which until now has been raised, has been unjustly raised, on account of the evil way in which these Indians have been conquered, and because his Majesty's orders regarding them have not been obeyed.

And because your Lordship asks my opinion as to what ought to be done, I say that, considering that the land is already subjugated and divided into repartimientos--and for many reasons which, in order not to be prolix, I omit--there is no reason to abandon it, since it is very necessary that those who reside here should be supported. Your Lordship ought, in the opinion of the majority of the captains, to send his Majesty a true, simple, and clear report, without dissimulations, of the methods that have been adopted in all this conquest; and of its present condition, and the methods adopted in collecting the tributes, so that his Majesty, as a thorough Christian, may decree what is to be done in the matter. In the meanwhile, the least amount of tribute possible should be taken for the support of all, considering that it is not owed; and those who have repartimientos should support those who have not. It seems to me that if the tributes should be regulated to the one maez of food and raiment for each Indian, which I spoke of above, there will be sufficient for both classes if our people aid themselves with other profits that may be obtained. In order that this may be collected with some tribute, your Lordship should in every way try to protect these natives, and to do them justice; and to abolish abuses and punish pirates, etc. We on our part, shall do what we can to aid them, instructing them in our holy faith. Since this is my opinion I sign it with my name. Done at San Pablo of Manila, on the twenty-first of June, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

_Fray Martin de Rrada_

[_Endorsed_: "These opinions are to be kept on file, in order that they may be passed upon by the Council."]

Reply to Fray Rada's Opinion

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Replying to the opinion that was given by the father provincial, Fray Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine, on affairs in this land, and on the raising of tribute from its natives, we confess that it was zealously done, in the service of God, our Lord, and for the security of our consciences. In this estimation we hold and repute him. But, as sometimes the very wise are misled--now through too great zeal, and again by their ignorance of some things, which if they had understood fully, they would not have been misled--we shall not fail to point out in the "Opinion," certain things which we consider harsh, harmful to this whole community, and very prejudicial to the development of this land. Taking up the principal point to be answered in the "Opinion"--namely, that his Majesty was ill informed of the affairs of this land, as thus appears by his letter which Captain Juan de la Ysla brought, we affirm that it is very erroneous. For what his Majesty says in his letter is the same of which report was made before he wrote it, and the same which was occurring when the report was made of the affairs of this land, and so to say, more clear, public, and notorious--namely, that the governor (who is now in glory), when he entered this land, entered it in peace, inviting to his friendship all the natives. Thus in the island of Ybabao which was the first of these Filipinas islands of which possession was taken, Indians came to the ships from the shore, who made friends and rendered obedience to his Majesty. These came of their own will, to make friends, and at the first, before any bartering of food and other small articles was made, and without anything of their possessions being asked. The same was done on the river Calayan, where were Captain Andres de Ybarra and father Fray Diego de Herrera. Peace was made, and nothing was asked or taken from them; and they remained friends. And although in the island of Ybabao certain Indians treacherously killed there Francisco Gomez and another Spaniard, no war was made upon them for that reason. Rather the governor was always calling for peace from all the natives of the islands where he went, without making war on anyone. So in Bohol the chiefs gave their obedience, and came to the ships of their own will. From that place a contingent was sent to Butuan to make friends with the chief. Captain Juan de la Ysla and that same father provincial went there and made friends with Limanpao, lord of Butuan. From there they went to Cubu, where they summoned and from the small boats invited the natives to make peace, proclaiming for two or three days the summons, until those natives shot arrows from the shore at those in the boats, who were continuing to summon them peaceably to make peace. Therefore father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, he who was calling upon them for peace, made a harangue to the people, saying that they were apostates, and that war could be made against them legitimately. The governor disembarked there, with the opposition of the natives. After having planted a colony there, many Indians of the neighborhood, and even those of Cubu, came in peace to render him obedience. Thus a true report was made to his Majesty, for many Indians became friendly in these islands and made submission without war being waged upon them. Nor would it have been made against any others, without first quietly and pacifically calling for peace, making much of them, and giving them clothes, articles of barter, food, and other small articles, which they asked for. If afterward any occasion arose for making war for the pacification of the friendly Indians who were disturbed by the others who were not friendly, it cannot be said on that account that a false report was made to his Majesty; for whatever was going on in the land at our arrival there has been written to him, and true reports of what has happened have always been sent him. Therefore, by the above, it is clear and manifest that true and faithful reports have been made to his Majesty.